5201 

V.  \ 


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LIFE   AJVD  TIMES 


REV.  RICHARD  BAXTER: 


A  CRITICAL  EXAMINATION  OF  HIS  WRITINGS. 


BY  REV.  WILLIAM  ORME, 

AUTHOK  OF  "THU   LIFE  OF  JOHX  OWEN,  D.D.j"  "b  I B  LI  OTH  EC  A  BIBLICA,"  ETC, 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES  VOL.  I. 


boston: 

published  by  crocker  &  brewster, 

47,  Washington  Street: 
NEW  YORK:— JONATHAN  liF.AVIT'l', 
189,  Broadway. 

1831. 


CONTENTS  TO  VOL.  I. 


CHAPTER  I.  1615—1638. 

Page 

Birth  of  Baxter — Character  of  his  Father — Low  State  of  Re- 
ligion— Baxter's  first  religious  Impressions — His  early  Edu- 
cation— Progress  of  his  Religious  Feelings — Residence  at 
Ludlow  Castle — Escapes  acquiring  a  Taste  for  Gaming — 
Returns  Home — Illness  and  its  Effects — Nature  and  Prog- 
ress of  his  Education — Its  Defects — Troubled  with  Doubts 
— Distress  of  Mind — Diseased  Habit  of  Body — Goes  to 
Court — Remarkable  Preservation — Death  of  his  Mother — 
His  Attachment  to  the  Ministry — His  Conformity — Becomes 
acquainted  with  the  Nonconformists — Ordained  to  the  Min- 
istry, ......  9 

CHAPTER  II.  1638—1642. 

Baxter  preaches  his  First  Sermon — Examines  the  Nonconform- 
ist Controversy — Adopts  some  of  the  principles  of  Noncon- 
formity— Progress  of  his  Mind — Residence  in  Bridgnorth — 
The  Et-csetera  Oath — Examines  the  subject  of  Episcopacy 
— In  danaer  from  not  Conforming; — The  Long  Parliament — 
Petition  from  Kidderminster — Application  to  Baxter — His 
Compliance — Commences  his  Labors — General  View  of  the 
State  of  Religion  in  the  Country  at  this  time — Causes  of 
the  Civil  War — Character  of  the  Parties  engaged  in  it — 
Baxter  blames  both — A  decided  Friend  to  the  parliament — 
Retires  for  a  time  from  Kidderminster,  .  .  25 

CHAPTER  III.  1642—1646. 

Baxter  goes  to  Gloucester — Returns  to  Kidderminster — Visits 
Alcester — Battle  of  Edghill — Residence  in  Coventry — Bat- 


iv 


CONTENTS  TO  VOL.  I. 


tie  of  Naseby — State  of  the  Parliamentary  Army — Consults 
the  Ministers  about  going  into  it — Becomes  Chaplain  to  Col- 
onel Whaliey's  regiment — Opinions  of  the  Soldiers — Dis- 
putes with  them — Battle  of  Langport — Wicked  Report  of 
an  Occurrence  at  this  place — The  Army  retires  to  Bridgewa- 
ter  and  Bristol — Becomes  ill — Various  Occurrences  in  the 
Army — Chief  Impediments  to  his  Success  in  it — Cromwell 
— Harrison — Berry — Advised  by  the  Ministers  to  continue 
in  it — Goes  to  London  on  account  of  his  Health — Joins  the 
Array  in  Worcesteshire — Attacked  with  violent  Bleeding — 
Leaves  the  Army — Entertained  by  Lady  Rous — Remarks 
on  his  Views  of  the  Army,  and  conduct  in  it,  .  42 

CHAPTER  IV.  1646—1656. 

The  Religious  Parties  of  the  Period — The  Westminster  As- 
sembly— Character  of  the  Erastians — Episcopalians — Pres- 
byterians— Independents — Baptists — State  of  Religion  in 
these  Parties — Minor  Sects — Vanists — Seekers — Ranters 
— Quakers — Behmenists — Review  of  this  Period,  .  67 


CHAPTER  V.  1646— -1660. 

Baxter  resumes  his  Labors  at  Kidderminster — His  Account  of 
Public  Affairs  till  the  Death  of  Charles  I. — Conduct  while 
in  Kidderminster  towards  Parliament — Towards  the  Royal 
Party — His  Ministry  at  Kidderminster — His  Employments 
— His  Success — His  Advantages — Remarks  on  the  Style  of 
his  Preaching — His  Public  and  Private  Exertions — Their 
lasting  Effects,     .  .  .  .  .  .94 


CHAPTER  VI.  1648—1660. 

The  Commonwealth — Cromwell's  Treatment  of  his  Parlia- 
ment— The  Triers — Committee  of  Fundamentals — Princi- 
ples on  which  Baxter  acted  towards  Cromwell — Preaches 
before  him — Interviews  with  him — Admission  of  the  Bene- 
fits of  Cromwell's  Government — Character  of  Cromwell — 
Remarks  on  that  Character — Richard's  Succession  and 
Retirement — The  Restoration — Baxter  goes  to  London — 
Preaches  before  Parliament — Preaches  before  the  Lord 
Mayor — The  King's  Arrival  in  London — Reception  by  the 
London  Ministers — Notices  of  various  Labors  of  Baxter 
during  his  second  residence  in  Kidderminster — Numerous 
Works  written  during  this  period — Extensive  Correspond- 
ence— Concluding  Observations,       .  .  .  126 


CONTENTS  TO  VOL.  I. 


V 


Page 

CHAPTER  VII.    16G0— 1C62. 

The  Restoration — Views  of  the  Nonconformists — Conduct  of 
the  Court  towards  them — Baxter's  desire  of  Agreement — 
Interview  with  tlie  King — Baxter's  Speech — The  Ministers 
requested  to  draw  up  their  Proposals — Meet  at  Sion  College 
for  this  purpose — Present  their  Paper  to  the  King — Many 
Ministers  ejected  already — The  King's  Declaration — Bax- 
ter's Objections  to  it — Presented  to  the  Chancellor  in  the 
form  of  a  Petition — Meeting  with  his  Majesty  to  hear  the 
Declaration — Declaration  altered — Baxter,  Calamy,  and 
Reynolds,  offered  Bishoprics — Baxter  declines — Private  In- 
terview with  the  King — The  Savoy  Conference — Debates 
about  the  Mode  of  Proceeding — Baxter  draws  up  the  Re- 
formed Liturgy — Petition  to  the  Bishops — No  Disposition  to 
Agreement  on  their  part — Answer  to  their  former  Papers — 
Personal  Debate — Character  of  the  leading  Parties  on  both 
sides — Issue  of  the  Conference,       .  .  .  156 

CHAPTER  VIII.  1661—1665. 

Baxter  endeavors  to  gain  Possession  of  Kidderminster — The 
King  and  Clarendon  favorable  to  it — Defeated  by  Sir  Ralph 
Clare  and  Bishop  Morley — Conduct  of  Sir  Ralph  Clare  to 
the  People  of  Kidderminster — Baxter's  spirited  Remonstrance 
— Insurrection  of  the  Fifth  Monarchy  Men — Baxter's  Preach- 
ing in  London — Obtains  a  License  from  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury — Attempts  to  negociate  with  the  Vicar  of  Kid- 
derminster— Treatment  of  the  People  by  the  Bishop  and 
Clergy — Baxter  entirely  separated  from  Kidderminster — 
Takes  leave  of  the  Church — Act  of  Uniformity— Its  Injus- 
tice, Impolicy,  and  Cruelty- -Its  injurious  Effects — Baxter's 
Marriage — Declaration  of  Indulgence — Death  and  Charac- 
ter of  Ash — Nelson — Hardships  of  the  Nonconformists — 
Death  of  Archbishop  Juxon — Succeeded  by  Sheldon — Act 
against  Pvivate  Meetings — Sufferings  of  the  People — Bax- 
ter retires  to  Acton — Works  written  or  published  by  him 
during  this  period — Correspondence — Occasional  Communion 
— Consulted  by  Ashley — Concluding  Memorials  of  the  year 
1665,         ......  194 

CHAPTER  IX.  1665—1670. 

The  Plague  of  London — Preaching  of  some  of  the  Noncon- 
formists— The  Five-Mile  Act — The  Fire  of  London — 
Benevolence  of  Ashurst  and  Gouge — The  Fire  advantage- 
ous to  the  Preaching  of  the  Silenced  Ministers — Conformist 
Clergy — More  Talk  about  Liberty  of  Conscience — The 


vi 


CONTENTS  TO  VOL.  I. 


Page 

Latitiulinarians — Fall  of  Clarendon — The  Duke  of  Buck- 
ingham— Sir  Orlando  Bridgman — Preaching  of  the  Noncon- 
formists connived  at — Fresh  Discussions  about  a  Compre- 
hension— Dr.  Creighton — Ministers  imprisoned — Address 
to  the  King — Nonconformists  attacked  from  the  Press — 
Baxter's  Character  of  Judge  Hale — Dr.  Ryves — Baxter 
sent  to  Prison — Advised  to  apply  for  a  Habeas  Corpus — 
Demands  it  from  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas — Behavior  of 
the  Judges — Discharged — Removes  to  Tottcridge — His 
Works  during  this  period — Correspondence  with  Owen,  227 

CHAPTER  X.  1670—1676. 

Conventicle  Act  renewed — Lord  Lauderdale — Fears  of  the 
Bishops  about  the  increase  of  Popery — Bishop  Ward — 
Grove — Serjeant  Fountain — Judge  Vaughan — The  King 
connives  at  the  Toleration  of  the  Nonconformists — Shuts  up 
the  Exchequer — The  Dispensing  declaration — License  ap- 
plied for  on  Baxter's  behalf — Pinner's  Hall  Lecture — Bax- 
ter preaches  at  different  places — The  King's  Declaration 
voted  illegal  by  Parliament — The  Test  Act — Baxter  desired 
by  the  Earl  of  Orrery  to  draw  up  new  Terms  of  Agreement 
— Healing  Measure  proposed  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
which  fails — Conduct  of  some  of  the  Conformists — Baxter's 
Afflictions — Preaches  at  St.  James's  Market  House — 
Licenses  recalled — Baxter  employs  an  Assistant — Appre- 
hended by  a  Warrant — Escapes  being  imprisoned — Another 
Scheme  of  Comprehension — Informers — City  Magistrates — 
Parliament  falls  on  Lauderdale  and  others — The  Bishops' 
Test  Act — Baxter's  Goods  distrained — Various  Ministerial 
Labors  and  Sufferings — Controversy  with  Penn — Baxter's 
Danger — His  Writings  during  this  period,  .        .  254 


CHAPTER  XL  1676—1681. 

Baxter  resumes  Preaching  in  the  Parish  of  St.  Martin — Non- 
conformists again  persecuted — Dr.  Jane — Dr.  Mason — 
Baxter  preaches  in  Swallow-street — Compton,  Bishop  of 
London — Lamplugh,  Bishop  of  Exeter — Lloyd,  Bishop  of 
Worcester — Various  Slanders  against  Baxter — Death  of 
Dr.  Manton — Pinner's  Hall  Lecture — Popish  Plot — Earl  of 
Danby — Baxter's  Interference  on  behalf  of  banished  Scots- 
men— Hungarians — The  Long  Parliament  of  Charles  II. 
dissolved — Transactions  of  the  New  Parliament — Bill  of 
Exclusion — Meal-Tub  Plot— Baxter's  Reflections  on  the 
Times — Writings — Death  of  Friends — Judge  Hale — Stubbs 
— Corbet — Gouge — Ashurst — Baxter's  Step-mother — Mrs. 
Baxter,         ......  286 


CONTENTS   TO  VOL.  1. 


Vll 


Page. 

CHAPTER  XII.  1681—1687. 

The  continued  Siifl'erings  of  Baxter — Apprehended  and  his 
Goods  distrained — Could  obtain  no  Redress — General  Suf- 
ferings of  the  Dissenters — Mayot's  Legacy — Baxter  again 
apprehended  and  bound  to  his  good  behavior — Trial  of 
Rose  well  for  High  Treason — Baxter  brought  before  the  Jus- 
tices, and  again  bound  over — His  concluding  Reflections  on 
the  State  of  his  own  Times — Death  of  Charles  II.— Fox's 
notice  of  the  Treatment  of  the  Dissenters,  and  of  the  Trial 
of  Baxter — Apprehended  on  a  Charge  of  Sedition — Brought 
to  Trial — Indictment — Extraordinary  Behavior  of  Jeffcries 
to  Baxter  and  his  Counsel — Found  Guilty — Endeavors  to 
procure  a  New  Trial,  or  a  mitigated  Sentence — His  Letter 
to  the  Bishop  of  London — Fined  and  imprisoned — Remarks 
on  the  Trial — Conduct  of  L'Estrange — Sherlock — Behavior 
while  in  Prison — The  Fine  remitted — Released  from  Prison 
— Assists  Sylvester  in  the  Ministry,  .  .  306 

CHAPTER  XIII.  1687—1691. 

Baxter's  Review  of  his  own  Life  and  Opinions,  and  Account  of 
his  matured  Sentiments  and  Feelings — Remarks  on  that 
Review — The  Public  Events  of  his  last  Years — The  Revo- 
lution— The  Act  of  Toleration — Baxter's  sense  of  the  Arti- 
cles required  to  be  subscribed  by  this  Act — Agreement  of 
the  Presbyterian  and  Independent  Ministers  of  London — Last 
Years  of  Baxter — Preaches  for  Sylvester — His  Writings — 
Visited  by  Dr.  Calamy — Account  of  his  last  Sickness  and 
Death,  by  Bates  and  Sylvester — Calumnious  Report  res- 
pecting the  State  of  his  Mind — Vindicated  by  Sylvester — 
Buried  in  Christ-church — His  Will — William  Baxter — 
Funeral  Sermons  by  Sylvester  and  Bates — Sketch  of  his 
Character  by  the  latter — Concluding  Observations  on  the 
Characteristic  Piety  of  Baxter,  .  .  .  343 


ADVERTISEMEIN  T. 


As  the  following  Memoir  of  the  Life  of  Richard  Baxter, 
the  last  labor  of  its  lamented  Author,  will  come  before  the  pub- 
lic as  a  posthumous  work,  some  account  of  the  state  in  which 
it  was  left  by  Mr.  Orme  will  not  be  unacceptable  to  the  reader. 
The  Publisher  has  a  melancholy  satisfaction  in  being  able  to 
state,  that  the  whole  of  the  Memoir  had  passed  tlirough  the 
press, — having  undergone  the  final  revision  of  the  Writer,  with 
the  exception  of  the  last  sheet  and  a  half,  when  his  fatal  illness 
rendered  him  incapable  of  any  further  literary  exertion.  The 
last  proofs  of  the  work  had  been  sent  to  him;  and  he  gladly  ac- 
cepted the  offer  of  his  friend,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Russell,  to  read  them 
for  the  press.  Anticipating  the  probable  result  of  his  illness,  he 
expressed  more  than  once  the  satisfaction  he  felt  at  having  been 
permitted  to  finish  his  task:  "I  am  glad,"  he  said,  "that  Baxter 
is  done."  The  public  at  large  will  unite  in  a  responsive  feeling, 
and  rejoice  that  he  lived  to  execute  a  literary  engagement  in 
which  he  took  so  warm  an  interest,  upon  which  he  bestowed  the 
latest  energies  of  his  mind  and  heart,  and  which  will  so  wor- 
thily associate  with  the  venerated  name  of  Richard  Baxter,  that 
of  his  able,  candid,  and  judicious  Biographer. 

London,  July,  1830. 


THE 


LIFE   AND  TIMES 

OP 

RICHARD  BAXTER. 


CHAPTER  I.     1C15— 1638. 

Birth  of  Baxter— Character  of  his  Father— Low  State  of  Religion— Baxter's  first  relisioiis 
Impressions— His  early  Education— Progress  of  his  religious  Feelings— liesidence  at  Lud- 
low Castle — Escapes  acquiring  a  Taste  for  Gaming— Returns  Home— Illness  and  its  Ef- 
fects—Nature  and  I'royressof  his  Education-Its  Defects — Trouhled  with  Doubts — Distress 
of  Mind — Diseased  Habit  of  Body — Goes  to  Court — Remarkable  Preservation — Death  of 
his  Mother— His  Attachment  to  the  Ministry— His  Cout'orniity — Becomes  acquainted  with 
the  Nonconformists— Ordained  to  the  Ministry. 

The  excellent  person  whose  life  and  writings  constitute  the  sub- 
ject of  the  following  memoirs,  was  the  son  of  Richard  Baxter, 
of  Eaton-Constantine,  in  Shropshii-e.  His  mother's  name  was 
Beatrice,  a  daughter  of  Richard  Adeney,  of  Rowton,  near 
High-Ercall,  the  seat  of  Lord  Newport,  in  the  same  county. 
At  tliis  place  Richard  Baxter  was  born,  on  the  12th''  of  No- 
vember, 1615;  and  here  he  spent,  with  his  grandfather,  the  first 
ten  years  of  his  life. 

His  father  was  a  freeholder,  and  possessed  of  a  moderate 
estate;  but  having  been  addicted  to  gaming  in  his  youth,  his 
property  became  so  deeply  involved,  that  much  care  and  frugality 
were  required  to  disencumber  it  at  a  future  period  of  his  life. 
Before,  or  about  the  time  that  Richard  was  born,  an  important 
change  took  place  in  his  father.  This  was  effected  chiefly  by 
the  reading  of  the  Scriptures,  as  he  had  not  the  benefit  of  chris- 
tian association,  or  of  the  public  preaching  of  the  Gospel.  In- 

(a)  It  seems  rather  singular  that  Baxter  should  be  guilty  of  a  mistake  respecting 
the  day  of  his  own  birth.  There  is,  however,  a  discrepancy  between  the  date  here 
given  by  himself,  and  that  in  the  parish  register.  The  following  extract  from  it, 
made  by  my  friend  Mr.  Williams,  of  Shrewsbury,  shows  that  either  Mr.  Baxter  or  the 
parish  clerk  must  have  made  a  mistake.  "Richard  Sonne  and  heyr  of  Richard  Bax- 
ter of  Ealon-l.'onsianlyne  and  Beatrice  his  wife,  baptized  Ihe  si.rtli  of  November, 
1615."  If  he  was  baptised  on  the  sixth,  he  could  not  be  born  on  the  twelfthl  But 
perhaps  sixth  is  a  mistake  in  the  register  for  sijcleentli. 
VOL.  I.  2 


10 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


deed,  the  latter  privilege  could  scarcely  then  be  enjoyed  in  that 
county.    There  was  little  preaching  ol"  any  kind,  and  that  litde 
was  calculated  to  injure,  rather  dian  to  benefit.    In  High  Ercall, 
there  were  four  readers  in  the  course  of  six  years;  all  of  them 
ignorant,  and  two  of  them  immoral  men.    At  Eaton-Constantine, 
there  was  a  readei-  of  eighty  years  of  age,  Sir  William  Rogers, 
who  never  preached;  yet  he  had  two  livings,  twenty  miles  apart 
from  each  other.    His  sight  failing,  he  repeated  the  prayers 
without  book,  but  to  read  the  lessons,  he  employed  a  common 
laborer  one  }'car,  u  tailor  another;  and,  at  last,  his  own  son,  the 
best  stage-player  and  gamester  in  all  tlie  country,  got  orders  and 
supplied  one  of  his  places.    Within  a  few  miles  round  were  - 
nearly  a  dozen  more  ministers  of  the  same  description:  poor, 
ignorant  readers,  and  most  of  them  of  dissolute  lives.''  Three 
or  foiu",  who  were  of  a  different  character,  though  all  conform- 
ists, were  the  objects  of  popular  derision  and  hatred,  as  Puritans. 
When  such  was  the  character  of  the  priests,  we  need  not  won- 
der that  the  ])eople  were  profligate,  and  despisers  of  them  that 
were  good.    The  greater  part  of  the  Lord's-day  was  spent  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  village  in  dancing  round  a  may-pole,  near 
Mr.  Baxter's  door,  to  the  no  small  distress  and  disturbance  of 
the  family. 

To  his  father's  instructions  and  example,  young  Richard  was 
indebted  for  his  first  religious  convictions.  At  a  very  early  pe- 
riod, his  mind  was  impressed  by  his  serious  conversation  about 
God  and  the  life  to  come.  His  conduct  in  the  family  also,  and 
the  manner  in  which  he  was  reproached  by  the  people  as  a  Pu- 
ritan and  hypocrite,  gave  additional  effect  to  his  conversation. 
Parents  should  be  careful  what  they  say  in  the  presence  of  chil- 
dren, as  well  as  what  they  say  to  diem;  for  if  occasional  address- 
es are  not  supported  by  a  regular  train  of  holy  and  consistent  con- 
duct, they  are  not  likely  to  p)-oduce  salutary  effect.  There  must 
have  been  some  striking  indications  of  religious  feeling  in  Baxter, 
when  a  child;  for  his  father  remarked  to  Dr.  Bates,  that  he  would 
even  then  repi  ove  the  improper  conduct  of  other  children,  to  the 
astonishment  of  those  who  heard  him.'=  The  account,  too,  which 
he  gives  of  the  early  visitings  of  his  conscience,  shows  that  some- 
thing was  operating  in  him,  the  nature  and  design  of  which  he 
did  not  then  fully  understand.  He  was  addicted,  during  his 
boyhood,  to  various  evils — such  as  lying,  stealing  fruit,  levity, 

(b)  In  his  Tliird  Defence  of  tlie  Cause  of  Pcarc,  Baxter  gives  the  names  of  all 
the  inciivifUinls  above  refcned  to,  with  additional  circumstances  of  a  disgraceful  na- 
ture in  the  histor  y  of  each.  The  statement  is  a  very  shocking  one,  even  in  the  most 
mitigated  form  in  which  I  could  present  it;  but  justice  to  Baxter  and  to  his  account 
of  the  times,  required  that  the  facts  should  not  be  withheld.  They  give  a  deplorable 
view  of  the  slate  of  the  period,  and  show,  very  powerfully,  the  necessity  of  some  of 
the  measures  which  were  pursued  at  a  future  period  for  the  purification  of  the  church. 

(c)  Funeral  Sermon  for  Baxter. 


OF  niCHARD  BAXTER. 


II 


pride,  disobedience  to  pai-ents.  These  sin?  made  him  occasion- 
ally very  uneasy,  even  in  his  youth,  and  cost  him  conslderahlc 
ti-ouhlc  to  overcome.  It  would  be  improper,  however,  to  attach 
mucli  importance  to  these  uneasy  feelings,  as  such  emotions  have 
frequently  been  experienced  in  early  life,  yet  never  followed  by 
any  evidence  of  decided  change  of  character.  It  is  only  when 
tliey  continue,  or  are  afterwards  accompanied  by  an  entire  change 
of  life,  diat  they  ought  to  he  considered  as  of  heavenly  origen. 
This  was  ha})pily  die  case  in  the  present  instance.  Baxter's 
early  impressions  and  convictions,  though  often  like  the  morning 
cloud  and  early  dew,  were  never  entirely  dissijiated;  but  at  last 
fully  established  diemselves  in  a  permanent  influence  on  his 
character.  I 

-  His  early  education  was  very^ imperfectly  conducted.  From 
six  to  ten  years  of  age,  he  was  under  the  four  successive  curates 
of  the  parish,  two  of  whom  nevci-  preached,  and  the  two  who 
had  the  most  learning  of  die  four  drank  themselves  to  beggary, 
and  then  left  tlie  place.  At  the  age  of  ten  he  was  removed  to 
his  father's  house,  where  Sir  William  Rogers,  the  old  blind  man 
of  whom  we  have  already  spoken,  was  parson.  One  of  his  cu- 
rates who  succeeded  a  person  who  was  driven  away  on  being 
discovered  to  have  officiated  under  forged  orders,  was  Baxter's 
princi}ial  schoolmaster.  This  man  had  been  a  lawj'cr's  clerk, 
but  hard  drinking  drove  him  from  that  profession,  and  he  turned 
curate  for  a  piece  of  bread.  Re  only  preached  once  in  Baxter's 
time,  and  then  was  drunk!  From  such  men  what  instruction 
could  be  expected?  How  dismal  must  the  state  of  the  country 
have  been,  when  they  could  be  tolerated  either  as  ministers 
or  teachers.  His  next  Instructor,  who  loved  him  much,  he  tells 
us  was  a  grave  and  eminent  man,  and  expected  to  be  made  a 
bishop.  He  also,  however,  disappointed  him;  for  during  no  less 
than  two  years,  he  never  instructed  him  one  hour;  but  spent  his 
time,  for  the  most  part,  in  talking  against  the  factious  Puritans. 
In  his  study,  he  remembered  to  have  seen  no  Greek  book  lai^ 
the  New  Testament;  die  only  father  was  Augustine  de  Civitat* 
Del;  there  were  a  few  common  modern  English  works,  and  for 
the  most  of  the  year,  the  parson  studied  Bishop  Andrew's  Ser- 
mons.'' 

Of  Mr.  John  Owen,  master  of  the  free-school  at  Wroxeter, 
'  he  speaks  more  respectfully.  To  him  he  was  chiefly  indebted 
for  his  classical  instruction.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  respect- 
able man,  and  under  him  Baxter  had  for  his  schoolfellows  the 
two  sons  of  Sir  Richard  Newport,  one  of  whom  became  Lord 
Newport;  and  Dr.  Richard  Allestree,  afterwards  a  distingiiislied 
loyalist,  for  which  he  was  made  Regius  Professor  of  Divinitj^, 


(<l)    Apolosry  for  tlie  Nonconformist  Ministry,  p.  58. 


12 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


at  Oxford,  and  Provost  of  Eton  College.'^  When  fitted  for  the 
University  by  Owen,  liis  master  recommended  that  instead  of 
being  sent  to  it,  he  should  be  put  under  the  tuition  of  Mr.  Rich- 
ard Wickstead,  chaplain  to  the  Council  at  Ludlow,  who  was 
allowed  by  the  king  to  have  a  single  pupil.  From  him,  as  he 
had  but  one  scholar,  to  whom  he  engaged  to  pay  particular  atten- 
tion, much  was  naturally  expected.  But  he  also  neglected  his 
trust.  He  made  it  his  chief  business  to  please  the  great  and 
seek  preferment;  which  he  tried  to  do  by  speaking  against  the 
religion  and  learning  of  the  Puritans,  though  he  had  no  great 
portion  of  either  himself.  The  only  advantage  young  Baxter 
had  with  him,  was  the  enjoyment  of  time  and  books. 

Considering  the  great  neglect  of  suitable  and  regular  instruc- 
tion, both  secular  and  religious,  which  Baxter  experienced  in  his 
youth,  it  is  wonderful  that  he  ever  rose  to  eminence.  Such 
disadvantages  are  very  rarely  altogether  conquered.  But  the 
strength  of  his  genius,  the  ardor  of  his  mind,  and  the  power  of 
his  religious  principles,  compensated  for  minor  defects,  subdued 
every  difficulty,  and  bore  down  with  UTesistible  energy  every 
obstacle  that  had  been  placed  in  his  way.  As  the  progress  of 
his  religious  character  is  of  more  importance  than  that  of  his 
learning,  it  is  gratifying  that  we  are  able  to  trace  it  very  minutely. 

The  convictions  of  his  childhood  were  powerfully  revived 
when  about  fifteen  years  of  age,  by  reading  an  old  torn  book, 
lent  by  a  poor  man  to  his  father.  This  little  work  was  called 
'Bunny's  Resolution,'  being  written  by  a  Jesuit  of  the  name  of 
Parson's,  but  corrected  by  Edmund  Bunny.''  Previously  to  this 
he  had  never  experienced  any  real  change  of  heart,  though  he 
had  a  sort  of  general  love  for  religion.  But  it  pleased  God  to 
awaken  his  soul,  to  show  him  the  folly  of  sinning,  the  misery  of 
the  wicked,  and  the  inexpressible  importance  of  eternal  things. 
His  convictions  were  now  attended  with  illumination  of  mind, 
and  deep  seriousness  of  heart.    His  conscience  distressed  him, 

til  him  to  much  prayer,  and  to  form  many  resolutions;  but 
hether  the  good  work  was  then  begun,  or  only  revived,  he 
never  could  satisfactorily  ascertain.  This  is  a  circumstance  of 
little  importance.    Regeneration  can  take  place  but  once,  but 

(c)    Allien.  Oxoii.  vol.  li.  p.  505. 

(f)  Tliis  work  was  originally  written  on  the  principles  of  Popery;  bnl  Bunny  ex- 
punged and  altered  whatever  was  unsuitable  to  the  Protestant  belief,  and  published 
it  in  an  improved  form.  The  Jesuit  was  naturally  enough  displeased  at  the  freedom 
used  with  his  work,  which  led  Mr.  Bunny  to  write  a  pamphlet  in  defence  of  his  con- 
duct. Bunny  was  a  Puritan  of  the  oldest  class.  He  was  rector  of  Bolton  Percy, 
and  enjoyed  some  other  preferments  in  the  church;  but  he  was  a  man  of  apostolic 
zeal,  aiid  travelled  much  through  the  country  for  the  purpose  of  preaching  the  gos- 
pel. He  died  in  1617.  (' Athen.  Oxon."  vol.  i.  p.  3l]l.)  The  work  edited  by  Bunny 
was  useful  to  others  as  well  as  to  Baxter.  Two  other  Nonconformist  ministers,  Mr. 
Fowler  and  Mr.  Michael  Old,  were  first  seriously  impressed  by  it;  and  Baxter  tells 
us  that  he  had  heard  of  its  success  with  others  also.  (Baxter  against  Revolt  to  a 
Foreign  Jurisdiction,  p.  540.) 


OP  niCIIAIlD  BAXTER. 


13 


more  conversions  llian  one  arc  required  in  many  an  individnars 
life.e  If  we  are  assured  tliat  the  great  change  has  really  been 
effected,  the  time  and  circumstances  in  which  it  occin-s  are  of 
small  moment. 

Another  work  which  was  very  useful  to  him  at  this  lime,  is^ 
better  known;  'The  Bruised  Reed,'  by  Dr.  Richard  Sihbs;  a 
book  which  has  passed  through  many  editions,  and  has  been 
honored  to  do  good  to  many.  Here  he  discovered  more  clearly 
the  nature  of  tiic  love  of  God,  and  of  the  redemption  of  Christ; 
and  was  led  to  perceive  how  much  he  was  indebted  to  the  Re- 
deemer. Till  these  things  are  understood,  and  their  influence 
felt,  no  man  can  be  considered  as  converted.  The  works  of 
Perkins  'On  Repentance,'  on  'Living  and  Dying  well'  and  'On 
the  Government  of  the  Tongue,'  also  contributed  to  instruct  and 
improve  him.  Thus  by  means  of  books  rather  than  of  living 
instruments,  God  was  pleased  to  lead  him  to  himself.  His  con- 
nexions with  men  tended  to  injure  and  to  stumble  him  rather 
than  to  do  him  good.  Among  the  things  he  mentions  which 
had  no  tendency  to  promote  his  spiritual  profit,  was  his  confir- 
mation by  Bishop  Morton,  to  whom  he  went  when  about  four- 
teen, with  the  rest  of  the  boys.  He  asked  no  questions,  requir- 
ed no  certificate,  and  hastily  said,  as  he  passed  on,  three  or  four 
words  of  a  prayer,  which  Baxter  did  not  understand.''  The  care- 
less observance  of  die  forms  of  religion,  whether  these  forms  be 
of  human  or  divine  ordmation,  is  never  defensible:  and  must  al- 
ways have  a  hardening  effect  on  the  mind. 

While  residing  at  Ludlow  Castle  with  Mr.  Wickstead,  he  was 
exposed  to  great  temptation.  When  there,  he  formed  an  ac- 
quaintance with  a  young  man,  who  afterwards  unhappily  apos- 
tatised, though  he  then  appeared  to  be  decidedly  religious. 
They  walked  together,  read  together,  prayed  together,  and  were 
little  separate  by  night  or  by  day.  He  was  the  first  person 
Baxter  ever  heard  pray,  extempore,  out  of  the  pulpit;  and  who 
taught  him  to  do  the  same.  He  appeared  full  of  zeal  and 
gence,  of  liberality  and  love;  so  that,  from  his  example  and 
versation  he  derived  great  benefit.  This  young  man  was  first 
drawn  from  his  attachment  to  the  Puritans  by  a  superior,  then 
led  to  revile  them,  and  finally  to  dishonor  his  profession  by 
shameful  debauchery.  Such  frequently  is  the  progress  of  relig- 
ious declension. 

During  his  short  residence  at  Ludlow  Castle,  Baxter  made  a 
narrow  escape  from  acquiring  a  taste  for  gaming,  of  which  he 
gives  a  curious  account.  The  best  gamester  in  the  house  under- 
took to  teach  him  to  play.  The  first  or  second  game  was  so 
nearly  lost  by  Baxter,  that  his  opponent  betted  a  hundred  to  one 


(g)    Luke  xxii.  32. 


(li)    Third  defence  of  Noncon.  p.  40. 


14 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


against  him,  laying  down  ten  shillings  to  his  sixpence.  He  told 
him  there  was  no  possibility  of  his  winning,  but  by  getting  one 
cast  of  the  dice  very  often.  No  sooner  was  the  money  down, 
than  Baxter  had  every  cast  that  he  wished;  so  that  before  a 
person  could  go  three  or  four  times  round  the  room  the  game 
was  won.  This  so  astonished  him  that  he  believed  the  devil 
had  the  command  of  the  dice,  and  did  it  to  entice  him  to  play; 
in  consequence  of  which  he  returned  the  ten  shillings,  and  resolved 
never  to  play  more.  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  fact  or 
of  Baxter's  reasoning  on  it,  the  result  was  to  him  important  and 
beneficial. 

On  i-efurning  from  Ludlow  Casde  to  his  father's,  he  found 
his  old  schoolmaster,  Owen,  dying  of  a  consumption.  At  the 
request  of  Lord  Newport,  he  took  charge  of  the  school  till  it 
should  appear  whether  the  master  would  die  or  recover.  In 
about  a  quai  ter  of  a  year  his  death  relieved  Baxter  from  this 
office,  and  as  he  had  determined  to  enler  the  ministry,  he  placed 
himself  under  Mr.  Francis  Garbet,  then  minister  of  Wj'oxeter, 
for  further  instruction  in  theology.  With  him  he  read  logic  about 
a  month,  but  was  seriously  and  long  interrupted,  by  symptoms 
of  that  complaint  which  attended  him  to  his  grave.  He  was 
attacked  by  a  violent  cough,  with  spitting  of  blood,  and  other 
indications  of  consumption.  These  symptoms  continued  to  dis- 
tress him  for  two  years,  and  powerfully  tended  to  deepen  his 
religious  feelings.  A  common  attendant  on  such  a  state  of  body, 
depression  of  spirits,  Baxter  also  experienced.  He  became 
more  anxious  ahout  his  eternal  welfare,  entertained  doubts  of  his 
own  sincerity,  and  questioned  whether  he  had  any  spiritual  life 
whatever.  He  complained  grievously  of  his  insensibility:  "I  was 
not  then,"  he  says,  "sensible  of  the  incomparable  excellence  of 
holy  love,  and  delight  in  God;  nor  much  employed  in  thanksgiv- 
ing and  pi  aise;  but  all  m}"  groans  were  foT  more  contiition,  and 
a  broken  hearf;  I  prayed  most  for  tears  and  tenderness." 
^Ezekiel  Culverwell's  'Treatise  on  Faith,'  and  some  other  good 
^^ms,  together  with  the  assistance  of  Mr.  Garbet,  and  other 
Kccellent  men,  wei'e  the  means  of  comforting  and  still  further 
instructing  him.  The  apparent  approaches  of  death  on  the  one 
hand,  however,  and  the  smitings  of  conscience  on  the  other, 
were  the  discipline  which,  under  gracious  influence,  produced 
the  most  valuable  results.  They  made  him  appear  vile  and 
loathsome  to  himself,  and  destroyed  the  root  of  pride  in  his 
soul.  They  restrained  that  levity  and  folly  to  which  he  was,  by 
age  and  constitution,  inclined.  They  made  this  world  appear 
to  him  as  a  carcass  without  life  or  loveliness,  and  undermined 
the  love  of  literary  fame,  of  which  he  had  before  been  ambi- 
tious. They  produced  a  higher  value  for  die  redemption  of 
Christ,  and  greater  ardor  of  devotedness  to  the  Redeemer  him- 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


15 


self.  Tlicy  led  him  to  seek  fust  tlie  kingdom  of  licavcn,  and  to 
regard  all  otlicr  things  as  of  siiboitlinato  and  trifling  ini|)ortance. 
The  man  who  experienced  such  hcnehts  from  the  divine  treat- 
ment, had  reason  to  rejoice,  rather  than  to  complain  of  it;  and 
so  did  Baxter. 

In  consequence  of  diesc  things,  divinity  was  not  merely  carried  ' 
on  with  the  rest  of  his  studies, — it  had  always  the  first  and  chief 
place.  He  was  led  to  study  practical  theology  in  the  first  place, 
in  the  most  practical  books,  and  in  a  practical  order.  He  did 
tliis  for  the  pui-pose  of  uistructing  and  reforming  his  own  soul. 
He  read  a  iliuhitude  of  the  best  English  theological  works,  before 
he  read  any  foreign  systems  of  divinity.  Thus  his  affections  were 
excited,  while  his  judgment  was  informed;  and  having  his  own 
benefit  chiefly  in  view,  he  pursued  all  his  studies  with  the  greater 
ardor  and  profit.  It  is  matter  of  regret  that  theology  is  often 
studied  more  with  a  view  to  the  benefit  of  others  than  of  the  stu- 
dent himself.  It  is  pursued  as  a  profession,  raQier  than  as  be- 
longing to  personal  character  and  enjoyment.  Hence  it  fre- 
quently produces  a  pernicious  instead  of  a  salutary  effect  on  the 
mind,  and  debases  rather  dian  elevates  the  character.  Familiar- 
ity with  divine  Uiings,  which  does  not  arise  fi-om  personal  inter- 
est in  them,  is  to  be  dreaded  more  than  most  evils  to  which  man 
is  hable. 

The  broken  state  of  his  health,  the  irregularity  of  his  teachers, 
and  his  never  being  at  any  university,  materially  injured  his 
learning  and  occasioned  lasting  regrets.  He  never  acquu'ed  any 
great  knowledge  of  the  learned  languages.  Of  Hebrew  he 
scarcely  knew  any  thing;  his  acquaintance  with  Greek  was  not 
profound;  and  even  in  La(in,  as  his  works  show,  he  must  be  re- 
garded by  a  scholar  as  litde  better  than  a  barbarian.  Of  math- 
ematics he  knew  nothing,  and  never  had  a  taste  for  them.  Of  € 
Logic  and  metaphysics  he  was  a  devoted  admirer,  and  to  them 
he  dedicated  his  labor  and  his  delight.  Definitions  and  distinc- 
tions were  in  a  manner  his  occupation;  the  quod  sit,  die  quid  ai^ 
and  quotuplex — modes,  consequences,  and  adjuncts,  were  mfc* 
vocabulary.  He  never  thought  he  understood  any  diing  till  he 
could  anatomize  it,  and  see  the  parts  distinctly;  and,  certainly, 
very  few  have  handled  the  knife  more  dexterously,  or  to  so 
\  great  an-  extent.  His  love  of  the  niceties  of  metaphysical  dis- 
j  quisition  plunged  him  very  early  into  the  study  of  controversial 
I  divinity.  The  schoolmen  were  the  objects  of  his  admiration; 
I  Aquinas,  Scotus,  Durandus,  Ocldiam,  and  theii'  disciples,  were 
the  teachers  from  whom  he  acquired  no  small  portion  of  that 
acuteness  for  which  he  became  so  distinguished  as  a  disputer, 
and  of  that  logomachy  by  which  most  of  his  writings  are  more  or 
less  deformed. 


16 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


Early  education  exerts  a  prodigious  power  over  the  future  pur- 
suits and  habits  of  the  individual.  Its  imperfections  or  pecu- 
liarities will  generally  appear,  if  he  attempt  to  make  any  figure 
in  tlie  scientific  or  literary  world.  The  advantages  of  a  univer- 
sity or  academical  education  will  never  be  despised  except  by 
him  who  never  enjoyed  them,  or  who  affects  to  be  superior  to 
tlieir  necessity.  It  cannot  be  denied,  however,  that  some  of  our 
most  eminent  men  in  the  walks  of  theology,  as  well  as  in  other 
departments,  never  enjoyed  these  early  advantages.  The  cel- 
ebrated Erasmus, — "that  great  honored  name,"  and  Julius 
Csesar  Scaliger,  had  neither  of  them  the  benefit  of  a  regular  early 
education.  As  theological  writers,  few  men,  among  our  own 
countrymen,  have  been  more  useful  or  respected  than  Andrew 
Fuller,  Abraham  Booth,  and  Archibald  Maclean,  yet  none  of 
them  received  much  education  in  his  youth.  Dr.  Carey  is  a 
prodigy,  as  an  oriental  scholar,  and  yet  never  was  twelvemonths 
at  school  in  his  life.  Among  these  and  many  other  men  of  emi- 
nence, who  never  walked  an  academic  porch,  Richard  Baxter 
holds  a  prominent  place.  In  answer  to  a  letter  of  Anthony 
Wood,  inquiring  whether  he  was  an  Oxonian,  he  replied,  with 
beautiful  and  dignified  simplicity — "As  to  myself,  my  faults  are 
no  disgrace  to  any  university,  for  I  was  of  none;  I  have  little  but 
what  I  had  out  of  books,  and  inconsiderable  helps  of  country 
tutors.  Weakness  and  pain  helped  me  to  study  how  to  die;  that 
set  me  on  studying  how  to  live;  and  that  on  studying  the  doctrine 
from  which  I  must  fetch  my  motives  and  comforts:  beginning 
with  necessities,  I  proceeded  by  degrees,  and  now  am  going  to 
see  that  for  which  I  have  hved  and  studied."' 

Academical  education  is  valuable,  when  it  excites  a  taste  for 
learning,  sharpens  the  natural  powers,  and  smoothes  the  path  of 
Ml  knowledge;  but  when  it  is  substituted  iij  after  life  for  diligent 
^  application,  and  is  supposed  to  supply  the  lack  of  genius  or 
industry,  it  renders  comparatively  little  service  to  its  possessor, 
^ose  who  have  not  enjoyed  it,  frequently  make  up  the  defi- 
<jiiency  by  the  greater  ardor  of  their  application,  and  the  power- 
ful energy  of  natural  talent.  This  was  eminently  the  case  with 
Baxter.  Conscious  of  the  imperfections  of  his  early  education, 
he  applied  himself  with  indefatigable  diligence;  and  though  he 
never  attained  to  the  elegant  refinements  of  classical  literature, 
in  all  the  substantial  attainments  of  sound  learning  he  excelled 
most  of  his  contemporaries.  The  regrets  which  he  felt  at  an 
early  period,  that  his  scholarship  was  not  more  eminent,  he  has 
expressed  with  a  great  degree  of  feeling,  if  not  with  the  highest 
poetical  elegance. 


(i)    Athen.  Ox.  vol.  ii.  1125. 


or    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


17 


"Thy  methods  cross'il  my  ways;  my  young  desire 
To  academic  glory  did  aspire. 
Tain  I'd  liave  sat  in  such  a  mirsc's  lap, 
Wliere  I  niiglil  Ioue^  have  liad  a  shiggard's  nap; 
Or  have  heeii  dandled  on  her  reverend  knees, 
And  known  by  honored  titles  and  degrees; 
And  there  have  spent  the  flower  of  my  days 
In  soaring  in  the  air  of  human  jiraise. 
Yea,  and  I  thought  it  needful  to  Ihy  ends, 
To  make  the  prejudiced  world  my  friends; 
That  so  7iiy  praise  might  go  before  thy  grace, 
Preparing  men  Ihy  message  to  embrace; 
Also  my  work  and  olliec  to  a<lorn, 
And  to  avoid  profane  contempt  and  scorn. 
But  these  were  not  ihy  thoughts;  thou  didst  foresee 
Thai  such  a  course  would  uol  be  best  for  me, 
Thou  mad'st  me  know  that  men's  conlcmpl  and  scorn 
Is  such  a  cross  as  must  be  daily  borne." 

Rcforrinc;  to  what  had  owce.  been  his  feelings,  he  expresses 
himself  with  great  indignation,  and  then  gives  utterance  to  the 
high  satisfaction  he  felt  in  the  enjoyments  God  had  bestowed 
on  him — better  far  than  tides  and  learning.^ 

"My  youthful  pride  and  folly  now  I  see. 
That  "grudged  for  want  of  titles  and  degree; 
,        That  blushed  with  shame  when  this  defect  was  known; 
And  an  inglorious  name  could  hardly  own. 
Forgive  lliis  pride,  and  break  the  serpent's  brain; 
Pluck  up  the  poisonous  root  till  none  remain. 
Honors  are  shadows,  which  from  seekers  fly, 
But  follow  after  those  who  them  deny. 
I  brought  none  with  me  to  thy  work;  but  there 
I  fountl  more  than  I  easily  could  bear: 
Although  thou  would'st  not  give  me  what  I  would, 
Thou  gavest  me  the  promis'd  hundred-fold. 
O  my  dear  God!  how  precious  is  thy  love'. 
Thy  ways,  not  ours,  lead  to  thejoys  above."  k 

During  many  of  his  early  years,  Baxter  was  greatly  troubled 
with  doubts  about  his  own  salvation.  These  were  promoted 
in  a  considerable  degree,  perhaps,  by  tlie  particular  cast  of  his 
mind,  and  the  state  of  his  body.  They  respected  various  things 
which  discover  the  imperfection  of  his  knowledge  at  the  time; 
but  which,  as  they  may  be  useful  to  others,  are  worthy  of  somg 
attention. 

He  was  distressed  because  he  could  not  trace,  so  distinctly, 
the  workings  of  the  Spirit  on  his  heart,  as  they  are  described 
by  some  divines;  because  he  could  not  ascertain  the  time  of  his 
conversion;  because  he  felt  great  hardness  of  heart,  and  a  want 
of  lively  apprehension  of  spiritual  things;  because  he  had  felt 
convictions  from  his  childhood,  and  more  of  the  influence  of 
fear  than  of  love  in  the  regulation  of  his  conduct;  and  because 
his  grief  and  humiliation,  on  account  of  sin,  were  not  greater. 
He  was  afterwards  satisfied  that  these  were  not  sufficient  or 
scriptural  grounds  for  doubting  his  personal  interest  in  the  sal- 
vation of  Christ.    He  found  that  the  mind  is,  m  general,  too 


VOL.  I. 


(k)  Poetical  Fragments,  pp.  31—33. 

3 


18 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMF,9 


dark  and  confused,  at  the  commencement  of  the  divine  work, 
to  be  able  to  attend  to  the  nature  or  order  of  its  own  operations; 
and  that  the  first  communications  of  gracious  influence,  in  most 
cases,  it  is  impossible  to  trace.  He  perceived  that,  while  in 
the  body,  die  influence  of  spiritual  and  eternal  things  is  greatly 
impeded,  or  counteracted,  in  all.  He  saw  that  education  and 
early  convictions  were  the  way  in  which  God  communicates  his 
salvation  to  many;  and  diat  the  soul  of  a  believer  is  but  gradu- 
ally delivered  from  the  safe,  though  troublesome,  operations  of 
fear,  till  it  arrives  at  the  high  and  excellent  enjoyments  of  love. 

Persons  who  are  agitated  with  perplexities  similar  to  those  of 
Baxter,  are  frequently  directed  to  means  little  calculated  to 
afford  relief.  Refined  disquisitions  on  the  nature  of  spiritual 
operation,  on  the  kind  or  degree  of  conviction  which  must  be 
possessed  at  the  time  of  conversion,  or  afterwards;  on  the  evi- 
dences of  faith  and  repentance,  are  not  much  fitted  to  remove 
the  fears  and  anxieties  of  conscience.  It  is  very  questionable, 
indeed,  whether  any  individual  will  ever  obtain  comfort  by  mak- 
ing himself,  or  the  evidences  of  personal  religion,  the  object  of 
chief  attention.  All  hope  to  the  guilty  creature  is  exterior  to 
himself.  In  the  human  character,  even  under  christian  influ- 
ence, sufficient  reason  for  condemnation,  and  therefore  for  fear, 
will  always  be  found.  It  is  not  thinking  of  the  disease,  or  of 
the  mode  in  which  the  remedy  operates,  or  of  the  description 
given  of  these  things  by  odiers,  but  using  the  remedy  itself,  that 
will  effect  a  cure.  The  Gospel  is  the  heavenly  appointed  bal- 
sam for  all  the  wounds  of  sin,  and  Jesus  is  the  great  Physician: 
it  is  to  him,  and  to  his  testimony,  therefore  as  the  revelation  of 
pardon  and  healing,  that  the  soul  must  be  directed  in  all  the 
stages  of  its  spiritual  career.  When  the  glory  of  his  character 
and  work  is  seen,  darkness  of  mind  will  be  dissipated,  the  power 
of  sin  will  be  broken,  genuine  contrition  will  be  felt,  and  joy  and 
hope  will  fill  the  mind.  It  is  from  the  Saviour  and  his  sacri- 
fice that  all  proper  excitement  in  religion  must  proceed;  and 
the  attempt  to  produce  that  excitement  by  the  workings  of  the 
mind  on  itself,  must  inevitably  fail.  Self-examination  to  dis- 
cover the  power  of  truth  and  the  progress  of  principle  in  us,  is 
highly  important;  but  when  employed  with  a  view  to  obtain 
comfort  under  a  sense  of  guilt,  it  never  can  succeed:  nothing  but 
renewed  application  to  the  cross  can  produce  the  latter  effect. 

Baxter  himself,  long  before  his  death,  arrived  at  these  very 
views.  "I  was  once,"  he  says,  "wont  to  meditate  most  on  my 
own  heart,  and  to  dwell  all  at  home.  I  was  still  poring  over 
either  my  sins  or  wants,  or  examining  my  sincerity.  But  now, 
though  I  am  greatly  convinced  of  the  need  of  heart-acquaint- 
ance and  employment,  I  see  more  the  need  of  higher  work; 
and  that  I  should  look  oftener  on  God,  and  Christ,  and  heaven, 


OF    RICHAKD  nAXTEU. 


19 


than  upon  my  own  heart.  At  home,  I  can  find  distempers  to 
trouhle  nic,  and  sonic  evidences  of  my  peace;  l)ut  it  is  above 
that  I  must  find  matter  of  delight,  nndjoy,  and  love,  and  peace 
itself.  I  would  therefore  liave  one  thought  at  home,  on  myself 
and  sins,  and  many  thoughts  above,  on  the  amiable  and  beatify- 
ing objects." ' 

But  tlie  thing  which  distressed  him  most,  and  from  which  he 
found  it  most  difficult  to  obtain  deliverance,  was  the  conviction 
that,  after  his  change,  he  had  sinned  knowingly  and  deliberately. 
Every  wilful  transgression  into  which  ho  fell,  renewed  and  per- 
petuated his  distress  on  this  account.  lie  was  led,  however,  to 
understand  that  though  divine  grace  implants  in  the  soul  enmity 
to  every  known  sin,  which  appears  in  general  in  the  superiority 
which  it  maintains  over  evil,  yet  it  is  not  always  in  such  a 
degree  as  to  resist  strong  temptation.  That  will  sometimes 
prevail  against  the  Spirit  and  the  love  of  God;  not,  however,  to 
the  extinction  of  love,  or  the  destruction  of  the  habit  of  holi- 
ness. There  is  but  a  temporary  victory:  the  bent  and  ardor  of 
the  soul  are  still  most  towards  God;  the  return  to  him  after 
transgression,  when  the  mind  has  been  humbled  and  renewed  to 
repentance,  shows  more  evidently  than  ever  the  fixed  character 
of  the  Christian:  as  the  needle  in  the  compass  always  returns  to 
the  proper  point,  when  the  force  that  turned  it  aside  is  widi- 
drawn;  and  as  the  running  stream  appears  to  flow  clearer  than 
before,  when  that  which  polluted  it  is  removed.  The  continual 
enjoyment  of  divine  strength,  and  the  actual  presence  of  spirit- 
ual motives  in  the  mind,  can  alone  preserve  it  from  the  evil  to 
which  it  is  here  exposed.  Sin  will  always  generate  fears,  which 
will  increase  in  proportion  as  it  has  been  wilful  or  persevered  in; 
so  that  the  best  way  to  keep  off  doubts  and  alarms,  and  to  main- 
tain comfort,  is  to  keep  up  obedience  and  dependence  on  God, 
or  quickly  and  penitently  to  return  when  we  have  sinned.  But 
"Who  can  understand  his  errors?  Cleanse  thou  us  from  secret 
faults:  keep  back  thy  servants  from  presumptuous  sins,  that  they 
may  not  have  dominion  over  them." 

Other  perplexities,  and  the  means  of  their  removal,  are  stated 
at  great  length,  and  with  great  minuteness,  by  him,  in  his  own 
life.  A  specimen  of  them  has  been  given  above;  and  if  these 
are  understood,  all  the  rest,  which  are  only  varieties  of  the  same 
disease  and  subject  to  the  application  of  the  same  remedy,  will 
be  sufficiently  comprehended.  As  it  is  dangerous  for  persons 
afflicted  with  nervous  disorders  to  read  medical  books,  so  those 
who  are  much  troubled  with  perplexity  about  their  spiritual  state, 
are  liable  to  be  injured,  rather  than  benefited,  by  descriptions  of 
mental  disease.    The  disquisitions  of  such  a  spiritual  metaphy- 


(I)  Life,  pnil  i  129. 


20 


THE  tIFE  AND  TIMES 


sician  as  Baxter  are  more  likely,  if  deeply  pondered,  to  perplex 
the  generality  of  Christians,  than  to  enlighten  and  comfort 
them. 

Notice  has  already  been  taken  of  Baxter's  consumptive  com- 
plaints: it  may  be  proper,  once  for  all,  to  give  some  particulars 
respecting  his  state  of  health,  which  will  save  the  trouble  of 
subsequent  repetitions,  throw  light  on  his  state  of  mind  and  pe- 
culiarities of  temper,  and  enable  us  more  correctly  to  appreciate, 
and  more  strongly  to  admu-e,  the  unconquerable  ardor  and  de- 
votedness  of  soul  which  could  accomplish  such  peculiar  labors 
with  so  feeble  and  diseased  a  body. 

His  constitution  was  naturally  sound,  but  he  was  always  very 
thin  and  weak,  and  early  affected  with  nervous  debility.  At 
fourteen  years  of  age,  he  was  seized  with  the  small  pox,  and 
soon  after,  by  improper  exposure  to  the  cold,  he  was  alfected 
with  a  violent  catarrh  and  cough.  Tliis  continued  for  about 
two  years,  and  was  followed  by  spitting  of  blood,  and  other 
phthisical  symptoms.  He  became,  from  that  time,  the  sport  of 
medical  treatment  and  experiment.  One  physician  prescribed 
one  mode  of  cure,  and  another  a  different  one;  till,  from  first  to 
last,  he  had  the  advice  of  no  less  than  thu-ty-six  professors 
of  the  healing  art.  By  their  orders  he  took  drugs  without 
number,  till,  from  experiencing  how  litde  they  could  do  for  him, 
he  forsook  them  entirely,  except  some  particular  symptom  urg- 
ed him  to  seek  present  relief  He  was  diseased  literally  from 
head  to  foot;  his  stomach  flatulent  and  acidulous;  violent 
rheumatic  headachs;  prodigious  bleedings  at  the  nose;  his  blood 
so  thin  and  acrid  that  it  oozed  out  from  the  points  of  his  fin- 
gers, and  kept  diem  often  raw  and  bloody;  his  legs  swelled  and 
dropsical,  &c.  His  physicians  called  it  hypocondria,  he  himself 
considered  it  prcemntura  senectus — premature  old  age;  so  that, 
at  twenty  he  had  the  symptoms,  in  addition  to  disease,  of 
fourscore!  To  be  more  particular  would  be  disagreeable;  and 
to  detail  the  innumerable  remedies  to  which  he  was  directed,  or 
which  he  employed  himself,  would  add  litde  to  the  stock  of 
medical  knowledge.  He  was  certainly  one  of  the  most  diseased 
and  afflicted  men  that  ever  reached  the  full  ordinary  limits  of 
human  life.  How,  in  such  circumstances,  he  was  capable  of  the 
exertions  he  almost  incessantly  made,  appears  not  a  little  myste- 
rious. His  behavior  under  them  is  a  poignant  repi'oof  to  many, 
who  either  sink  entirely  under  common  afflictions,  or  give  way 
to  indolence  and  trifling.  For  the  acerbity  of  his  temper  we  are 
now  prepared  with  an  ample  apology.  That  he  should  have 
been  occasionally  fretful,  and  impatient  of  contradiction,  is  not 
surprising,  considering  the  state  of  the  earthen  vessel  in  which 
his  noble  and  active  spirit  was  deposited.  No  man  was  more 
sensible  of  his  obliquities  of  disposition  than  himself;  and  no  man, 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


31 


pciliaps,  ever  did  more  to  maintain  the  ascendency  of  Christian 
principle  over  tlie  strength  and  waywardness  of  passion. 

We  return  to  die  regular  narrative  of  his  life.  In  1G33, 
when  he  was  in  his  eighteenth  year,  he  was  persuaded  by 
Mr.  Wickstead,  to  give  up  his  design  and  ))rcparation  for  the 
minislry,  and  to  go  to  London  and  try  his  fortune  at  court. 
His  parents,  having  no  great  desu-e  that  he  should  be  a  minister, 
advised  him  to  follow  the  recommendation  of  his  former  tutor; 
who,  in  consequence,  introduced  him  to  Sir  Henry  Newport, 
then  master  of  the  revels.  Widi  him  he  lived  about  a  month 
at  Whitehall,  but  soon  got  enough  of  a  court  life,  being  enter- 
tained widi  a  j)lay  instead  of  a  sermon,  on  the  Lord's  Day  after- 
noon, and  hearing  lilUe  preaching,  except  what  was  against  the 
Puritans.  These  were  the  religious  practices  of  the  court,  in 
the  sober  times  of  king  Charles  the  martyr,  and  furnish  us  with 
a  practical  commentary  on  the  book  of  sports.  Tired  and  dis- 
gusted with  the  situation  in  which  he  was  now  placed,  and  his 
mother  being  ill,  and  desiring  his  return,  he  left  court  and  bade 
farewell  to  all  its  employments  and  promises. 

While  in  London  at  this  time,  he  formed  an  acquaintance  with 
Humphrey  Blunden,  afterwards  noted  as  a  chemist,  and  for 
procuring  to  be  translated  and  published  the  writings  of  Jacob 
Behmen.  Blunden  was  then  apprentice  to  a  bookseller,  and 
possessed  of  considei'able  knowledge  and  piety;  to  his  letters, 
conversation  respecting  books,  and  christian  consolation,  Baxter 
was  much  indebted.  On  his  way  home,  about  Christmas,  he 
met  with  a  remarkable  deliverance.  There  was  a  violent  storm 
of  snow  succeeding  a  severe  frost;  on  the  road  he  met  a 
loaded  waggon,  which  he  could  pass  only  by  riding  on  the  side 
of  a  bank;  his  horse  slipped,  the  girths  broke,  and  he  was  throwii 
immediately  before  die  wheel.  Without  any  discernible  cause, 
the  horses  stopped  when  he  was  on  the  verge  of  destruction,  and 
thus  his  life  was  marvellously  preserved!  How  inexplicable  to 
us  are  the  ways  and  arrangements  of  Providence!  In  some 
cases,  the  snapping  of  a  hair  occasions  death;  in  other,  life  is 
preserved  by  an  almost  miraculous  interference. 

On  reaching  home,  he  found  his  mother  in  the  greatest  ex- 
tremity of  pain,  and  after  uttering  heart-piercing  groans  the 
whole  winter  and  spring,  she  took  her  departure  on  the  10th  of 
May,  1634.  Of  her  religious  character  he  says  nothing,  except 
when  noticing  the  religion  of  the  family;  from  which  we  have  rea- 
son to  believe  that  there  was  hope  in  her  end.  His  father,  about 
a  year  afterwards,  married  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas 
Hunks,  a  woman  who  proved  an  eminent  blessing  to  the  family. 
She  reached  the  advanced  age  of  ninety-six;  and  her  holiness, 
mortification,  contempt  of  the  world,  and  fervency  of  prayer,  ren- 
dered her  an  honor  to  rehgion,  and  a  pattern  to  all  who  knew  her. 


22 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


Baxter's  mind  was  now  more  than  ever  impressed  with  the 
importance  of  the  christian  ministry.  He  did  not  expect  to 
live  long,  and  having  the  eternal  world,  as  it  were,  immediately 
before  him,  he  was  exceedingly  desirous  of  communicating  to 
the  careless  and  ignorant  the  things  which  so  deeply  impressed 
himself.  He  was  very  conscious  of  his  own  insufficiency  for 
the  work,  arising  from  defective  learning  and  experience;  and 
he  knew  that  his  want  of  academical  honors  and  degrees  would 
affect  his  estimation  and  usefulness  with  many.  Believing,  how- 
ever, that  he  would  soon  be  in  another  world;  that  he  possess- 
ed a  measure  of  aptness  to  teach  and  persuade  men;  and 
satisfied  that,  if  only  a  few  souls  should  be  converted  by  his  in- 
strumentality, he  would  be  abundantly  rewarded;  he  got  the 
better  of  all  his  fears  and  discouragements,  and  resolved  to  de- 
vote himself  to  the  work  of  Christ.  So  powerful,  indeed,  were 
his  own  convictions  of  the  madness  and.  wretchedness  of  pre- 
sumptuous sinners,  and  of  the  clearness  and  force  of  those 
reasons  which  ought  to  persuade  men  to  embrace  a  godly  life, 
that  he  thought  the  man  who  was  properly  dealt  with,  and  yet 
capable  of  resisting  them,  and  persevering  in  wickedness,  fitter 
for  Bedlam  than  entitled  to  the  character  of  sober  rationality. 
He  was  simple  enough  to  think,  he  had  so  much  to  say  on  these 
subjects,  that  men  would  not  be  able  to  withstand  him;  forgetting 
the  experience  of  the  celebrated  reformer,  who  found  "that  old 
Adam  was  too  strong  for  young  Melancthon." 

Till  this  time,  he  was  a  Conformist  in  principle  and  practice. 
His  family,  though  serious,  had  always  conformed.  His  ac- 
quaintances were  almost  all  of  the  same  description;  and,  as 
Nonconformist  books  were  not  easily  procured,  his  reading 
was  mostly  on  the  other  side.  Mr.  Garbet,  his  chief  tutor,  of 
whose  learning  and  piety  he  had  a  high  opinion,  was  a  strict 
churchman;  he  supplied  him  with  the  works  of  Downham, 
Sprint,  Burgess,  Hooker,  and  others,  who  had  witten  strongly 
against  the  Nonconformists.'"  One  of  that  party  also,  Mr.  Bar- 
nel,  of  Uppington,  though  a  worthy,  blameless  man,  was  but  an 
inferior  scholar,  while  the  Conformists  around  him  were  men  of 
learning.  These  things  increased  his  prejudices  at  the  cause 
which  he  afterwards  embraced.  By  such  means  he  was  led  to 
think  the  principles  of  churchmen  strong,  and  the  reasonings  of 
the  Nonconformists  weak. 

With  the  exception  of  Hooker,  the  other  episcopal  writers 
here  mentioned  are  now  little  known  or  attended  to.  The 
'Ecclesiastical  Polity'  of  that  distinguished  man  both  super- 
seded and  anticipated  all  other  defences  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land.   In  it  the  strength  of  the  Episcopal  cause  is  to  be  found, 


(m)  Apology  for  Noncouformists,  p.  59. 


OF  niciunn  uaxtku. 


23 


and,  from  ihc  almost  superstitious  veneration  with  which  his 
name  is  invai-iably  mentioned,  by  the  highest,  as  well  as  the  more 
ordinary,  members  of  the  church,  il;  is  evident  how  nmch  im- 
portance they  attach  to  his  labors.  Of  the  man  whom  jjopes 
have  praised,  and  kings  commended,  and  bishojjs,  wiUioiit  num- 
ber, extolled,  it  may  appear  presumptuous  in  me  to  cxpiess  a 
qualified  oj)inion.  But  truth  ought  to  be  spoken.  The  praise 
of  profound  erudition,  laborious  research,  and  gigantic  powers 
of  eloquence,  no  man  will  deny  to  be  due  to  Hooker.  But, 
had  his  celebrated  work  been  written  in  defence  of  the  Popish 
hierarchy,  and  Popish  ceremonies,  the  greater  part  of  it  would 
have  required  little  alteration.  Hence  we  need  not  wonder  at 
the  praise  bestowed  on  it  by  Clement  VIII,  or  that  James  II, 
should  have  referred  to  it  as  one  of  two  books  which  promoted 
his  conversion  to  the  church  of  Rome.  His  views  of  the  au- 
thority of  the  church,  and  the  insufficiency  of  Scripture,  are 
much  more  Popish  than  Protestant;  and  the  greatest  trial  to 
which  the  judiciousness  of  Hooker  could  have  been  subjected, 
would  have  been  to  attempt  a  defence  of  the  Reformation  on 
his  own  principles.  His  work  abounds  with  sophisms,  widi  as- 
sumptions, and  with  a  show  of  proof  when  the  true  state  of  the 
case  has  not  been  given,  and  the  strength  of  the  argument  never 
met.  The  quantity  of  learned  and  ingenious  reasoning  which 
it  contains,  and  the*  seeming  candor  and  mildness  which  it 
displays,  have  imposed  upon  many,  and  procured  for  Hooker 
the  name  of  "judicious,"  to  which  the  solidity  of  his  reasonings, 
and  the  services  he  has  rendered  to  Christianity,  by  no  means 
entitle  him.'" 

About  his  twentieth  year,  he  became  acquainted  with  Mr. 
.  Symonds,"  Mr.  Cradock,"  and  some  other  zealous  Nonconfor- 

(m)  A  very  important  and  curious  note  respecting  tlie  Ecclesiastical  Polity  the 
reader  will  find  in  M'Crie's 'Life  of  Melville,'  vol.  ii.  p.  461.  Tlie  edition  of  Hooker's 
Works,  which  has  lately  issued  from  the  press  of  Holdsworth  and  Ball,  is  the  only 
correct  edition  which  has  appeared  for  many  years;  while  the  curious  notes  of 
the  editor  furnish  much  important  illustration  of  Hooker's  meaning',  as  well  as 
supply  some  of  the  arguments  of  his  adversaries,  to  which  he  often  replies  very 
unfairly. 

(n)  There  were  several  Nonconformist  ministers  of  the  name  of  Symonds;  so  that 
it  is  difficult  to  determine  to  which  of  them  Baxter  refers.  One  of  them  was  originally 
beneficed  at  Sandwich,  in  Kent,  and  went  to  London  during  the  civil  wars,  where  he 
became  an  Independent  and  a  r!a]itist,  if  we  may  believe  Edwards.  According  to 
that  abusive  writer,  he  preached  strange  things  ''for  toleration  and  liberty  for  all 
men  to  worship  God  according  to  their  consciences!"  He  appears,  also,  to  have 
been  one  of  Sn- Thomas  Fairfax's  cliaplains;  and  was  afterwai  ds  appointed  one  of 
the  itinerant  ministers  of  Wales,  by  the  House  of  Commons. — Edvard's  Gangrena, 
part  iii.  passim.  Another  Mr.  Joseph  Symonds  was  some  time  assistant  to  Mr. 
Thomas  Gataker,  at  Rotherhilhe,  near  London,  and  Rector  of  St.  iMartyn's,  Iron- 
monger-lane. He  afterwards  became  an  Independent,  and  went  to  Holland,  where 
he  was  chosen  pastor  of  the  church  at  Rotterdam,  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Sydrach  Symp- 
son.  He  preached  before  Parliament  in  KM.— Brook's  Puritans,  vol.  iii.  pp.  39,  40. 
It  is  probahle  that  one  of  these  two  respectable  men  was  Baxter's  acquaintance  at 
Shrewsbury. 

(o)  Mr.  Walter  Cradock,  a  Welchman,  on  account  of  his  Puritanical  sentiments, 
was  driven  from  the  church  in  1G34',  shortly  before  Ba.xter  became  acquainted  with 


24 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


mist  ministers,  in  Shrewsbury  and  the  neighborhood.  Their 
fervent  piety  and  excellent  conversation  profited  him  exceed- 
ingly; and  discovering  that  these  were  the  people  persecuted  by 
the  bishops,  he  began  to  imbibe  a  prejudice  against  die  hierarchy 
on  that  account;  and  felt  persuaded  that  those  who  silenced  and 
troubled  such  men  could  not  be  followers  of  the  Lord  of  love. 
Still,  when  he  thought  of  ordination  he  had  no  scruple  about  sub- 
scription. And  why  should  he?  for  he  tells  us  himself  "that  he 
never  once  read  over  the  book  of  ordination;  nor  the  half  of  the 
book  of  homilies;  nor  weighed  carefully  the  liturgy;  nor  suffi- 
ciendy  understood  some  of  the  controverted  points  in  the  thkty- 
nine  articles.  His  teachers  and  his  books  made  him  think,  in 
general,  that  the  Conformists  had  the  better  cause;  so  that  he 
kept  out  all  particular  scruples  by  that  opinion."  It  is  very  easy 
to  keep  free  from  doubts  on  any  subject,  by  restraining  the  free- 
dom of  inquiry,  and  giving  full  credit  to  the  statements  and  rea- 
sonings of  one  side. 

About  this  time,  1638,  Mr.  Thomas  Foley,  of  Stourbridge,  in 
Worcestershire,  recovered  some  lands  at  Dudley,  which  had 
been  left  for  charitable  purposes;  and  adding  something  of  his 
own,  built  and  endowed  a  new  school-house.  The  situation  of 
head  master  he  offered  to  Baxter.  This  he  was  willing  to  ac- 
cept, as  it  would  also  afford  him  the  opportunity  of  preaching  in 
some  destitute  places,  without  being  himself  in  any  pastoral  re- 
lation, which  office  he  was  then  indisposed  to  occupy.  Ac- 
cordingly, accompanied  by  Mr.  Foley,  and  his  friend  Mr.  James 
Berry,  he  repaked  to  Worcester,  where  he  was  ordained  by 
Bishop  Thornborough;  p  and  received  a  license  to  teach  the 
school  at  Dudley.  Thus  was  he  introduced  to  that  ministry, 
the  duties  of  which  he  discharged  with  so  much  diligence  and 
success  for  many  years;  which  proved  to  him  a  source  of  in- 
cessant solicitude,  and  of  many  trials;  but  its  blessedness  he 
richly  experienced  on  earth,  and  now  reaps  the  reward  in 
heaven. 

Iiim.  He  formed  an  Independent  church  at  Llanfaches,  in  Wales,  in  the  year  1639. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  active  laborers  in  the  principality  during  the  Commonwealth, 
and  procured  the  New  Testament  to  be  printed  in  Welsh,  for  the  use  of  the  common 
people.  He  died  about  IGGO,  leaving  some  sermons  and  expositions,  which  were 
collected  and  printed  in  two  vols.  8vo.  in  1800. — Brook's  Lives,  vol.  iii.  pp.  382 
—336. 

(p)  Of  Thornborough,  I  have  not  observed  that  Baxter  has  said  any  thing.  He 
lived  to  a  great  age,  dying  in  the  year  1G41,  in  his  ninety-fourth  year.  He  was  the 
author  of  a  few  pamphlets  of  a  philosophical  and  political  nature.  What  he  was,  as 
a  religious  man,  1  cannot  tell. —  IV'oud'd  Alhai.  Oxun.  (Edit.  Bliss.)  vol.  iii.  p.  3. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER.  25 


CHAPTER  11.    1G38— 1G42. 


Baxter  preaches  his  First  i?orrnnii— ICxaniines  tlic  Nmiconroriiiist  Pontrovcrsy— Adopts  some 
of  the  principles  nl"  Nonconlnrmity — Trogiess  of  liis  iiiiiul — Kesidence  in  iiridsruirlli — 'I'lie 
Kt-ca'fera  Oatli— Kxiuiiincs  llie  subject  of  Kpiscopaty — In  danger  fr(im  not  conforinini;— 
Tlie  lionc  I'arlianiont — IVtitioii  from  Kiddcrnilnstcr — Application  to  liaxtcr— His  Ciunpli- 
nnce — ('omniencos  his  Labors— (J encral  view  of  tlio  State  of  Itelision  in  the  ("ountry  at  tliis 
time— Causes  of  the  Civil  War— Character  of  the  I'arties  engaged  in  it — Baxter  lilanies 
both — A  decided  Friend  to  the  Parliament — Ketires  for  a  time  from  Kidderminster. 

Baxter  preached  his  first  public  sermon  in  the  upper  church 
of  Dudley,  and  while  in  that  parish  began  to  study  with  greater 
attention  than  he  had  formerly  done  the  subject  of  Noncon- 
formity. From  some  of  the  Nonconformists  in  the  place,  he 
received  books  and  manuscripts  which  he  had  not  before  seen; 
and  though  all  his  predilections  were  in  fiivor  of  the  church  as 
it  was,  he  determined  to  examine  impartially  the  whole  contro- 
versy. 

On  the  subject  of  episcopacy,  Bishop  Downham  had  satisfied 
him  before;  but  he  did  not  then  understand  the  distinction 
between  die  primitive  episcopacy,  and  that  of  the  church  of 
England.  He  next  studied  the  debate  about  kneeling  at  the 
sacrament,  and  was  satisfied,  by  Mr.  Paybody,  of  the  lawfulness 
of  conformity  to  that  mode.  He  turned  over  Cartwright  and 
Whitgift;  but,  having  procured  Dr.  Ames'  'Fresh  Suit  against 
Human  Ceremonies  in  God's  Worship,'  and  the  work  of  Dr. 
Burgess,  ^  on  the  other  side,  he  devoted  himself  chiefly  to  the 
examination  of  these  two  works  as  containing  the  strength  of  the 

(a)  Ames'  'Fresh  Suit.'  4lo.  1633,  Is  one  of  the  most  able  works  of  the  period, 
on  the  subject  on  which  it  treats.  Its  author  was  a  man  of  profound  Icarnino;,  great 
acutcness,  and  eminent  piet^-.  This  work  enters  very  fully  into  all  the  great 
points  relating  to  the  exercise  of  human  authority  in  the  things  of  God,  and  the  in- 
troduction of  human  customs  and  ceremonies  into  divine  worship;  and  though  not 
professedly  an  answer  to  Hooker's  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  embraces  every  thing  of 
importance  in  that  noted  work.  It  has  also  the  advantage  of  the  Polity,  in  the  higher 
respect  it  everywhere  discovers  for  the  Word  of  God.  and  tlie  decided  appeal  it  uni- 
forndy  makes  to  it.  In  a  sentence  or  two  of  the  Prel'ace,  he  gives  the  turning  point 
of  the  whole  controversy: — "The  slate  of  this  war  is  this:  wp,  as  it  l)econieth  Chris- 
tians, stand  upon  the  sufficiency  of  Christ's  institutions  for  all  kind  of  worship.  The 
word,  say  we,  and  nothing  but  the  word,  in  matters  of  religious  worship.  The  prelates 
rise  up  on  the  other  side,  and  will  needs  have  us  allow  and  use  certain  human  cere- 
monies in  our  Christian  worship.  We  desire  to  be  excused,  as  holding  them  unlaw- 
ful. Christ  we  know,  and  all  that  cometh  from  him  we  are  ready  to  embrace;  but 
these  human  ceremonies  we  know  not,  nor  can  have  any  thing  to  do  with  them. 
Upon  this  they  make  fierce  war  upon  us;  and  yet  lay  all  the  fault  of  this  war,  and  the 
mischiefs  of  it  on  our  backs.' 

(b)  The  work  of  Dr.  John  Rurgess,  to  which  the  'Fresh  Suit,'  was  a  reply,  is  his 
'Answer  to  the  reply  to  Dr.  ftlorlon's  Defence.'  4lo.  1631.  Bishop  Morton  had  writ- 
ten 'A  Defence  of  tlie  Innocence  of  the  three  Ceremonies  of  the  Church  of  England 
— the  Surplice,  the  Cross  alter  Haplism,  and  Kneeling  at  the  Sacrament.'  4lo.  1618. 
To  this  Dr.  Ames  published  a  reply.  Morton  did  not  think  proper  to  meet  Ames 
himself,  but  devolved  the  task  on  Burgess,  who  gave  hard  and  abusive  words  in 
abundance,  but  great  poverty  of  argument,  as  the  work  of  Ames  very  successfully 
shows. 

VOL.   I.  4 


26 


THE    LIFE   AND  TIMES 


cause  on  both  sides.  The  result  of  his  studies  at  this  time,  ac- 
cording to  liis  own  account,  was  as  follows: 

Kneeling  at  the  sacrament  he  thought  lawful.  The  propriety 
of  wearing  the  surplice  he  doubted;  but  was,  on  the  whole, 
inclined  to  submit  to  it,  though  he  never  wore  one  in  his  life. 
The  ring  in  marriage  he  did  not  scruple;  but  the  cross  in  bap- 
tism he  deemed  unlawful.  A  form  of  prayer  and  liturgy  he 
thought  might  be  used,  and,  in  some  cases,  might  be  lawfully 
imposed;  but  the  church  liturgy  he  thought  had  much  confu- 
sion, and  many  defects  in  it.  Discipline  he  saw  to  be  much 
wanted;  but  he  did  not  then  understand  that  the  very  frame  of 
diocesan  episcopacy  precluded  it;  and  thought  its  omission  arose 
chiefly  from  the  personal  neglect  of  the  bishops.  Subscription 
he  began  to  judge  unlawful,  and  tliought  he  had  sinned  by  his 
former  rashness;  for,  though  he  yet  approved  of  a  liturgy  and 
bishops,  to  subscribe,  ex  animo,  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  ar- 
ticles, homilies,  and  liturgy,  contrary  to  the  word  of  God,  was 
what  he  could  not  do  agam.  So  that  subscription,  the  cross 
in  baptism,  and  the  promiscuous  giving  of  the  Lord's  supper  to 
drunkards,  swearers,  and  all  who  had  not  been  excommunicat- 
ed by  a  bishop,  or  his  chancellor,  were  the  three  things  to  which 
at  this  time  he  became  a  nonconformist.  Although  he  came  to 
these  conclusions,  he  kept  them,  in  a  great  measure,  to  himself; 
and  still  argued  against  the  Nonconformists,  whose  censorious- 
ness  and  inclination  to  separation  he  often  reproved.  With 
some  of  them  he  maintained  a  dispute  in  writing,  on  kneeling 
at  the  sacrament,  and  pursued  it,  till  they  were  glad  to  let  it 
drop.  He  labored  much  to  repress  their  boldness,  and  bitter- 
ness of  language  against  the  bishops,  and  to  reduce  them 
to  greater  patience  and  charity.  But  he  found  that  what  they 
suffered  from  the  bishops  was  the  great  impediment  to  his 
success;  that  he  who  will  blow  the  coals  must  not  wonder  if 
some  of  the  sparks  fly  in  his  face;  and  that  to  persecute  men 
and  then  invite  them  to  charity,  is  like  whipping  children  to 
make  them  give  over  crying.  He  who  will  have  children, 
must  act  as  a  fadier;  but  he  who  will  be  a  tyrant,  must  be  con- 
tent with  slaves. 

It  is  gratifying  and  instructive  to  bo  furnished  with  such  an 
account  of  the  progress  of  Baxter's  mind.  It  strikingly  dis- 
plays his  candor,  and  his  fidelity  to  his  convictions.  Whether 
he  employed  the  best  means  of  arriving  at  the  truth,  may  be 
questioned;  the  shorter  process,  of  directly  appealing  to  the 
Bible,  might  have  saved  him  a  great  deal  of  labor  and  perplex- 
ity; but  this  was  not  the  mode  of  setding  controversies  then 
generally  adopted.  The  conclusions  to  which  he  came,  were 
fewer  than  might  have  been  expected,  or  than  aftcrvvards  satis- 
fied his  own  mind;  but  they  probably  prepared  him  for  further 


OF    RICIIAnn  BAXTRn. 


27 


discoveries,  jind  greater  satisfaction.  He  who  is  faitlifiil  to  that 
which  he  receives,  and  wlio  studies  to  know  the  mind  of  God, 
will  not  only  ho  made  more  and  more  acquainted  widi  it,  hut 
will  derive  increasing  enjoyment  from  following  it. 

Baxter  continued  in  the  town  of  Dudley  ahout  a  year.  Tiie 
people  were  poor  hut  tractahle;  formerly  they  were  much  ad- 
dicted to  drunkenness,  but  they  became  ready  to  hear  and  obey 
the  word  of  God.  On  receiving  an  invitation  to  Bridgnorth, 
the  second  town  in  Shropshire,  liowever,  he  saw  it  his  duty  to 
leave  Dudley,  and  to  remove  thither.  Here  he  acted  as  assist- 
ant to  Mr.  William  Madstard,  whom  he  describes  as  "a  grave 
and  severe  divine,  very  honest  and  conscientious;  an  excellent 
preacher,  but  somewhat  afflicted  with  want  of  maintenance,  but 
more  with  a  dead-hearted,  unprofitable  people."  In  this  place 
Baxter  had  a  very  full  congregation  to  preach  to;  and  -was 
freed  from  all  those  things  which  he  scrupled  or  deemed  unlaw- 
ful. He  often  read  the  Common  Prayer  before  he  preached; 
but  he  never  administered  the  Lord's  Supper,  never  baptized  a 
child  widi  the  sign  of  the  cross,  never  wore  a  surplice,  and  never 
appeared  at  any  bishop's  court.  The  inhabitants  were  very 
ignorant.  The  town  had  no  general  trade,  and  was  full  of  inns 
and  alehouses;  yet  his  labors  were  blessed  to  some  of  the  peo- 
ple, though  not  to  the  extent  in  which  they  were  successful 
in  some  other  places.  He  mentions  that  he  was  then  in  the  fer- 
vor of  his  affections,  and  never  preached  widi  more  vehement 
desu'cs  of  men's  conversion;  but  the  applause  of  the  preacher, 
was  the  only  success  he  met  with  from  most  of  the  people. 

The  first  diing  which  tried  him,  while  here,  and,  indeed, 
threatened  his  expulsion,  was  the  Et-ccctcra  oath.  This  oath 
formed  part  of  certain  canons  or  constitutions  enacted  by  a  con- 
vocation held  at  London  and  York,  in  1G40.  The  main  thing 
objected  to  in  it,  was  the  following  absurd  clause:  "Nor  will  I 
ever  give  my  consent  to  alter  the  government  of  this  church  by 
archbishops,  bishops,  deans,  and  archdeacons,  fee,  as  it  stands 
now  established  and  ought  to  stand." This  oath  was  ordered 
to  be  taken  by  all  ecclesiastical  persons  on  pain  of  suspension 
and  deprivation.  Alarmed  at  this  imposition,  the  ministers  of 
Shropshire,  though  all  friends  to  episcopacy,  appointed  a  meet- 
ing at  Bridgnorth,  to  take  it  into  consideration.  Here  the  sub- 
ject was  argued  pro  and  con  by  Mr.  Christopher  Cartwright,  a 
man  of  profound  learning,  on  the  one  side,  and  by  Baxter  on 
tlie  odier.  Baxter's  objections  to  the  oath  appeared  to  the  minis- 
ters more  formidable  than  the  answers  were  satisfactory,  so  that 
the  meeting  broke  up  in  a  state  of  great  consternation.  An  oath 
binding  fallible  men  never  to  change  themselves,  or  give  theii- 


(c)  Ncal,  ii.  203. 


28 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


consent  to  alterations  liowever  necessary,  and  including  in  an  "et 
C(eter(i"  no  body  knows  wliat,  is  among  the  greatest  instances  of 
ecclesiastical  despotism  and  folly  on  record.  A  measure  more 
ruinous  to  the  church  could  scarcely  have  been  devised. 

Its  effect  on  Baxter  was,  not  only  a  resolution  never  to  sub- 
scribe to  it,  but  a  determmalion  to  examine  more  thoroughly  the 
nature  of  that  episcopacy,  the  yoke  of  which  he  began  to  feel  so 
insupportable.  For  this  purpose  he  procin'ed  all  the  books  he 
could  get  on  both  sides,  and  examined  them  with  great  care. 
Bucer  de  Gubernatione  Ecclesiaj,  Didoclavii  Altare  Damasce- 
num,''  Jacob,'''  Parker,*"  and  Baynes,s  on  the  one  side;  and  Down- 
ham,  Hooker,  Saravia,'' Andrews,  &c.  on  the  other.  The  con- 
sequence of  these  researches,  was  his  full  conviction  that  the 
English  episcopacy  is  a  totally  d iffcrent  thing  from  die  primitive, 
that  it  had  corrupted  the  churches  and  the  ministry,  and  destroy- 
ed all  christian  discipline.'  Thus  this  Et-aetera  oath,  which 
was  framed  to  produce  unalterable  subjection  to  prelacy,  was  a 
chief  means  of  alienating  Baxter  and  many  others  from  it. 
Their  former  indifference  was  shaken  off  by  violence,  and  those 
who  had  been  disposed  to  let  the  bishops  alone,  were  roused  by 
the  terrors  of  an  oath,  to  look  about  them  and  resist.  Many 
also,  who  were  formerly  against  the  Nonconformists,  were  led  by 
the  absurdity  of  this  oath,  to  think  more  favorably  of  them;  so 
that  on  the  whole  it  proved  advantageous  ratlier  than  injurious  to 
their  cause. 

(d)  The 'Altare  Damascenum,'  is  ihe  work  of  David  Calderwood,  autlior  of  the 
'True  History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,'  and  one  of  the  objects  of  James  the  First's 
implacable  dislike.  It  was  prihlishcd  in  Holland,  in  1623,  where  the  Author  was  in 
exile,  on  account  of  his  opposition  to  the  court  and  episcopacy.  It  is  intended  as  a 
refutation  of 'Linwood's  Description  of  the  policy  of  the  Church  of  Enfjland;'  but  it 
embraces  all  the  leading  questions  at  issue  between  Episcopalians  and  Presbyterians. 
It  attracted  great  attention  at  the  lime;  so  that  king  James  himself  is  said  to  have 
read  it,  and  replied  to  one  of  the  bishops,  who  affirmed  it  would  be  answered — "What 
the  devil  will  you  answer,  man?  There  is  nothing  here  but  Scripture,  reason,  and 
the  fathers." 

(e)  Jacob  was  a  Brownist.  and  one  of  the  earliest  Independents  in  England.  The 
work  referred  to  by  I5axter,  was  probably  his  'Reasons  taken  out  of  the  VVord  of  God 
and  the  best  human  Tcsiiinonics,  proving  a  Necessity  for  reforming  our  churches  in 
England.'  160i.  It  is  written  with  very  considerable  ability;  and,  amongst  other 
things,  endeavors  to  prove  "that  for  two  hundred  years  after  Christ,  the  churches  were 
not  diocesan,  but  congregational." 

(f )  The  work  of  Parker,  'De  Politea  Ecclcsiastica  Christi,  et  Ilierarchica  opposita, 
Libri  Tres,' 4to.  1621,  was  posthumous,  the  author  having  died  in  Holland,  1614. 
He  was  a  learned  and  pious  man:  his  work  against  'Symbolizing  with  Antichrist  in 
Ceremonies,'  produced  a  great  ell'ect,  and  occasioned  much  trouble  to  the  writer. 
Parker  was,  in  sentiment,  partly  Presbyterian,  and  partly  Independent. 

(g)  Paul  Baynes  was  the  author  of 'The  Diocesan's  Trial,'  in  answer  to  Dr.  Down- 
ham's  Defence. 

(h)  Adrian  Saravia,  was  a  celebrated  scholar,  a  native  of  Iledln  in  Artois,  but  who 
lived  many  years  in  England,  and  was  one  of  the  warmest  supporters  of  episcopacy. 
He  published,  among  other  things,  a  treatise  on  'The  divers  Degrees  of  Ministers  of 
the  Gospel,'  and  a  reply  to  Beza's  tract  'De  Triplici  Episcopatu.'  He  was  one  of 
the  translators  of  the  Bible  appointed  by  king  James,  and  died  shortly  after  the  fin- 
ishing of  that  work,  in  his  eighty-second  year. — Athcn.  O.ron.  vol.  i.  p.  765. 

(i)  Baxter's  'Treatise  of  Episcopacy.' — Preface. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


29 


The  imposition  of  the  service  book  on  Scotland,  at  this  time, 
produced  j^rcat  disturbances  there  also,  and  led  the  Scots  first 
to  enter  into  a  solonui  covenant  against  Popery  and  superstition, 
and  afterwai-ds  to  march  an  army  uito  England.  The  imposi- 
tion of  ship-money,  which  occasioned  the  celebrated  resistance 
of  Hampden,  excited  great  and  general  discontent  in  England, 
and  hastened  on  those  civil  commotions  which  so  long  agitated 
the  country,  and  from  which  the  most  important  effects  arose. 

The  king  met  the  Scots  at  Newcastle,  and  after  a  time  form- 
ed an  agreement  with  them.  The  earl  of  Bridgewater,  lord 
president  of  the  Marches  of  Wales,  passing  through  Bridgnorth 
to  join  his  majesty,  was  informed  on  Saturday  evening,  that 
neither  Mr.  Madstard  nor  Baxtor  used  the  sign  of  tlie  cross;  that 
they  neither  wore  a  surplice,  nor  prayed  against  tlie  Scots.  These 
were  crimes  of  no  ordinary  magnitude  in  those  days  of  terror. 
His  lordship  told  them  that  he  would  come  to  church  on  the 
morrow,  and  see  what  was  done.  Mr.  Madstard  went  away, 
and  left  the  reader  and  Baxter  to  face  the  danger.  On  the  sab- 
bath, however,  his  lordship  suddenly  changed  his  purpose,  and 
went  to  Litchfield,  so  that  nothing  came  out  of  the  aflair.  "Thus 
I  continued,"  says  Baxter,  "in  my  liberty  of  preaching  the  Gos- 
pel at  Bridgnordi,  about  a  year  and  three  quarters,  which  I  took 
to  be  a  very  great  mercy  in  those  troublesome  times." 

The  Long  Parliament  now  began  to  engage  attention,  and  its 
proceedings  produced  tlie  most  powerful  effects  on  the  country. 
The  members  soon  discovered  their  hostility  both  to  ship-money, 
and  the  Et-ccstera  oath;  while  their  impeachment  of  Strafford 
and  Laud,  showed  their  determination  to  resist  the  civil  and  ec- 
clesiastical domination,  under  which  the  country  had  so  long 
groaned.  The  speeches  of  Faukland,  Digby,  Grimstone,  Pym, 
Fiennes,  and  others,  were  pruited  and  greedily  bought.  These 
excited  a  strong  sense  of  danger  among  the  people,  and  roused 
their  indignation  against  the  king  and  the  bishops. 

The  unanimity  of  this  celebrated  assembly  in  its  opposition  to 
prerogative  and  high-church  claims,  did  notarise  from  the  mem- 
bers being  all  of  one  mind  on  religious  subjects.  One  party  cared 
little  for  the  alterations  which  had  been  made  in  the  church; 
but  said,  if  parliaments  be  once  put  down,  and  arbitrary  govern- 
ment set  up,  every  thing  dear  to  Englishmen  will  be  lost. 
Another  party  were  better  men,  who  were  sensible  of  the  value 
of  civil  libert}^,  but  were  most  concerned  for  the  interests  of 
religion.  Hence  they  inveighed  chiefly  against  the  innovations 
in  the  church,  bowing  to  altars,  Sunday  sports,  casting  out 
ministers,  high-commission  courts,  and  other  things  of  a  similar 
nature.  And  because  they  agreed  with  the  former  party  in  as- 
serting the  people's  rights  and  liberties,  that  party  concurred  with 


30 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


tliem  in  opposing  the  bishops  and  their  ecclesiastical  proceed- 
ings. 

When  the  spirit  of  the  Parliament  came  to  be  understood, 
the  people  of  the  different  counties  poured  in  petitions  full  of 
complaints.  The  number  of  ministers  who  had  been  silenced 
by  the  bishops,  and  of  individuals  and  families  who  had  been 
banished  on  account  of  religion,  was  attempted  to  be  ascertained. 
Some  who  had  been  condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment,  after 
suffering  the  basest  indignities,  were  released  and  brought  home 
in  triumph.  Among  these  were  Mr.  Peter  Smart,j  Dr.  Leigh- 
ton,''  Mr.  Henry  Burton,'  Dr.  Bastwick,™  and  Mr.  Prynne; "  all 

( j)  Mr.  Smart,  for  preaching  a  sermon,  in  wliich  he  spoke  very  freely  against  the 
ceremonies  of  the  cimrch,  was  fined,  excommunicated,  degraded,  deprived,  and  im- 
prisoned nearly  twelve  years.  The  damage  he  sustained  amounted  to  several  thou- 
sand pounds,  for  which  he  aflerwanls  received  some  compensation  by  order  of  Parlia- 
ment. Laud  andCosius  were  liis  chief  persecutors. — Fuller's  Vlili.  J  list.  b.  xi.  p.  173. 
I;.,  (k)  "Leighton  (says  Heylin)  was  a  Scott  by  birth,  a  doctor  of  physic  by  profession, 
a  fiery  Puritan  in  faction." — Li f(;  of  Laud,  p.  126.  His  crime  consisted  in  the  pub- 
lication of  'An  Appeal  to  Parliament,  or  Sion's  Plea  against  Prelacy.'  For  this  of- 
fence he  was  condemned  to  sufler  the  loss  of  bod)  ears,  to  have  his  nostrils  slit,  his 
forehead  branded,  to  be  publicly  whipped,  fined  ten  thousand  pounds,  and  jjerpetually 
imprisoned!  When  this  sentence  was  pronounced,  Laud,  it  is  said,  took  ofi'  his  hat, 
and  gave  thanks  to  God.  The  sentence,  in  all  its  parts,  was  executed  with  shocking 
barbarity.  At  the  end  of  his  twelve  years  imprisonment,  when  set  at  liberty  by  the 
Parliament,  he  could  neither  see,  hear,  nor  walk.  'Sion's  Plea,'  is  certainly  written 
with  much  acerbity,  and  some  parts  of  it  are  liable  to  misconstruction.  When  Heylin 
alleges  that  he  incites  Parliament  "to  kill  all  the  bishops,  and  smite  them  under  the 
fifth  rib,"  he  lies  and  defames.  The  last  expression,  indeed,  occurs;  but  that  it  does 
not  refer  to  the  persons  of  the  bishops,  the  following  sentence  from  the  conclusion  of 
the  appeal  clearly  shows — "We  fear  they  (the  bishops)  are  like  pleuritic  patients, 
that  cannot  spit,  whom  nothing  but  incision  will  cure,  we  mean  of  llieir  callings,  not 
of  their  persons,  to  whom  we  have  no  ([uarrel,  but  wish  them  better  than  they  either 
wish  to  us  or  to  themselves."  (p.  113.)  Some  of  his  language  is  certainly  unguarded, 
but  in  moderate  times  would  have  been  liable  to  no  misinterpretation.  The  physician 
had,  no  doubt,  more  of  asperity  and  vindictivencss  in  his  temper,  than  his  son,  the 
amiable,  enlightened,  and  heavenly-minded  Bishop  of  Dumblane. 

(1)  Henry  IJurton  was  an  Independent,  and  originally  engaged  about  court,  when 
Charles  I.  was  Prince  of  Wales.  To  the  loss  of  his  place,  Heylin,  with  his  usual 
charity,  ascribes  his  hostility  to  the  hierarchy. — Life  of  Laud,  p.  98.  His  own  ac- 
count is  more  deserving  of  credit.  By  several  publications,  he  provoked  the  wrath 
of  the  High  Commission  Court;  but  for  one,  'For  God  and  the  King,'  he  was  senten- 
ced to  be  punished  in  a  similar  manner  to  Leighton,  and  sullVrcd  accordingly.  A 
narrative  of  himself,  which  he  published,  and  the  substance  of  which  was  reprinted 
in  the'Cong.  Mag.'  for  1820,  is  uncommonly  interesting.  If  I  may  judge  from  this  me- 
moir, and  his  'Vindication  of  the  churches  commonly  called  Independent,'  he  was  a 
man  of  piety,  talents,  and  moderation. 

(m)  Dr.  Bastwick,  a  physician  at  Colchester,  for  publishing  a  Latin  book  which  re- 
flected on  the  bishops,  and  denying  their  superiority  to  presbyters,  was  excommu- 
nicated, debarred  the  exercise  of  his  profession,  fined  one  thousand  pounds,  and  im- 
prisoned till  he  should  recant.  For  another  book,  supposed  to  be  written  by  him 
while  in  prison,  the  same  sentence  was  passed  and  executed  on  him  as  on  Burton 
and  Prynne.  Dr.  Bastwick,  I  doubt  not,  was  a  good  man;  but  his  spirit  was  very 
violent.  His  book,  'The  Utter  Routing  of  all  the  Independent  Army,'  in  which  his 
fellow-suflcrer  Burton  is  the  chief  object  of  attack,  is  shameful  for  a  Christian  to  have 
written. 

(n)  William  Prynne,  "a  bencher,  late  of  Lincoln's  Inn,"  was  the  most  extraordi- 
nary man  of  all  the  suflerers.  His  first  crime  consisted  in  writing  the  "Histriomastix, 
or  a  treatise  against  plays,  masquerades,"  (fee;  for  this  his  ears  were  cropped,  &c. 
His  second  crime  was  a  libel  against  the  bishops;  for  which  he  received  sentence 
along  with  the  other  two.  As  his  ears  had  formerly  been  cut  off,  the  stumps  were 
now  literally  sawed  off,  or  in  the  words  of  a  coarse,  humorous  epitaph  composed  for 
him,  "they  fanged  the  remnant  of  his  lugs."  He  wrote  more  books,  and  quoted  inoro 
authorities,  than  any  man  of  his  time;  and  did  much  to  expose  the  unconstitutional 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


81 


of  whom  had  been  li*eated  with  the  most  wanton  and  unmerited 
cruchy.  Acts  were  passed  against  the  High-commission  court, 
and  the  sccuhir  power  of  churchmen;  and  for  the  continuance 
of  die  parliament  till  it  should  dissolve  itself.  A  committee  was 
appointed  to  receive  petitions  and  complaints  against  the  clergy, 
which  produced  multitudes  of  petitions  from  all  parts  of  the 
country.  As  a  specimen  of  what  was  brought  in,  White,  die 
chairman,  published  'One  Century  of  Scandalous  Ministers,'  in 
which  a  most  dreadful  exposure  is  made  of  the  ignorance,  im- 
morality, and  incompetency  of  many  of  the  established  teachers. 

The  town  of  Kidderminster,  amongst  other  places,  prepared 
a  petition  against  Uicir  minister,  whose  name  was  Dance.  They 
represented  him  as  an  ignorant  and  weak  man,  who  preached 
but  once  a  quarter,  was  a  frequenter  of  alehouses,  and  sometimes 
drunk.  His  curate  was  a  common  tippler  and  drunkard,  a 
railler,  and  trader  in  unlawful  marriages.  The  vicar  knowing 
his  incompetency,  offered  to  compound  the  business  widi  the 
town.  Instead  of  his  present  curate,  he  offered  to  allow  sixty 
pounds  per  annum  to  a  preacher  whom  a  committee  of  fourteen 
of  diem  should  choose.  This  person  he  would  permit  to  preach 
when  he  pleased;  and  he  himself  would  read  prayers,  and  do 
any  other  part  of  the  parish  routine.  The  town  having  agreed 
to  this,  withdrew  their  petition. 

After  trying  a  Mr.  Lapthorn,  the  committee  of  Kiddermins- 
ter applied  to  Baxter  to  become  then-  lecturer  on  the  above 
terms.  This  invitation  is  dated  the  9th  of  March,  1640.  The 
legal  instrument  appointing  him  to  the  situation,  bears  the  date 
of  April  5th,  1641,  and  is  signed  by  about  thirty  individuals. 
He  also  received  a  very  affectionate  letter  from  a  number  of 
persons  belonging  to  the  congregation."  With  this  invitation  he 
was  very  willing  to  comply,  as,  on  various  accounts,  he  felt  dis- 
posed to  labor  in  that  place.  The  congregation  was  large,  and 
the  church  very  convenient.  The  people  were  ignorant,  rude, 
and  loose  in  their  manners;  but  had  scarcely  ever  enjoyed  any 
faithful,  evangelical  preaching.  There  was,  at  the  same  time, 
a  small  number  of  pious  people  among  them,  who  were  humble 
and  holy,  and  fit  to  assist  a  minister  in  instructing  the  rest. 
The  state  of  Bridgnorth  had  made  him  resolve  never  to  setde 
among  people  who  had  been  hardened  under  an  awakening 
ministry;  but  that  he  would  go  either  to  those  who  never  had 

and  lawless  measures  which  had  been  long  pursued  hy  ihe  bishops  and  the  court.  He 
seems  lo  have  heen  an  Erastiau  rcspcctins;  church  government.  It  is  wonderful,  that 
after  having  suflcred  so  much  from  guv<-niment  interference  in  religion,  he  should 
have  writlen  a  book  to  prove  "thai  Christian  Kings  and  Magistrates  have  authority, 
under  the  Ciospel.  to  punish  idolatry,  apostacy,  heresy,  blasphemy,  and  ohslinatc 
schism,  with  pecuniary,  corporal,  and  in  some  cases,  with  capital  punishments." — 
Alhi  n.  Ox.  ii.  pp.  311 — 327. 

(o)  All  these  documents  are  still  preserved  among  the  Baxter  MSS.  in  the  lilirary 
at  Red  Cross-street. 


32 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


enjoyed  such  a  blessing,  or  to  tliose  who  had  profited  by  it.  He 
accordingly  repaired  to  the  place,  and,  after  preaching  only  one 
day,  was  chosen  by  the  electors  nemine  coniradicente.  "Thus," 
says  he,  "I  was  brought,  by  the  gracious  providence  of  God, 
to  that  place  which  had  the  chiefest  of  my  labors,  and  yielded 
me  the  greatest  fruits  of  comfort;  and  I  noted  the  mercy  of 
God  in  this,  that  I  never  went  to  any  place  in  my  life  which  I 
had  before  desired,  or  diought  of,  much  less  sought,  till  the  sud- 
den invitation  did  surprise  me." 

His  attachment  to  Kidderminster  remained  through  all  the 
changes  of  his  future  life.  Speaking  of  it  many  years  after  he 
had  left  it,  he  says,  with  much  feeling  and  beauty, 

"But  amonp;  all,  none  did  so  much  abound 
With  fruitful  meicics,  as  that  barren  ground, 
Where  I  did  make  my  best  and  longest  stay, 
And  bore  the  heat  and  burden  of  the  day. 
Mercies  grew  thicker  there  than  summer  flowers. 
They  over-numl)ered  my  days  and  hours. 
There  was  my  dearest  flock  and  special  charge, 
Our  hearts  with  mutual  love  Thou  <lidst  enlarge: 
'Twas  there  thy  mercy  did  my  labors  bless, 
With  the  most  great  and  wondorlul  success. "p 

His  removal  to  Kidderminster  took  place  in  1 G40.  His  pre- 
vious ministry  had  been  spent,  he  tells  us,  under  the  infirmities 
already  noticed,  which  made  him  live  and  preach  in  the  con- 
stant prospect  of  death.  This  was  attended  with  incalculable 
benefit  to  himself  and  others;  it  gave  much  of  that  earnestness 
and  unction  to  his  preaching  for  which  it  was  so  eminently  dis- 
tinguished, and  without  which  no  one  will  ever  preach  with 
much  success.  His  afflictions  greatly  weakened  his  temptations, 
excited  great  contempt  of  the  world,  taught  him  the  inestimable 
value  of  time,  and  "stirred  up  his  shiggish  heart  to  speak  to  sin- 
ners with  some  compassion,  as  a  dying  man  to  dying  men." 

With  these  feelings  he  began  his  labors  in  the  place  which  his 
name  has  immortalised.  He  continued  in  it  about  two  years  at 
first,  till  the  civil  wars  drove  him  away;  and  after  his  return,  at 
the  distance  of  several  years,  he  remained  about  fourteen  more. 
Durmg  all  this  time  he  never  occupied  die  vicarage  house, 
though  authorised  to  do  so  by  an  order  of  parliament;  but 
allowed  the  old  vicar  to  live  in  it  without  molestation.  He 
found  the  place  like  a  piece  of  dry  and  barren  earth,  overrun 
with  ignorance  and  vice;  but  by  the  blessing  of  God  on  his 
labors,  it  ultimately  became  rich  in  all  the  fruits  of  righteous- 
ness. Opposition  and  ill-usage,  to  a  considerable  extent,  he  had 
to  encounter  at  the  beginning;  but,  by  patient  continuance  in 
well-doing,  he  overcame  all  their  prejudices,  and  produced  uni- 


(p)  Poetical  Fragments,  p.  3i. 


OF   RICHARD  HAXTKR. 


33 


versal  love  and  veneration.  At  one  time  tlic  ignorant  rabble 
raged  against  him  for  preaching,  as  they  supposed,  tliat  God 
hated  all  infaiitsj  because  he  had  taught  die  doctrine  of  original 
sin.  At  another  time  Uicy  actually  sought  his  life,  and  probal)ly 
would  have  taken  it,  had  they  found  him  at  die  moment  of  their 
rage;  because,  by  order  of  parliament,  the  cliurchwardens 
attempted  to  take  down  a  crucifix  which  was  in  the  church- 
yard. His  character  was  slandered  by  a  false  rejiort  of  a 
drunken  beggar,  which  all  who  disliked  him  and  his  fidelity 
chose  to  believe  and  to  propagate;  but  none  of  these  things 
moved  him,  or  diminished  the  ardor  of  his  zeal  to  do  good  to 
die  unthankful  and  die  unholy. 

The  nature  and  success  of  Baxter's  ministry  at  Kiddermin- 
ster will  be  noticed  widi  more  propriety  when  we  come  to  the 
period  of  his  second  residence.  In  the  mean  time,  we  must 
advert  to  the  civil  commotions  in  which  the  country  was  involved, 
and  which,  more  or  less,  implicated  all  who  were  placed  in  pub- 
lic situations.  To  understand  the  nature  of  those  commotions, 
and  the  part  which  Baxter  took  in  them,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
advert  to  the  state  of  religion  in  the  country  at  large;  without 
a  knowledge  of  which,  it  is  impossible  to  form  a  correct  opinion 
of  the  disastrous  circumstances  which  produced  so  much  mis- 
ery, and  have  occasioned  so  much  misrepresentation. 

It  has  often  been  alleged,  that  the  civil  convulsions  of  the 
country  were  chiefly  promoted  by  the  Puritanical  sticklers  for 
presbyterianism  and  independency;  who,  instigated  by  hatred 
of  die  episcopal  hierarchy,  were  determined  to  accomplish  its 
overthrow.  Nodiing  can  be  more  erroneous,  as  the  following 
account,  dra\ra  up  by  Baxter  many  years  afterwards,  with  great 
candor  and  clearness,  fully  shows.  It  gives  a  most  melancholy 
view  of  the  wretched  condition  of  religion  in  England,  before 
and  at  the  commencement  of  the  wars,  and  very  naturally  ac- 
counts for  the  turn  which  affairs  took  during  their  progress,  by 
which  the  whole  ecclesiastical  system  was  finally  reduced  to 
ruin.  It  shows  that  the  number  of  Nonconformists  at  the  com- 
mencement of  die  civil  troubles  was  so  very  small,  that  they 
could  have  excited  no  disturbance,  had  they  even  wished  to  do 
it;  and  that  the  chief  cause  of  their  increase  was  the  injurious 
treatment  they  experienced  from  the  bishops  and  their  officers. 

"Where  I  was  bred,  before  1G40,  which  was  in  divers  places, 
I  knew  not  one  presbyterian  clergyman  or  layman,  and  but  three 
or  four  nonconforming  ministers.  Till  Mr.  Ball  wrote  in  favor 
of  the  liturgy,  and  against  Canne,  Allen,  &c.,  and  till  Mr.  Bur- 
ton published  his  'Protestation  Protested,'  I  never  thought  what 
presbytery  or  independency  was,  nor  ever  spake  widi  a  man  who 
seemed  to  know  it.  In  the  place  where  I  first  lived,  and  the 
country  about,  the  people  were  of  two  sorts.    The  generality 

VOL.  I,  5 


34 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


seemed  to  mind  nothing  seriously,  but  the  body  and  the  world: 
they  went  to  church,  and  could  answer  the  parson  in  responses, 
and  thence  to  dinner,  and  tlien  to  play.  They  never  prayed  in 
their  families;  but  some  of  them,  on  going  to  bed  would  say 
over  the  creed  and  the  Lord's  prayer,  and  some  of  them  the 
Hail  Mary.  They  read  not  the  Scriptures,  nor  any  good  book 
or  catechism:  few  of  them  indeed  could  read,  or  had,  a  Bible. 
They  were  of  two  ranks;  the  greater  part  were  good  husbands, 
as  they  called  them,  and  ramded  nothing  but  their  business  or 
interest  in  the  world:  the  rest  were  drunkards.  Most  were 
swearers,  though  they  were  not  all  equally  gross;  both  sorts 
seemed  utter  strangers  to  any  more  of  religion  than  I  have 
named,  though  some  hated  it  more  than  others. 

"The  other  sort  were  such  as  had  their  consciences  awak- 
ened to  some  regard  for  God  and  their  everlasting  state,  and, 
according  to  the  various  measures  of  their  understanding,  did 
speak  and  live  as  serious  in  the  christian  faith,  and  would  inquire 
what  was  duty,  and  what  was  sin,  and  how  to  please  God  and 
make  sure  of  salvation;  and  make  this  their  business  and  inter- 
est, as  the  rest  did  the  world.  They  read  the  Scriptures,  and 
such  books  as  'The  Practice  of  Piety,'  'Dent's  Plain  Man's 
Pathway,'  and  'Dod  on  the  commandments,'  &,c.  They  used 
to  pray  in  theii'  families,  and  alone;  some  with  the  book,  and 
some  without.  They  would  not  swear,  nor  curse,  nor  take 
God's  name  lightly.  They  would  go  to  the  next  parish  church 
to  hear  a  sermon  when  they  had  none  at  their  own;  and  would 
read  the  Scriptures  on  the  Lord's  day,  when  others  were  play- 
ing. There  were,  where  I  lived,  about  the  number  of  two  or 
three  families  in  twenty,  which,  by  the  rest  were  called  Puri- 
tans, and  derided  as  hypocrites  and  precisians,  that  would  take 
on  them  to  be  holy;  yet  hardly  one,  if  any,  of  them  ever  scru- 
pled conformity;  and  they  were  godly,  conformable  ministers 
whom  they  went  from  home  to  hear.  These  ministers  being 
the  ablest  preachers,  and  men  of  serious  piety,  were  also  the 
objects  of  vulgar  obloquy,  as  Puritans  and  precisians. 

"This  being  the  condition  of  the  vulgar  where  1  was,  when  I 
came  into  the  acquaintance  of  many  persons  of  honor,  and  power, 
and  reputed  learning,  I  found  the  same  seriousness  in  religion 
as  in  some  few  before  described,  and  the  same  daily  scorn  of 
that  sort  ^  men  in  others,  but  differently  clothed;  for  these 
would  talk  more  bitterly,  but  yet  with  a  greater  show  of  reason, 
against  the  other,  than  the  ignorant  country  people  did.  They 
would,  also,  sometimes  talk  of  certain  opinions  in  religion,  and 
some  of  them  would  use  part  of  the  common  prayer  in  their 
houses;  others  of  them  would  swear,  though  seldom,  and  these 
small  oaths,  and  lived  soberly  and  civilly.  But  serious  talk  of 
God  or  godliness,  or  that  which  tended  to  search  and  reform 


OP  niniARn  daxti-.u. 


35 


tiie  heart  and  life,  and  prepare  for  the  life  to  come,  tlicy  would 
at  least  he  very  averse  to  hear,  if  not  deride  as  puritanical. 

"This  heins  the  fundamental  division,  some  of  those  who 
were  called  Puritans  and  liypoci-ites,  for  not  being  hyjjocrites, 
but  serious  in  the  religion  they  professed,  would  sometimes 
get  togctlier;  and,  as  drunkards  '"'d  sporters  would  meet  to 
drink  and  play,  they  would,  in  some  very  few  places  where 
there  were  many  of  them,  meet  after  sermon  on  the  Lord's 
days,  to  repeat  the  sermon,  and  sing  a  })salm,  and  pray.  For 
tliis,  and  for  going  from  their  own  parish  churches,  they  were 
first  envied  by  the  readers  and  dry  teachers,  whom  diey  some- 
times went  from,  and  next  prosecuted  by  apparitors,  officials, 
archdeacons,  commissaries,  chancellors,  and  other  episcopal 
instruments.  In  former  times  there  had  been  divers  presbyte- 
rian  Nonconformists,  who  earnestly  pleaded  for  parish  disci- 
pline: to  subdue  whom,  divers  canons  were  made,  which  served 
the  turn  against  these  meetings  of  the  conformable  Pi4ritans, 
and  against  going  from  iheir  own  parish  churches,  though  the 
old  Presbyterians  were  dead,  and  very  few  succeeded  them. 
About  as  many  Nonconformists  as  counties  were  left;  and  those 
few  stuck  most  at  subscription  and  ceremonies,  which  were  the 
hindrance  of  their  ministry,  and  but  few  of  them  studied,  or 
understood,  the  Presbyterian  or  Independent,  disciplinary  causes. 

"But  when  these  conformable  Puritans  were  thus  prosecuted, 
it  bred  in  them  hard  thoughts  of  bishops  and  their  courts,  as 
enemies  to  serious  piety,  and  persecutors  of  that  which  they 
should  promote.  Suffering  induced  diis  opinion  and  aversion; 
and  the  ungodly  rabble  rejoiced  at  their  troubles,  and  applauded 
the  bishops  for  It,  and  were  everywhere  ready  to  set  the  appa- 
ritors on  them,  or  to  ask  them,  'Are  you  holler  and  wiser  than 
the  bishops?'  So  that  by  this  time  the  Puritans  took  the  bishops 
to  be  captains;  and  the  chancellors,  archdeacons,  commissaries, 
officials,  and  apparitors,  their  officers,  and  the  enemies  of 
serious  godliness;  and  the  vicious  rabble  to  be  as  their  army  to 
suppress  true  conscientious  obedience  to  God,  and  care  of  men's 
salvation.  The  censured  clergy  and  officers,  on  the  other  hand, 
took  the  censurers  to  be  schismatics,  and  enemies  to  the  church, 
unfit  to  be  endured,  and  fit  to  be  prosecuted  with  reproach  and 
punishment;  so  that  the  said  Puritans  took  it  to  be  but  the  com- 
mon enmity  that,  since  Cain's  days,  hath  been  in  the  world, 
between  the  serpent's  and  the  woman's  seed.  When  the  per- 
sons of  bishops,  chancellors,  officials,  apparitors,  fee,  were 
come  under  such  repute,  it  is  easy  to  believe  what  would  be 
said  against  their  office.  And  the  more  the  bishops  thought  to 
cure  this  by  punishment,  the  more  they  increased  the  opinion 
that  they  were  persecuting  enemies  of  godliness,  and  the  cap- 
tains of  the  profane. 


3G 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


"When  such  sinful  beginnings  had  prepared  men,  the  civil 
contentions  arising,  those  called  Puritans,  wore  mostly  against 
that  side  to  which  they  saw  the  bishops  and  their  neighbors 
enemies.  And  they  were  for  their  punishment  the  more,  be- 
cause it  seemed  desirable  to  reform  the  bishops,  and  restore  the 
liberty  of  those  whom  they  prosecuted  lor  the  manner  of  their 
serving  God.  Yet  they  desired,  wherever  I  was,  to  have  lived 
peaceably  at  home;  but  the  drunkards  and  rabble  that  formerly 
hated  them,  when  they  saw  the  war  beginning,  grew  enraged:  for 
if  a  man  did  but  pray  and  sing  a  psalm  in  his  house,  they  would 
cry,  'Down  with  the  Roundheads!'  (a  word  then  new  made  for 
them,)  and  put  them  in  fear  of  sudden  violence.  Afterwards 
they  brought  the  King's  soldiers  to  plunder  them  of  their  goods, 
which  made  them  fain  to  run  into  holes  to  hide  their  persons: 
and  when  their  goods  were  gone,  and  their  lives  in  continual 
danger,  they  were  forced  to  fly  for  food  and  shelter.  To  go 
among  those  that  hated  them,  they  durst  not,  when  they  could 
not  dwell  among  such  at  home.  And  thus  thousands  ran  into 
the  parliament's  garrisons,  and,  having  nothing  there  to  live  upon, 
became  soldiers."'' 

The  circumstances  which  led  to  an  open  rupture  between  the 
king  and  his  parliament,  Baxter  regarded  as  attaching  blame  to 
both  parties.  The  people  who  adhered  to  the  Parliament,  he 
alleges,  were  indiscreet  and  clamorous,  and,  in  some  instances, 
proceeded  to  open  acts  of  violence.  Some  members  of  the  House 
themselves  were  imprudent,  and  carried  things  too  high.  Among 
these  he  reckoned  Lord  Brook  and  Sir  Henry  Vane  as  leaders. 
To  these  causes  must  be  added  the  want  of  confidence  in  the 
King  v^hich  was  generally  felt;  and  which  arose  partly  from  the 
oftence  they  had  given  him,  which  they  feared  he  rather  dissem- 
bled than  forgave;  and  partly  from  indications  of  His  Majesty's 
insincerity,  which  they  early  began  to  discover. 

On  the  part  of  the  King  the  war  was  hastened  by  the  calling 
up  of  the  northem  army;  by  the  imposing  of  a  guard  upon  the 
House  of  Commons;  by  his  entering  it  in  a  passion  to  seize  the 
five  members;  by  the  conduct  of  Lord  Digby,  and  other  cava- 
liers; and,  above  all,  by  the  Irish  massacre  and  rebellion,  the 
blame  of  which  was  charged  on  the  King  and  his  advisers. 

In  a  state  of  great  exasperation,  Charles  left  London,  and 
erected  his  standard  at  Nottingham.  The  parliament  assembled 
an  army  under  the  Earl  of  Essex,  and  thus  both  sides  prepared 
to  settle,  by  force  of  arms,  what  they  could  not  determine  in 
council.  It  is  no  part  of  die  design  of  this  work  to  describe 
the  progress  of  this  fearful  contest;  but  a  view  of  the  rank  and 
character  of  the  parties  which  were  engaged  in  it,  may  enable 
the  reader  to  understand  its  bearings  on  religion. 


(r)  Baxter's  True  History  of  Councils  Enlarged,  pp.  91 — 93. 


OF     RICHARD  IJAXTER. 


37 


A  gicat  pai  l  of  llie  nobility  forsook  the  Parliamont  and  join- 
ed the  Kinfi;,  particularly  after  the  battle  of  Edge-Hill,  Many 
members  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  a  great  ninnber  of 
the  knights  and  men  of  family  in  the  several  counties,  had  been 
with  him  from  the  beginning.  The  tenantry  of  the  aristocracy, 
also,  and  a  great  body  of  the  common  people,  who  may  be  said 
to  be  constitutionally  loyal,  were  for  the  monarch.  He  had 
tlius  die  two  ends  of  the  chain,  but  wanted  die  middle  and  con- 
necting links.  The  parliament  was  supported  by  the  inferior 
gentlemen  in  die  country,  and  by  the  body  of  merchants,  free- 
holders, and  tradesmen,  in  all  the  princi[)al  towns  and  manufac- 
turing districts.  Among  these  persons,  religion  had  much 
greater  influence  than  it  had  either  on  die  highest  or  the  lowest 
ranks.  Whatever  power  the  love  of  political  liberty  exercised, 
it  was  the  apprehension  of  danger  to  religion,  which  chiefly 
roused  them  and  filled  the  army  of  the  parliament.  The  body 
of  the  persons  who  were  called  Puritans,  and  precisians;  and 
who  discovered  by  dieir  conduct  that  they  were  in  earnest  on 
die  subject  of  religion,  adhered  to  the  cause  of  the  parliament. 
On  die  other  hand,  the  gentry,  who  were  not  so  precise — who 
scrupled  not  at  an  oath;  who  loved  gaming,  plays,  and  drinking; 
and  the  ministers  and  people,  who  were  for  the  King's  book,  and 
for  dancing  and  recreations  on  the  Lord's  day;  who  went  to 
church  to  hear  common  prayer,  and  relished  a  sermon  which 
lashed  die  Puritans — these  for  the  most  part  opposed  the  parlia- 
ment. 

The  difference  between  the  two  parties  was  very  strongly 
marked,  it  arose  from  the  opposite  characters  which  they  sus- 
tained, and  accounts  for  many  of  the  events  which  occurred. 
"There  is  somewhat,"  says  Baxter,  "in  the  nature  of  all  worldly 
men  which  makes  them  earnestly  desirous  of  riches  and  honors 
in  the  world.  They  that  value  these  things  most  will  seek  them; 
and  they  that  seek  them  are  more  likely  to  find  them  than  those 
that  despise  them.  He  who  takes  the  world  and  preferment  for 
his  interest,  will  estimate  and  choose  all  means  accordingly;  and, 
where  the  world  predominates,  gain  goes  for  godliness,  and  seri- 
ous religion,  which  would  mortify  their  sin,  is  their  greatest  ene- 
my. Yet,  conscience  must  be  quieted,  and  reputation  preserved; 
which  cannot  be  done  without  some  religion.  Therefore,  such 
a  religion  is  necessary  to  them,  as  is  consistent  with  a  worldly 
mind:  which  outside  formality,  lip  service,  and  hypocrisy,  are; 
but  seriousness,  sincerity,  and  spirituality,  are  not. 

"On  the  other  side,  there  is  that  in  the  new  nature  of  a  be- 
liever, which  inclineth  him  to  things  above,  and  causeth  him  to 
look  at  worldly  grandeur  and  riches  as  things  more  dangerous 
than  desirable.  He  is  dead  to  the  world,  and  the  world  to  him, 
by  the  cross  of  Christ.    No  wonder,  therefore,  if  few  such  at- 


38 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


tain  to  greatness,  or  ever  arrive  at  much  preferment  on  earth: 
TJiey  are  more  fearful  of  displeasing  God  than  all  the  world,  and 
cannot  stretch  their  consciences,  or  turn  aside  when  the  inter- 
est or  will  of  man  requireth.  As  before,  he  that  was  born  after 
the  flesh  persecuted  him  that  was  born  after  the  Spu-it;  so  it 
was  here.  The  rabble  of  the  great  and  little  vulgar  did  every- 
where hate  those  that  reproved  their  sin,  and  condemned  them 
by  a  holy  life.  This  ignorant  rabble,  hearing  also  that  the 
bishops  were  against  the  Puritans,  were  the  more  emboldened 
against  them.  They  cried  up  the  bishops  on  this  account,  and 
because  they  loved  that  mode  of  worship  which  they  found 
most  consistent  with  then*  ignorance  and  carelessness.  Thus, 
the  interests  of  the  bishops,  and  of  the  profane  people  of  Eng- 
land, seemed  to  be  twisted  together." 

The  majority  of  the  Nonconformists  and  serious  people  were 
opposed  to  the  prelates,  and  tliose  who  espoused  their  side;  be- 
cause the  high-church  party  derided  and  abused  them;  because 
so  many  scandalous  and  incompetent  men  were  among  the  con- 
forming clergy;  because  the  piety  and  talents  of  the  Noncon- 
formist ministers,  many  of  whom  had  been  silenced,  were  more 
distinguished  than  those  of  the  other  party;  because  they  liked 
a  scriptural  mode  of  worship  better  than  the  liturgy,  though 
they  did  not  deem  it  unlawful;  because  the  bishops'  courts  made 
fasting  and  prayer  more  perilous  than  swearing  and  drunkenness; 
because  they  regarded  the  bishops  as  supporters  of  the  book  of 
sports,  and  discouraged  afternoon  lectures  even  by  conforming 
ministers;  because  when  they  saw  bowing  at  the  altar  and  other 
innovations  introduced,  they  knew  not  where  they  would  end; 
and,  because  they  saw  that  the  bishops  approved  of  ship  money 
and  other  encroachments  on  their  civil  rights. 

These  were  the  true  and  principal  leasons  why  so  great  a 
number  of  those  persons  who  were  counted  most  religious  fell  in 
with  the  parliament;  and  why  the  generality  of  the  serious,  dili- 
gent preachers  joined  it;  not  taking  arms  themselves,  but  sup- 
porting it  by  their  influence  and  their  presence.  The  King's 
party,  indeed,  alleged  that  the  preachers  stirred  up  the  war;  but 
this  is  far  from  correct.  It  is  true,  they  discovered  their  dislike 
to  many  corruptions  in  church  and  state;  and  were  glad  that  the 
parliament  attempted  a  reformation  of  them.  But  it  was  con- 
foi'ming  ministers  who  did  even  this;  for  the  bishops  had  ejected 
most  of  the  nonconforming  ministers  long  before.  Tliose  who 
made  up  the  Westminster  assembly,  and  who  were  the  honor  of 
the  parliamentary  party  through  the  land,  were  almost  all  such 
as  had  till  then  conformed. 

Names  of  contempt  and  reproach,  as  might  be  expected, 
were  plentifully  used  on  both  sides  at  the  beginning  and  during 
the  continuance  of  this  unnatural  war.    Rebels  and  roundheads 


OF    RfCHARD  BAXTER. 


39 


were  the  common  appellations  bestowed  on  the  parliamentary 
party,  in  addition  to  Puritan  and  formalist.''  ]Malii:;naiits,  cava- 
liers, dam-mes,  were  the  designations  used  or  retaliated  by  the 
other.' 

Reasons,  many  and  various,  were  assigned  for  tlie  lawfidness 
of  tlie  war  by  both  parties;  and  men  generally  adopted  that  side 
to  which  their  interests  or  their  feelings  chiefly  inclined.  Those 
who  opposed  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  Commons,  were  of 
different  sentiments.  Some  thought  ?io  king  might  be  resisted; 
others  Uiat  o\hr  king  might  not  be  resisted,  because  we  had  sworn 
allegiance  and  submission  to  him;  and  a  third  party,  which 
granted  that  he  might  be  resisted  in  some  cases,  contended 
lliat  a  sufficient  case  had  not  been  made  out.  They  main- 
tained that  the  law  gave  the  king  the  power  of  the  militia,  which 
the  pai'liament  sought  to  wrest  from  him;  that  tlie  commons  be- 
gan the  war  by  permitting  tumults  to  deprive  the  members  of 
their  liberty,  and  to  insult  the  king;  that  the  members  of  parlia- 
ment are  themselves  subjects,  and  bound  by  their  oath  of  alle- 
giance; that  it  is  not  lawful  for  subjects  to  defend  religion  or 
reformation  against  their  sovereign  by  force;  that  it  is  contrary 
to  the  doctrine  of  Protestants,  the  practice  of  the  ancient  Chris- 
tians, and  the  injunctions  of  Scripture,  to  resist  the  higher  pow- 
ers; that  the  King  was  falsely  accused  as  if  he  were  about  to 
destroy  liberty,  religion,  and  parliaments;  that  the  allegations  of 
Papists  respecting  the  rebellious  tendency  of  Protestantism  were 
supported  by  this  war;  that  it  proceeded  from  impatience  and 
distrust  of  God;  and  that  religion  is  best  promoted  by  patient 
sufferings. 

Some  of  these  reasons  are  plausible,  and  others  have  consid- 
erable force;  they  are  partly  derived  from  the  constitution  of 
England,  and  partly  from  the  nature  and  obligations  of  religion. 
To  all  of  them  the  writers  on  the  side  of  the  parliament  replied 
at  great  length;  and  justified  the  resistance  of  the  people  to  the 
arbitrary  measures  of  government,  on  other  and  unanswerable 
grounds.  Instead  of  stating  these  at  length,  I  shall  here  give 
the  reflections  of  Baxter,  which  embrace  the  strength  of  them, 
in  his  own  words. 

"For  my  own  part,  I  freely  confess  that  I  was  not  judicious 
enough  in  politics  and  law  to  decide  this  controversy.  Being 
astonished  at  the  Irish  massacre,  and  persuaded  fully  both  of 

(s)  The  term  Roundhead  viinhesiovieA  either  because  the  Puritans  usually  wore 
short  liair.  and  the  royal  party  long;  oi  because  sonic  say,  the  Queen,  at  Strafford's 
trial,  asked,  in  reference  to  Prj'nne,  wiio  that  round-headed  man  was,  who  spoke  so 
strongly.  The  device  on  the  standard  of  Colonel  Cook,  a  parliamentary  officer,  was 
a  man  in  armor  cutting  off  the  corner  of  a  square  cap  with  a  sword.  His  motto  was 
3Inl.n  i/iiiidi  itla  rotundis, 

(t)  Fuller's  derivation  of  MaUgjiant  is  in  his  usual  witty  style;  "The  deduction 
thereof  being  disputable;  whether  from  bad  fire,  or  bad  fuel,  mains  ignis,  or  malum, 
lignum:  but  this  is  sure,  betwixt  both,  the  name  made  a  great  combustion." 


40 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


die  parliament's  good  endeavors  for  reformation,  and  of  their 
real  danger,  my  judgment  of  the  main  cause,  much  swayed  ray 
judgment  in  the  matter  of  the  wars;  and  the  ai-guments  a  fine, 
et  a  natura,  et  necessitate,  which  common  wits  are  capable  of 
discerning,  did  too  far  incline  my  judgment  in  the  cause  of  the 
war,  before  I  well  understood  the  arguments  from  our  particular 
laws.  The  consideration  of  the  quality  of  the  j)ersons  also, 
that  sided  for  each  cause,  did  greatly  work  with  me,  and  more 
than  it  should  have  done.  I  verily  thought  that  if  that  which  a 
judge  in  court  saith  is  law,  must  go  for  law  to  the  subject,  as  to 
the  decision  of  that  cause,  though  the  king  send  his  broad  seal 
against  it;  then  that  which  the  parliament  said)  is  laiv,  is  law  to 
the  subject  about  the  dangers  of  the  commonwealth,  whatever 
it  be  in  itself. 

"I  make  no  doubt  tliat  both  parties  were  to  blame,  as  it  com- 
monly falleth  out  in  most  wars  and  contentions;  and  I  will  not 
be  he  that  will  justify  either  of  them.  I  doubt  not  but  the 
headiness  and  rashness  of  the  younger  inexperienced  sort  of 
religious  people,  made  many  parliament  men  and  ministers 
overgo  themselves  to  keep  pace  with  those  Hotspurs.  No 
doubt  but  much  indiscretion  appeared,  and  worse  than  indiscre- 
tion in  die  tumultuous  petitioners;  and  much  sin  was  committed 
in  the  dishonoring  of  the  king,  and  in  the  uncivil  language 
against  the  bishops  and  liturgy  of  the  church.  But  these  things 
came  chiefly  from  the  sectarian,  separating  spirit,  which  blew 
the  coals  among  foolish  apprentices.  And  as  the  sectaries  in- 
creased, so  the  insolence  increased.  One  or  two  in  the  House, 
and  five  or  six  ministers  that  came  from  Holland,  and  a  few 
relicts  of  the  Brownists  diat  were  scattered  in  the  city,  did 
drive  on  others,  and  sowed  the  seeds  which  afterwards  spread 
over  all  die  land." 

"But  I  dien  thought,  whoever  was  faulty,  the  people's  liber- 
ties and  safety  should  not  be  forfeited.  I  thought  that  all  the  sub- 
jects were  not  guilty  of  all  the  faults  of  kuig  or  parliament  when 
they  defended  diem:  yea,  that  if  both  their  causes  had  been 
bad  as  against  each  other;  yet  that  the  subjects  should  adhere 
to  that  party  which  most  secured  the  welfare  of  the  nation, 

(u)  It  is  verj'  sinj^ular  lliat  Raxter  sliouUl  allributc  so  much  evil  lo  llic  dissenting 
brelliron  of  the  Westminster  assembly,  and  the  sectaries  of  wlioni  thoy  were  the  re- 
puted leaders,  especially  after  his  own  account  of  the  former  stale  of  things  which  we 
have  {(iven.  'I'hc  civil  wars  produced  or  occasioned  llie  sects,  not  the  sects  the  wars. 
The  long  parliament  had  taken  some  of  its  strongest  measures  before  the  five  Inde- 
pendent ministers  lelurned  lo  iMiglaiid  from  Holland.  A  good  while  must  have 
elapsed  after  their  return  bclbre  their  inflMonce  could  extend  far;  and  without  violent 
and  unreasonable  opposition  to  their  fair  and  moderate  re(|ucst  lor  a  toleration,  their 
inlUicnce  at  no  time  would  have  been  great.  Compared  with  many  of  their  oppo- 
nents, both  their  langiuige  and  their  temper  were  mo<lerale;  and  it  might  be  easy  to 
show  that  the  exaggerated  lamentations  and  insulting  abnse  of  their  adversaries  were 
calculated  to  produce,  and  actually  did  produce,  a  worse  cH'cct  on  the  comitry  than 
anything  done  by  the  Independents  cither  in  or  out  of  parliament.  On  this  subject 
further  particulars  will  be  furnished  in  a  subsequent  part  of  this  work. 


(M-     i;nll.\l!l)  li.WTKH. 


41 


niul  mii^lil  (li-fiMul  llir  hiiul  under  llicir  couducl  willioul  owiilii!; 
all  their  cause.  And  iiercin  I  was  then  so  zealous,  tlial  I  thought 
it  was  a  great  siii  for  men  that  were  able  to  defend  their  roun- 
Iry,  to  be  neuters.  And  I  have  been  templed  since  to  think 
that  1  was  a  more  competent  judge  upon  the  place,  when  all 
things  were  before  our  eyes,  tliau  1  am  in  the  review  of  those 
days  and  actions  so  many  )'eurs  alter,  when  distance  disad\  ant- 
ageth  the  apprehension." ' 

It  is  evident  from  these  statements,  that  Baxter  was  a  decided 
friend  to  the  jiarliamenlary  cause.  The  reasons  which  inllu- 
cnced  his  judgment  w(M-e  those  which  probably  guided  the  de- 
termination of  the  great  l)ody  of  persons  who  espoused  that  side, 
in  die  momentous  controversy  wiiich  tiien  divided  the  country. 
JVlany  of  those  who  were  incapable  of  judging  in  the  numerous 
political  questions  and  altercations,  which  the  grand  subject 
involved,  Avere  well  enough  qualified  to  form  an  opinion  respect- 
ing the  substantial  merits  of  the  dilTerence  between  the  king  and 
the  people.  The  love  of  religion,  and  the  desire  of  libert}-, 
were  the  great  inspiring  principles.  The  resistance  which  diey 
met  with  only  increased  their  vigor,  and  thus  insured  their  suc- 
cess. Though  they  were  guilty  of  occasional  evils,  and  pro- 
duced temporary  confusion,  the  great  objects  which  they  con- 
tem])latcd  were  never  lost  sight  of,  and  the  result  of  the  struggle 
was  in  a  high  degree  glorious. 

We  have  already  glanced  at  the  trouble  Baxter  experienced 
at  Kidderminster,  from  the  ignorant  rabble,  which  disliked  his 
preaching  and  his  strictness.  Towards  the  end  of  1642,  the 
heat  of  the  parties  became  so  great  that  he  was  exposed  to  con- 
siderable danger.  The  king's  declarations  were  read  in  the 
market-place,  and  a  country  gentleman,  who  officiated  on  the 
occasion,  stopped  at  sight  of  Baxter,  and  called  out  "There 
goes  a  traitor."  The  commission  of  array  was  set  on  foot, 
which  increased  the  rage  of  the  rioters.  "Down  with  the 
round-heads,"  became  the  watch-word;  and  knocking  down 
every  person  whose  hair  was  short  and  his  dress  respectable 
immediately  followed.  In  consequence  of  these  things,  Baxter 
was  advised  to  withdraw  for  a  short  time  from  the  scene  of  his 
labors.  The  county  of  Worcester  was  devoted  to  the  king;  so 
that  no  one  who  was  known  to  be  for  the  parliament  could  then 
be  of  service. 


VOL.  I. 


(v)  Lite,  paii  i.  p.  39. 

6 


42 


THE  LII'E  AND  TIMES 

CHAPTER  III.  1G42— 1646. 


Baxter  t'ops  to  niiiiTcester— Upturns  t(i  Kidderminster— Visits  Alcestcr— Batllo  of  KdRliilT— 
Itf.sideiice  inCiiveiitry — Uatlle  of  iNast^by — S^tatu  of  the  I'arliainentai  y  Army— Consults  the 
IMniisters  aliout  going  into  it— Hucomes  Cliaplain  to  Colont;!  Wlialley's  reginient- Oijiniona 
of  the  fioldiets— Disputes  with  tliem— Battle  of  Langporl — Wicked  Report  of  an  Occur- 
rence at  this  place — The  Army  retires  to  BridL'cwater  and  Bristol- liecomes  ill  — Various 
ttccurrences  in  the  Army— Chiel  Impedimenta  to  his  Success  in  it— Cromwell— Harrison — 
Berry — Adviscil  by  the  Ministers  to  continue  in  it— Cres  to  London  im  account  of  his 
)lcalih — Joins  the  Anny  in  Worcestershire— Attacked  with  violent  Bleeding — Leaves  the 
Army— Entettainod  by  Lady  Kous — ^Ueinarks  on  his  Views  of  the  Array,  aud  conduct 
in  It. 

The  immediate  cause  of  Baxter's  withdrawment  from  Kid- 
derminster was  a  violent  attack  on  his  life,  and  on  that  of  tlie 
cluuch-warden,  hy  a  mob,  excited  by  a  parhamentary  order  for 
defacing  images  of  the  Trinity  in  cliurches,  and  removing  cru- 
cifixes; to  which  they  considered  Baxter  a  party,  tliough  the 
execution  of  the  order  had  not  been  attempted.  This  brutal 
outrage  shows  the  ignorant  and  degraded  state  of  the  people. 
On  leaving  Kidderminster,  he  went  to  Gloucester,  where  he 
found  the  people  civil  and  religious,  as  different  from  those  of 
the  former  place  as  if  they  had  Hved  under  another  government. 
Here  he  remained  for  a  month,  during  which  many  political 
pamphlets  were  published  on  both  sides.  Here,  also,  he  first 
witnessed  the  contentions  between  the  ministers  and  the  Bap- 
tists, and  other  sects,  which  then  frequently  took  place  in  the 
country.  A  j)ublic  arena  was  chosen;  judges,  or  moderators, 
were  appointed;  champions  on  each  side  bade  defiance:  while 
the  public  were  called  to  witness  the  religious  tournament,  and 
to  applaud  the  victor.  Truth  was  generally  claimed  by  both 
parties;  but  if  the  justice  of  the  cause  depended  on  the  spirit 
and  weapons  of  the  champions,  in  most  instances  she  would 
have  disclaimed  both.  About  a  dozen  young  men,  in  Glouces- 
ter, of  considerable  parts,  had  been  re-baptised,  and  labored,  as 
was  very  natural,  to  draw  others  after  them.  The  minister  of 
die  place,  Mr.  Winnel,  being  hot  and  impatient,  excited  rather 
than  calmed  them.  He  wrote  a  book  against  them,  which  pro- 
duced little  effect  on  the  Baptists,  and  led  the  people  of  the 
country  to  blame  him  for  his  violence  and  asperity.  This  was 
the  commencement,  Baxter  says,  of  much  evil  at  Gloucester. 

When  he  had  remained  in  it  about  a  month,  his  friends  at 
Kidderminster  wished  him  to  return,  which  he  accordingly  did; 
but,  after  continuing  a  short  time,  he  found  the  state  of  matters 
so  little  improved,  the  fury  of  the  rabble  and  of  the  king's  sol- 
diers being  still  great,  that  he  was  under  the  necessity  of  with- 
drawing again.  The  war  was  now  in  active  operation  in  that 
part  of  the  country;  the  main  army  of  the  king,  commanded  by 


OF   niCIlARl)  n\\Tf".U. 


^3 


Prince  Uiipeit,  and  lliat  of  llu;  paiiiameiil,  under  the  Karl  of 
Essex,  occnpyiiig  the  county  ol"  Worcester.  Alter  noticing 
some  petty  si<irniislies,  he  gives  the  Ibilowing  account  of  tlie 
battle  of  Kdgliiil,  and  his  suhsequcnt  proceedings: 

"Upon  the  Lord's  day,  Ocioher  2.5,  1G42,  I  iirefiched  al  AI- 
cester  for  my  reverend  friend,  Mr.  Samuel  C'lark.  As  I  was 
preaching,  the  people  heard  the  cannon  play,  and  perceived  thai 
the  armies  were  engaged.  When  the  sermon  was  done,  in  the 
afternoon,  the  report  was  more  audible,  wliicli  made  us  all  long 
to  hear  of  the  success.  About  sun-setting,  many  troops  fled 
through  the  town,  and  told  us  that  all  was  lost  on  the  jjarlia- 
nient's  side;  and  that  the  carriages  were  taken,  and  the  wag- 
gons plundered,  before  they  came  awa\%  The  townsmen  sent 
a  messenger  to  Stratford-on-avon,  to  know  the  trutli.  yVbout 
fom-  o'clock  in  the  morning  he  returned,  and  told  us  that  Prince 
Rupert  wholly  routed  the  left  wing  of  the  Earl  of  Essex's  army; 
but  while  liis  men  were  plundering  the  waggons,  the  main  body 
and  the  right  wing  routed  the  rest  of  the  king's  army;  took  his 
standard,  but  lost  it  again;  killed  General,  the  Earl  of  I/tndsay, 
and  took  his  son  prisoner:  that  few  persons  of  quality,  on  the 
side  of  tlie  parliament,  were  lost,  and  no  nobleman  but  Lord 
St.  John,  eldest  son  to  the  Earl  of  Bolingbroke:  that  the  loss 
of  the  left  wing  happened  through  the  treachery  of  Sir  Faithful 
Fortescue,  major  to  Lord  Fielding's  regiment  of  horse,  who 
turned  to  the  king  when  he  should  have  charged:  and  diat  the 
victory  was  obtained  principally  by  Colonel  HoUis's  regiment  of 
London  red-coats,  and  tlie  Earl  of  Essex's  own  regiment  and 
life  guard,  where  Sir  Philip  Stapleton,  Sir  Artliur  Haselrigge, 
and  Colonel  Urrey,  did  much. 

"Next  morning,  being  desirous  to  sec  the  field,  I  went  to 
Edghill,  and  found  the  Earl  of  Essex,  with  the  remaining  part 
of  his  army^,  keeping  the  ground,  and  the  kings  army  facing 
them  upon  the  hill  about  a  mile  off.  There  were  about  a  thou- 
sand dead  bodies  in  the  field  between  them;  and  many  I  suppose 
were  buried  before.  Neither  of  the  armies  moving  towards 
each  other,  the  king's  army  y)resently  drew  off  towards  Ban- 
bury, and  then  to  Oxford.  The  Earl  of  Essex's  went  back 
to  provide  for  the  wounded,  and  refresh  themselves  at  War- 
wick Castle,  belonging  to  Lord  Brook.* 

"For  myself,  I  knew  not  what  course  to  take.  To  live  at 
home,  I  was  uneasy;  but  especially  now,  when  soldiers  on  one 
side  or  other  would  be  frequently  among  us,  and  we  must  still 
be  at  the  mercy  of  every  furious  beast  that  would  make  a  prey 
of  us.    I  had  neither  mone}^  nor  friends:  I  knew  not  who  would 

(w)  I>axler's  account  of  llils  liattle  is  siibstanliallv  llie  same  with  Clarendon's, 
tliouj^ti  the  latter  endeavors  to  show  that  the  victory  was  rather  on  ihc  side  of  llie 
Wtns:  'lie  parliament.    The  consequences  wiiich  followed,  however,  allcnt 

convincing'  proof  thai  the  Hdvantagcs  were  on  the  side  of  the  parliament. 


44 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


receive  me  in  any  place  of  safely;  nor  had  I  any  tiling  to  satisfy 
them  for  my  diet  and  entertainment.  Hereupon  1  was  persuad- 
ed, hy  one  tliat  was  with  me,  to  go  to  Coventry,  where  an  old 
ae(]uaintance,  Mr.  Simon  King,  was  minister;  so  diither  I  went, 
with  a  purpose  to  stay  there  till  one  side  or  other  had  got  the  vic- 
tory, and  the  war  was  ended:  for  so  wise  in  mattei's  of  war  was 
I,  and  all  the  country  beside,  that  we  commonly  supposed  that 
a  very  few  days  or  weeks,  by  one  other  battle,  would  end  die 
wars.  Here  I  stayed  at  Mr.  King's  a  month;  but  the  war  Avas 
then  as  far  from  being  likely  to  end  as  before. 

"While  I  was  thinking  what  course  to  take  in  Uiis  necessity, 
the  committee  and  governor  of  the  city  desired  me  to  stay  witii 
them,  and  lodge  in  the  governor's  house,  and  preach  to  the  sol- 
diers. The  offer  suited  well  with  my  necessities;  but  I  resolved 
that  I  would  not  be  chaplain  to  a  regiment,  nor  take  a  com- 
mission: yet,  if  the  mere  preaching  of  a  sermon  once  or  twice  a 
week  to  the  garrison  would  satisfy  them,  I  would  accept  of 
the  offer,  till  I  could  go  home  again.  Here,  accordingly,  I 
lived  in  the  governor's  house,  followed  my  studies  as  quietly  as 
in  a  time  of  peace,  for  about  a  year;  preaching  once  a  week  to 
the  soldiers,  and  once,  on  the  Lord's  day,  to  the  people;  tak- 
ing nothing  from  either  but  my  diet." 

At  the  end  of  this  period,  the  war,  so  far  from  being  termi- 
nated, had  spread  almost  over  the  whole  country.  In  most  of 
the  counties  there  were  garrisons  and  troops  belonging  to  both 
parties,  which  caused  conflicts  in  every  quarter.  There  were 
lew  parishes  in  which  blood,  at  some  time  or  other,  was  not 
shed;  so  general  and  determined  was  the  hostility  of  the  par- 
ties to  each  odier.  Baxter  removed  from  Coventry  to  Shrop- 
shire for  about  two  months;  during  which  time,  he  was  near 
some  of  the  skirmishes  which  then  almost  daily  took  place. 
Having  got  his  father  relieved  from  prison  at  Lillshull,  he  re- 
turned to  Coventry,  and  spent  another  year  in  his  old  employ- 
ment, studying  the  Scriptures  and  preaching  to  the  army. 

In  his  audience  in  this  place,  he  mentions  that  there  were 
many  godly  and  judicious  persons.  Among  these  were,  Sir 
Richard  Skeffington,  Colonel  Godfrey  Bosville,  Mr.  Mack- 
wordi,  and  Mr.  George  Abbot,  known  by  his  Paraphrase  on 
the  Book  of  Job.  There  were  also  about  thirty  worthy  minis- 
ters, who  had  fled  to  Coventry  for  safety,  from  the  soldiers 
and  popular  fury,  though  they  never  meddled  in  the  wars: 
Mr.  Richard  Vines,  Mr.  Anthony  Burgess,  Mr.  Burdal,  Mr. 
Brumskill,  Dr.  Bryan,  Dr.  Grew,  Mr.  Stephens,  Mr.  Crad- 
ock,  Mr.  Morton  of  Bewdley,  Mr.  Diamond,  old  Mr.  Over- 
ton, and  many  more. 


(x)  Life,  pari  i.  pp.  43,  'J-l. 


OF   RICHARD  HAXTKK. 


At  Coventry,  Baxter,  took  iho  covenant  hinisoK",  and  f^avo  it 
to  another,  of  wliicli  he  afterwards  bitterly  ropenled.  lie  also 
publicly  defended  it  against  a  production  of  Sir  Francis  Netli- 
ersole's.  lie  then  supposed  that  it  was  only  intended  as  a  test 
for  garrisons  and  soldiers,  and  did  not  anticipate  that  it  would 
afterwards  be  made  a  test  for  tlio  magistracy  and  ministry 
througliout  llie  land;  thougli  he  acknowledges  ho  might  hav(! 
foreseen  this,  had  he  attended  to  its  tenor.  Here,  also,  he 
openly  decared  himself  for  the  parliament;  for  which,  in  his 
'Penitent  Confessions,'  ^  he  assigns  thirty-two  reasons;  with 
which  it  is  unnecessary  here  to  trouble  the  reader. 

"The  garrison  of  Coventry,"  he  says,  "consisted  half  of 
citizens,  and  iialf  of  countrymen.  Tlie  latter  were  such  as  had 
been  forced  from  their  own  dwellings,  and  were  the  most  relig- 
ious men  of  the  j)arts  round  about.  One  or  two  persons  who 
came  among  us  from  New  England,  of  Sir  Henry  Vane's  party, 
and  one  anabaptist  tailor,  had  almost  troubled  all  the  garrison, 
by  infecting  the  honest  soldiers  with  their  opinions.  But 
they  found  not  the  success  in  Coventry  which  they  had  done  in 
Cromwell's  army.  In  public  I  was  fain  to  preach  over  all  the 
controversies  against  the  Anabaptists  first,  and  then  against  the 
separatists.  In  private,  some  of  my  Worcester  neighbors,  and 
many  of  the  foot  soldiers,  were  able  to  baffle  both  separatists. 
Anabaptists,  and  Antinomians,  and  so  kept  all  the  garrison 
sound.  On  this,  the  Anabaptists  sent  to  Bedford,  for  one  Ben- 
jamin Cox,  an  old  minister  of  their  persuasion,  and  no  con- 
temptible scholar,  the  son  of  a  bishop;  and  he  and  I  had  first  a 
dispute  by  word  of  mouth,  and  afterwards  in  writing.  In  con- 
clusion, about  a  dozen  poor  townsmen  were  carried  away;  but 
the  soldiers,  and  the  rest  of  the  city,  w^ere  kept  sound  from  all 
infection  of  sectaries  and  dividers."  ^  Mr.  Cox,  was  desired 
to  depart  the  first  time;  but  coming  down  again  and  refusing  to 
leave  the  city,  the  committee  imprisoned  him.  Some  ascribed 
tliis  to  Baxter;  but  he  declares  that  instead  of  using  his  influ- 
ence to  put  him  in,  he  employed  it  to  get  him  out."  Be  diis  as 
it  may,  a  Baptist  church  was  then  planted  in  Coventry,  which 
has  subsisted  ever  since.  Imprisoning  heretics  will  never  check 
or  destroy  heresy;  and  preaching  controversies,  is  not  the  most 
useful  method  either  of  converting  unbelievers  or  establishing 
saints. 

The  detail  which  Baxter  gives  in  his  own  life  of  the  subse- 
quent progress  of  the  civil  war,  which  so  long  fearfully  dis- 
tracted the  country,  is  too  extended  and  minute  to  admit  of 
being  fully  inserted  in  this  place.  Many  of  the  scenes  whicli 
he  notices,  are  better  described  by  others  who  witnessed  them, 


(y)  Penitent  Confessions,  p.  23.  (z)  Life,  part  i.  p.  li". 

(ii)  IJaxter  on  'Infant  Baptism,'  Preface. 


46 


THE    LIFE   ANB  TIMES 


nnd  with  wliosc  dcscrijitioii  tho  j^onoralily  of  readers  arc  now 
well  acquainted.  More  dependancc  also  can  be  placed  on  his 
statements  than  on  his  reasonings;  on  his  record  of  what  he 
saw,  than  on  his  hearsay  reports.  But  as  he  himself  acted 
with  the  parliamentary  army  for  a  considerable  time,  the  account 
which  he  gives  of  what  fell  under  his  own  observation,  and  of 
liis  personal  conduct,  is  frequently  important  and  interesting,  and 
may  always  be  received  widi  the  greatest  confidence.  To 
these  things,  I  shall,  therefore,  confine  my  narrative.  He  thus 
describes  the  circumstances  which  led  to  his  joining  the  army, 
his  employment  whilst  in  it,  and  some  of  the  events  which  hap- 
pened during  his  connection  with  it. 

"Naseby  being  not  far  from  Coventry,  where  I  was,  and  the 
noise  of  the  victory  being  loud  in  our  ears,  and  I  having  two  or 
three  who  had  been  my  intimate  friends  in  Cromwell's  army, 
whom  I  had  not  seen  for  above  two  years,  I  was  desirous  of 
seeing  whether  they  were  dead  or  alive;  so  to  Naseby  Field  I 
went  two  days  after  the  fight,  and  thence  by  the  army's  quar- 
ters before  Leicester,  to  seek  my  acquaintance.''  When  I  found 
them,  I  staid  with  them  a  night;  and  understood  from  them  the 
state  of  the  army  much  better  than  ever  I  had  done  before. 
We  that  lived  quietly  in  Coventry  kept  to  our  old  principles, 
and  thought  all  odiers  had  done  so  too.  Except  a  very  few  in- 
considerable persons,  we  were  unfeignedly  for  king  and  parlia- 
ment; we  believed  that  the  war  was  only  to  save  the  parliament 
and  kingdom  from  papists  and  delinquents,  and  to  remove  the 
dividers,  that  the  king  might  again  return  to  his  parliament; 
and  that  no  changes  might  be  made  in  religion,  but  by  the  laws 
which  had  his  free  consent.  We  took  die  true  happiness  of 
king  and  people,  church  and  state,  to  be  our  end,  and  so  we 
imderstood  the  covenant,  engaging  both  against  Papists  and 
schismatics;  and  when  the  Court  News-book  told  the  world  of 
the  swarms  of  Anabaptists  in  our  armies,  we  thought  it  had 
been  a  mere  lie,  because  it  was  not  so  widi  us,  nor  in  any  of 
the  garrisons  or  county  forces  about  us.    But  when  I  came  to 

(h)  Tlic  l)pst  account  vvliich  I  liavc  met  with  of  the  battle  of  Naseby,  is  in 
8|)risijje"s  'Aii^lia  Rciliviva;  Eiiijlaiid's  Recovery;  or,  llic  History  ofllie  Army  under 
llie  conduct  of  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,'  &c.  1G17.  Sprigge  was  General  Fairfax's 
chaplain,  and  personally  acquainted  with  the  scenes  and  transaction*  which  he  de- 
scribes. The  book  is  now  very  scarce;  but  those  who  think  the  ministers  of  the 
army  were  mere"  fanatics,  would  do  well  to  consult  this  work.  As  it  comprehends 
the  very  ])<?riod  during  which  Baxter  was  in  the  army,  it  deserves  to  be  compared 
with  his  account  of  the  transactions  which  then  took  place.  Spriggc's  means  of  iji- 
formation  must  liave  been  superior  to  Baxter's,  as  he  was  imme<liatel3'  connected  with 
the  general  himself;  yet  I  am  not  aware  of  any  important  diflerence  between  them 
in  the  statcmejits  of  lacts;  though  thcv  do  not  enlircly  agree,  as  is  noticed  in  a  sub- 
sequent page,  in  their  views  of  the  character  of  the  army,  I  should  suppose  that 
Baxter  did  not  occupy  any  very  conspicuous  place  in  the  army,  as  his  name  is  never 
mentioned  by  Sprigge.  Clement  Walker  calls  Pprigge's  'Anglia,'  the  Legend,  or 
Romance,  of  this  Arni3','  and  insinuates  that  it  was  the  production  of  Nalh.  Fien- 
nes,  second  son  to  Lord  Say:  but  this  is  probably  one  of  the  legends  of  that  men_ 
tlacious  writer. 


OF    UICIIAUD  UAXTKU. 


47 


tfic  army,  among  CromwuU's  soldiers,  I  round  a  new  face  of 
things  whicii  I  never  dreamt  of;  I  heard  the  plotting  heads 
very  hot  upon  that  which  intimated  their  intention  to  subvert 
both  church  and  state.  Independency  and  Anaba|)tislry  were 
more  prevalent;  Aiitinomianisni  and  Arminianism  were  ecjually 
distributed;  and  'I'iiomas  Moor's  followers  (a  weaver  of  Wis- 
bitch  and  Lynn,  of  excellent  parts)  had  made  some  shifts  to 
join  these  two  extremes  togeUier. 

"Abundance  of  the  common  troopers  and  many  of  the  offi- 
cers, I  found  to  be  honest,  sober,  ortliodox  men;  others  were 
tractable,  reaily  to  hear  the  trudi,  and  of  upright  intentions. 
But  a  few  proud,  self-conceited,  hot-headed  sectaries  had  got 
into  the  highest  places,  and  were  Cromwell's  chief  favorites; 
and  by  their  very  heat  and  activity,  bore  down  the  rest,  or  car- 
ried them  along  with  them.  These  were  the  soul  of  the  army, 
though  much  few:er  in  number  than  the  rest,  being  indeed  not 
one  to  twenty  in  it;  their  strengUi  being  in  the  General's,  in 
Wlialley's  and  in  Rich's  regiments  of  horse,  and  among  die 
new-placed  officers  in  many  of  the  rest. 

"I  perceived  diat  diey  took  the  king  for  a  tyrant  and  an 
enemy,  and  really  intended  absolutely  to  master  him  or  to  ruin 
him.  They  thought  if  they  might  fight  against  him,  they  might 
also  kill  or  conquer  him;  and  if  they  might  conquer,  diey  were 
never  more  to  trust  him  further  than  he  was  in  dieir  power. 
They  thought  it  folly  to  irritate  him  eidier  by  war  or  contradic- 
tion in  parliament,  if  so  be  they  must  needs  take  him  for  their 
king,  and  trust  him  with  their  lives  when  they  had  dius  dis- 
pleased him.  'What,  were  the  lords  of  England,'  said  they, 
'but  William  the  Conqueror's  colonels;  or  the  barons,  but  his 
niajoi's;  or  the  kni2;hts,  but  his  captains!'  They  plainly  showed 
that  diey  thought  God's  providence  would  cast  the  trust  of  re- 
ligion and  the  kingdom  upon  them  as  conquerors;  they  made 
nothing  of  all  the  most  wise  and  godly  in  the  armies  and  gar- 
risons, that  were  not  of  their  way.  Per  fas  aut  nefas,  By  law 
or  widiout  it,  they  were  resoked  to  take  down,  not  only  bishops, 
and  liturgy,  and  ceremonies,  but  all  who  did  withstand  them. 
They  were  far  from  thinking  of  a  moderate  episcopacy,  or  of 
any  healing  mediod  between  the  episcopalians  and  the  presby- 
terians;  they  most  honored  the  separatists,  anabaptists,  and  anti- 
nomians;  but  Cromwell  and  his  council  took  on  them  to  join 
themselves  to  no  party,  but  to  be  for  the  liberty  of  all.  Two 
sorts,  I  perceived,  they  did  so  commonly  and  bitterly  speak 
against,  that  it  was  done  in  mere  design,  to  make  them  odious 
to  the  soldiers,  and  to  all  the  land;  and  these  were  die  Scots, 
and  with  them  all  presbyterians,  but  especially  the  ministers; 
whom  they  called  priests,  and  priestbyters,  dryvines,  and  the  dis- 
seniblymen,  and  such  like.    The  committees  of  the  several 


48 


THE  LIFE  ANJ)  TIMES 


coiiiilics,  and  all  the  soldiers  that  were  under  them,  lliat  were 
not  of  their  mind  and  way,  were  the  other  objects  of  their  dis- 
pleasure. Some  orthodox  captains  of  die  army  partly  acquaint- 
ed me  with  all  diis,  and  1  heard  mucli  of  it  from  the  moutlis  of 
the  leading  sectaries  themselves.  This  struck  me  to  die  very 
heart,  and  made  me  fear  that  England  was  lost  by  those  that  it 
liad  taken  for  its  chief  friends. 

"Upon  Uiis  I  began  to  blame  other  ministers  and  myself.  I 
saw  that  it  was  the  ministers  that  had  lost  all,  by  forsaking  die 
army,  and  betaking  diemselves  to  an  easier  and  quieter  way  of 
life.  When  the  Earl  of  Essex  went  out  first,  each  regiment 
had  an  able  preacher;  but  at  Edghill  fight,  almost  all  of  them 
went  home;  and  as  the  sectaries  increased,  diey  were  the  more 
averse  to  go  into  the  army.  It  is  true,  I  believe  now,  that  they 
had  litde  invitation;  and  it  is  true,  that  they  could  look  for  lit- 
tle welcome,  and  great  contempt  and  opposition,  beside  all 
odier  difficulties  and  dangers;  but  it  is  as  true,  that  their  wordi 
and  labor,  in  a  patient,  self-denying  way,  would  probably  have 
preserved  most  of  the  army,  and  have  defeated  the  contrivances 
of  the  sectaries,  saved  the  king,  the  parliament,  and  the  land. 
And  if  it  had  brought  reproach  upon  themselves  from  the  mali- 
cious, who  called  them  Military  Levites,  the  good  which  they 
had  done  would  have  wiped  off  that  blot,  much  better  than  the 
contrary  course  would  have  done. 

"I  reprehended  myself  also,  who  had  before  rejected  an  invi- 
tation from  Cromwell,  when  he  lay  at  Cambridge  with  that  fam- 
ous troop  with  which  he  began  his  army.  His  officers  purposed 
to  make  their  troop  a  gathered  churcli,  and  they  all  subscribed 
an  invitation  to  me  to  be  their  pastor,  and  sent  it  me  to  Coventry. 
1  sent  them  a  denial,  reproving  their  attempt,  and  told  them 
wherein  my  judgment  was  against  the  lawfulness  and  conve- 
nience of  their  way,  and  so  I  heard  no  more  from  them;  but 
afterwards  meeting  Cromwell  at  Leicester,  he  expostulated  with 
me  for  denying  them.  These  very  men  that  then  invited 
me  to  be  their  pastor,  were  the  men  that  afterwards  headed 
much  of  the  army,  and  some  of  diem  were  the  forwardest  in 
all  our  changes;  which  made  me  wish  that  I  had  gone  among 
them,  however  it  had  been  interpreted;  for  dien  all  the  fire 
was  in  one  spark. 

"When  I  had  informed  myself,  to  my  sorrow,  of  the  state  of 
the  army.  Captain  Evanson  (one  of  my  ordiodox  informers,) 
desired  me  yet  to  come  to  their  regiment,  which  was  the  most 
religious,  most  valiant,  and  most  successful  of  all  die  army;  but 
in  as  much  danger  as  any  one  whatsoever.  I  was  unwilling  to 
leave  my  studies,  and  friends,  and  quietness,  at  Coventry,  to  go 
into  an  army  so  contrary  to  my  judgment;  but  I  thought  die 
public  good  commanded  me,  and  so  I  gave  lihn  some  encour- 


OF    niCHAllU  IJAXTEU. 


49 


agenieiit.  VVhcreiipon  he  toltl  liis  colonel  (VVhalley,)  who  also 
was  orthodox  in  rclij^ion,  but  eiigiiged  by  kiiulrcd  and  interest  to 
Cromwell;  who  invited  me  to  be  chaplain  to  his  regiment.  1 
told  him  1  would  take  but  a  day's  time  to  deliberate,  and  would 
send  him  an  answer  or  else  come  to  him. 

"As  soon  as  I  came  home  to  Coventry,  I  called  together  an 
assembly  of  ministers;  Dr.  Bryan,  Dr.  Grew,  and  many  others. 
I  told  them  the  sad  news  of  the  corruption  of  the  army,  and 
that  I  thought  all  we  had  valued  was  likely  to  be  endangered  by 
them;  seeing  this  army  having  first  conquered  at  York,  and  now 
at  Naseby,  and  having  left  the  king  no  visible  army  but  Gor- 
ing's,  the  late  of  die  whole  kingdom  was  likely  to  follow  the  dis- 
position and  interest  of  the  conquerors.  We  had  sworn  to  be 
true  to  the  king  and  his  heirs  in  the  oath  of  allegiance.  All 
our  soldiers  here  think  Uiat  the  parliament  is  faithful  to  the  king, 
and  have  no  other  purpose  themselves.  If  the  king  and  par- 
liament, church  and  state,  be  ruined  by  those  men,  and  we  look 
on  and  do  nothing  to  hinder  it,  how  are  we  true  to  our  alle- 
giance and  to  the  covenant,  which  bindeth  us  to  defend  the  king, 
and  to  be  against  schism,  as  well  as  against  Popery  and  pro- 
faneness?  For  my  part,  said  I,  I  know  that  my  body  is  so 
weak,  that  it  is  likely  to  hazard  my  life  to  be  among  them;  1 
expect  their  fury  should  do  litde  less  than  rid  me  out  of  the 
way;  and  I  know  one  man  cannot  do  much  among  them:  but 
yet,  if  your  judgment  take  it  to  be  my  duty,  I  will  venture  my 
life;  perhaps  some  odier  minister  may  be  drawn  in,  and  then 
some  more  of  the  evil  may  be  prevented. 

"The  ministers  finding  my  own  judgment  for  it,  and  being  mov- 
ed with  the  cause,  did  unanimously  give  their  judgment  for  my 
going.  Hereupon,  1  went  straight  to  the  committee,  and  told 
them  that  I  had  an  invitation  to  die  army,  and  desired  their  con- 
sent to  go.  They  consulted  awhile,  and  then  left  it  wholly  to 
the  governor,  saying,  that  if  he  consented  they  should  not  hinder 
me.  It  fell  out  that  Colonel  Barker,  the  governor,  was  just 
then  to  be  turned  out,  as  a  member  of  parliament,  by  the  self- 
denying  vote.  And  one  of  his  companions  (Colonel  Willougli- 
by)  was  to  be  colonel  and  governor  in  his  place.  Hereupon 
Colonel  Barker  was  content,  in  his  discontent,  diat  I  should  go 
out  with  him,  that  he  might  be  missed  the  more;  and  so  gave 
me  his  consent. 

"I  then  sent  word  to  Colonel  Whalley  that,  to-morrow  God 
willing,  I  would  come  to  him.  As  soon  as  this  was  done,  the 
elected  governor  was  much  displeased;  and  the  soldiers  were 
so  much  offended  witii  the  committee  for  consenting  to  my  going, 
that  the  committee  all  met  again  in  the  night,  and  sent  for  me, 
and  told  me  I  must  not  go.  I  told  them  that,  by  their  consent, 
I  had  promised,  and  therefore  must  go.   They  told  me  that  the 

VOL.  I.  7 


50 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


soldiers  were  ready  to  mutiny  against  them,  and  they  could  not 
satisfy  them,  and  therefore  I  must  stay.  I  told  them  tliat  I 
would  not  have  promised,  if  they  had  not  consented,  though, 
being  no  soldier  or  cha[)lain  to  the  garrison,  but  only  preaching 
to  them,  I  took  myself  to  be  a  free  man,  and  I  could  not  break 
my  word,  when  I  had  promised  by  their  consent.  They  seemed 
to  deny  their  consent,  and  said  they  only  referred  me  to  the 
governor.  In  a  word,  they  were  so  angry  with  me,  that  I  was 
fam  to  tell  them  all  the  truth  of  my  motives  and  design,  what  a 
case  I  perceived  the  army  to  be  in,  and  that  I  was  resolved  to 
do  my  best  against  it.  I  knew  not,  till  afterwards,  that  Colonel 
William  Purefoy,  a  parliament-man,  one  of  the  chief  of  them, 
was  a  confident  of  Cromwell's;  and  as  soon  as  I  had  spoken 
what  I  did  of  the  army,  magisterially  he  answereth  me,  'Let 
me  hear  no  more  of  that:  if  Nol  Cromwell  should  hear  any 
soldier  but  speak  swch  a  word,  he  would  cleave  his  crown:  you 
do  them  wrong.  It  is  not  so.'  I  told  him  what  he  would  not 
hear,  he  should  not  hear  from  me:  but  I  would  perform  my 
word  though  he  seemed  to  deny  his.  And  so  I  parted  with 
those  that  had  been  my  very  great  friends,  in  some  displeasure. 
The  soldiers,  however,  threatened  to  stop  the  gates  and  keep 
me  in;  but,  being  honest,  understanding  men,  I  quickly  satisfied 
the  leaders  of  them  by  a  private  intimation  of  my  reasons  and 
resolutions,  and  some  of  them  accompanied  me  on  my  way. 

"As  soon  as  I  came  to  the  army,  Oliver  Cromwell  coolly 
bade  me  welcome,  and  never  spake  one  word  to  me  more  while 
I  was  there;  nor  once,  all  that  time,  vouchsafed  me  an  oppor- 
tunity to  come  to  the  head-quarters,  where  the  councils  and  meet- 
ings of  the  officers  were;  so  that  most  of  my  design  was  there- 
by frustrated.  His  secretary  gave  out  that  there  was  a  reformer 
come  to  the  army  to  undeceive  them,  and  to  save  church  and 
state,  with  some  such  other  jeers;  by  which  I  perceived  that  all  I 
had  said  the  night  before  to  the  committee,  had  come  to  Crom- 
well before  me,  I  believe  by  Colonel  Purefoy's  means:  but 
Colonel  Whalley  welcomed  me,  and  was  the  worse  thought  of 
for  it  by  the  rest  of  the  cabal. 

"Here  I  set  myself,  from  day  to  day,  to  find  out  the  corrup- 
tions of  the  soldiers,  and  to  discourse  and  dispute  them  out  of 
their  mistakes,  both  religious  and  political.  My  life  among 
them  was  a  daily  contending  against  seducers,  and  gently  argu- 
ing with  the  more  tractable;  but  another  kind  of  warfare  I  had 
than  theirs. 

"I  found  that  many  honest  men  of  weak  judgments  and  litde 
acquaintance  with  such  matters,  had  been  seduced  into  a  dis- 
puting vein,  and  made  it  too  much  of  their  religion  to  talk  for 
this  opinion  and  for  that;  sometimes  for  state  democracy,  and 
sometimes  for  church  democracy;  sometimes  against  forms  of 


OV    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


51 


prayer,  and  sometimes  against  infant  baptism,  which  yet  some 
of  them  did  maintain;  sometimes  against  set  times  of  prayer, 
and  against  the  tying  of  ourselves  to  any  duty  before  the  Spirit 
move  us;  and  sometimes  about  free-grace  and  free-will,  and  all 
the  points  of  Antinomianism  and  Arminianism.  So  that  I  was 
almost  always,  when  I  had  opportunity,  disputing  with  one  or 
other  of  them;  sometimes  for  our  civil  government,  and  some- 
times for  church  order  and  government;  sometimes  for  infant 
baptism,  and  oft  against  Antinomianism,  and  the  contrary 
extreme.  But  their  most  frequent  and  vehement  disputes 
were  for  liberty  of  conscience,  as  they  called  it;  that  is, 
that  the  civil  magistrate  had  nothing  to  do  to  determine 
any  thing  in  matters  of  religion,  by  constraint  or  restraint;  but 
every  man  might  not  only  hold,  but  preach  and  do,  in  matters 
of  religion,  what  he  pleased:  that  the  civil  magistrate  hath 
nothing  to  do  but  with  civil  things,  to  keep  the  peace,  protect 
the  church's  liberties,  fcc.'^ 

"I  found  that  one-half  almost,  of  the  religious  party  among 
them,  were  such  as  were  either  orthodox,  or  but  very  slightly 
touched  with  heterodoxy;  and  almost  another  half  were  honest 
men,  that  stepped  further  into  the  contending  way  than  they 
could  well  get  out  of  again,  but  who,  with  competent  help,  might 
be  recovered.  There  were  a  few  fiery,  self-conceited  men 
among  them,  who  kindled  the  rest,  and  made  all  the  noise  and 
bustle,  and  carried  about  the  army  as  they  pleased:  for  the 
greatest  part  of  die  common  soldiers,  especially  of  the  foot, 
were  ignorant  men,  of  little  religion;  abundance  of  them  were 
such  as  had  been  taken  prisoners,  or  turned  out  of  garrisons 
under  the  king,  and  had  been  soldiers  in  his  army.  These 
would  do  any  thing  to  please  their  officers,  and  were  ready  in- 
struments for  the  seducers,  especially  in  their  great  work,  which 
was  to  cry  down  the  covenant,  to  vihfy  all  parish  ministers,  but 
especially  the  Scots  and  Presbyterians;  for  the  most  of  the  sol- 
diers that  I  spoke  with,  never  took  the  covenant,  because  it  tied 
them  to  defend  the  king's  person,  and  to  extirpate  heresy  and 
schism. 

"When  I  perceived  that  it  was  a  few,  then,  who  bore  the  bell, 
and  did  all  the  hurt  among  them,  I  acquainted  myself  with  those 
men,  and  would  be  oft  disputing  with  them,  in  the  hearing  of 

(c)  It  is  very  interesting  lo  find  that,  amidst  all  the  heresies  which  infected  the  army, 
of  which  Baxter  speaks  so  strongly,  the  heresy,  as  it  was  then  deemed,  of  religious  lib- 
erty,  so  extensively  prevailed.  It  is  a  pleasing  feature  in  the  character  of  the  army, 
that  it  contended  more  vehemently  for  this  than  for  any  other  point  of  doctrine  or 
form  of  religion.  The  fanatical  13aplists  and  independents  of  the  parliamentary 
forces,  maintained,  two  hundred  years  ago.  the  doctrine  to  which  the  enlightened  par- 
liament of  George  the  Fourth,  in  the  years  1823  and  1S!29,  was  brought  to  submit;  not 
by  practiced  politicians,  or  spiritual  lords,  but  by  a  man  accustome<l  from  his  earliest 
youth  to  the  use  of  arms,  and  the  arbitrary  command  of  an  army.  Among  soldiers, 
religious  freedom  was  first  fiercely  contended  for;  and  by  a  soldier  its  triumphs  have 
been  completed.    I  regret  that  I  cannot  place  Baxter  in  the  front  ranks  of  its  friends. 


52 


THE   LIFE  AND  TIMES 


the  rest.  I  found  that  they  were  men  who  had  been  in  London, 
hatched  up  among  the  old  separatists,  and  had  made  it  all  the 
matter  of  their  study  and  religion  to  rail  against  ministers,  pr- 
ish  churches,  and  Presbyterians;  and  who  had  little  other  knowl- 
edge or  discourse  of  any  thing  about  the  heart,  or  heaven.  They 
were  fierce  with  pride  and  self-conceitedness,  and  had  gotten  a 
very  great  conquest  over  their  charity,  both  to  the  Episcopalians 
and  Presbyterians:  whereas  many  of  those  honest  soldiers  who 
were  tainted  but  with  some  doubts  about  liberty  of  conscience  or 
Independency,  were  men  who  would  discourse  of  the  points  of 
sanctification  and  christian  experience  very  seriously.  I  so  far 
prevailed  in  opening  the  folly  of  these  revilers  and  self-conceited 
men,  as  that  some  of  them  became  the  laughing-stock  of  the 
soldiers  before  I  left  them;  and  when  they  preached,  for  great 
preachers  they  were,  their  weakness  exposed  them  to  contempt. 
A  great  part  of  the  mischief  was  done  among  the  soldiers  by 
pamphlets,  which  were  abundantly  dispersed,  such  as  Overton, 
Martin  Mar-Priest,  and  more  of  his;  and  some  of  J.  Lilburn's, 
who  was  one  of  the  preaching  officers;  and  divers  against  the 
king,  and  against  the  ministry,  and  for  liberty  of  conscience,  &lc. 
The  soldiers  being  usually  dispersed  in  quarters,  they  had  such 
books  to  read,  when  they  had  none  to  contradict  them. 

"But  there  was  yet  a  more  dangerous  party  than  these  among 
the  soldiers,  who  took  the  direct  Jesuitical  way.  They  first 
most  vehemently  declaimed  against  the  doctrine  of  election, 
and  for  the  power  of  free-will,  and  all  other  points  which  are 
controverted  between  the  Jesuits  and  dominicans,  the  Arminians 
and  Calvinists.  They  then  as  fiercely  cried  down  our  present 
translation  of  the  Scriptures,  and  debased  their  authority,  though 
they  did  not  deny  them  to  be  divine.  They  cried  down  all  our 
ministry,  episcopal,  presbyterian,  and  independent,  and  all  our 
churches.  They  vilified  almost  all  our  ordinary  worship;  they 
allowed  of  no  argument  from  Scripture,  but  what  was  brought 
in  its  express  words;  they  were  vehement  against  both  king  and 
all  government,  except  popular:  and  against  magistrates  med- 
dhng  in  matters  of  religion.  All  their  disputing  was  with  as 
much  fierceness  as  if  they  had  been  ready  to  draw  their  swords 
upon  those  against  whom  they  disputed.  They  trusted  more 
to  policy,  scorn,  and  power,  than  to  argument.  They  would 
bitterly  scorn  me  among  their  hearers,  to  prejudice  them  before 
they  entered  into  dispute.    They  avoided  me  as  much  as  pos- 

P'(U)  Tlicse  pamphlets  were  imitations  of  the  Martin  Mar-Prclate  attacks  upon  (he 
bishops  and  clercfy  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  They  partake  of  the  severity,  and, 
indeed,  scurrility ,  of  tlieir  prototypes,  and  were  calculated  to  produce  very  considera- 
ble effect.  They  were  mostly  anonymous,  but  have  been  commonly  ascribed  lo  Over- 
ton, Lilburn,  and  persons  of  that  class.  An  admirable  account  of  Lilburn,  with  a  very 
correct  view  of  his  character,  is  given  in  Godwin's  History  of  the  Commonwealth.' 
Overton,  I  suspect,  was  an  infidel — a  character  then  rather  uncommon.  He  wrote  a 
pamphlet  lo  prove  man's  materiality,  whicli  made  considerable  noise  at  the  time. 


OP     RICHAnO  BAXTF.n. 


53 


sible;  but  when  \vc  did  come  to  it,  they  drowned  all  reason  in 
fierceness,  and  vehemency,  and  multitude  of  words.  Tliey 
greatly  strove  for  places  of  command;  and  when  any  place  was 
due  by  order  to  another  that  was  not  of  their  mind,  tliey 
would  be  sure  to  work  him  out,  and  be  ready  to  mutiny  if  they 
had  not  their  will.  1  tlioujiht  they  were  principled  by  die  Jesu- 
its, and  acted  all  for  their  interest,  and  in  their  way.  But  the 
secret  spring  was  out  of  sight.  These  were  the  same  men  that 
afterwards  were  called  Levellers,  who  rose  up  against  Crom- 
well, and  were  surprised  at  Burford,  having  then  deceived  and 
drawii  to  diem  many  more.  Thompson,  the  general  of  the  lev- 
ellers, who  was  slain  then,  was  no  greater  a  man  than  one  of 
die  corporals  of  Bediel's  troop;  die  cornet  and  odiers  being 
much  worse  than  he.*^ 

"Thus,"  concludes  Baxter,  "have  I  given  you  a  taste  of  my 
employment  in  the  army."  For  such  employment  he  was  of 
all  men  singularly  qualified.  Nothing  but  an  extraordinary 
taste  for  disputation,  could  have  disposed  hiin  to  enter  on,  or 
have  enabled  him  to  continue  in,  such  a  service.  Making 
allowance  for  die  coloring,  which  the  state  of  his  mind,  and  the 
extraordinary  nature  of  his  circumstances,  must  have  produced, 
it  will  be  granted,  diat  such  another  army  as  that  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, at  this  period,  the  world  never  saw  before,  or  since. 
Baxter  endeavors  to  account  for  its  peculiar  character,  from  the 
influence  of  a  few  individuals.  But,  whatever  may  be  ascribed 
to  them  as  the  proximate  causes  of  particular  events,  it  is  cer- 
tain that  other  and  more  powerful  causes  formed  the  characters 
of  these  soldiers,  and  are  necessary  to  account  for  the  appear- 
ance wliich  they  presented.  Civil  and  ecclesiastical  oppression 
had  goaded  many  to  desperation;  the  hope  and  love  of  liberty 
inspired  that  heroic  ardor,  which  nothing  could  subdue;  the  de- 
tection of  many  a  false  pretence,  and  the  discovery  of  many 
important  errors,  by  which  they  had  long  been  abused  and  de- 
luded, induced  suspicions  and  doubts,  and  instigated  to  a  licen- 
tious freedom  of  inquiry.  Authority  had  lost  all  its  weight;  and 
truth,  stripped  of  all  adventitious  ornament  and  recommendation, 
seemed  clodied  with  irresistible  charms.  The  period  of  dark- 
ness and  the  reign  of  terror  were  regarded  to  have  passed 
away;  and  the  dawn  of  peace,  liberty,  and  religion,  all  over  the 
world,  was  supposed  to  have  commenced.  Baxter's  exertions 
to  stem  the  progress  of  these  men,  however  well-meant,  were 
like  attempts  to  check  a  volcano,  by  throwing  stones  into  the 
crater;  or  to  resist  the  mountain  torrent  by  a  wicker  embank- 
ment. The  tempest  which  had  been  long  collecting  at  length 
burst  with  tremendous  fury;  but,  though,  for  a  time,  it  scattered 
dismay  and  desolation  all  around,  it  finally  cleared  the  political 

(e)  Life,  part  i.  pp.  50—54. 


54 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


and  religious  atmosphere,  and  rendered  it  capable  of  being 
breathed  by  free  men  and  Christians. 

As  Baxter's  account  of  the  army  is  drawn  up  under  the  mflu- 
ence  of  strong  feeling,  arising  probably  from  the  disappointment 
he  experienced  in  his  attempts  to  cool  down  their  ardor,  and 
reconcile  their  theological  quarrels,  it  may  be  proper  to  present 
to  the  reader  the  character  of  these  soldiers,  as  drawn  by 
another  who  was  very  intimate  with  them,  and  whose  testimony 
is  entided  to  much  respect. 

"The  officers  of  diis  army,"  says  Sprigge,  "were  such  as 
knew  little  more  of  war  than  our  own  unhappy  wars  had  taught 
them,  except  some  few.  Indeed,  I  may  say  this,  they  were 
better  Christians  than  soldiers;  wiser  in  faith  than  in  fighting; 
and  could  believe  a  victory  sooner  than  contrive  it;  yet  were 
they  as  wise  in  soldiery  as  the  litde  time  and  experience  they 
had  could  make  them.  Many  of  the  officers,  with  their  men, 
were  much  engaged  in  prayer  and  reading  the  Scriptures;  an 
exercise  diat  soldiers,  till  of  late,  have  used  but  little;  and  thus 
they  went  on  and  prospered.  Men  conquer  better  as  they  are 
saints  than  soldiers;  and  in  the  counties  where  they  came,  they 
left  something  of  God  as  well  as  of  Caesar  behind  them;  some- 
thing of  piety  as  well  as  pay. 

"The  army  was,  what  by  example  and  justice,  kept  in  good 
order,  both  in  respect  of  itself  and  of  the  country;  nor  was  it 
their  pay  that  pacified  them;  for,  had  they  not  had  more  civility 
than  money,  things  had  not  been  so  fairly  managed.  There 
were  many  of  them  differing  in  opinion,  yet  not  in  action  or 
busbess;  they  all  agreed  to  preserve  the  kingdom;  diey  pros- 
pered more  in  their  amity  than  uniformity.  Whatever  their 
opinions  were,  they  plundered  none  with  them,  they  betrayed 
none  with  them,  nor  disobeyed  the  state  with  them;  and  they 
were  more  visibly  pious  and  peaceable  in  their  opinions  than 
those  we  call  more  orthodox." 

This  is  the  testimony  of  one  whom  Baxter  would  perhaps 
have  called  a  sectary;  but  he  was  chaplain  to  the  good  ortho- 
dox Presbyterian,  General  Fairfax,  and  could  not,  therefore, 
have  been  very  wild.  Besides,  his  whole  account  is  character- 
ised by  sobriety,  and  accounts  better  for  the  conduct  and  suc- 
cess of  the  army,  dian  some  parts  of  Baxter's  description.  It 
is  a  duty,  while  recording  events,  and  describing  characters  as 
they  really  existed,  to  embrace  every  fair  opportunity  of  vindi- 
cating the  brave  and,  I  must  call  them,  enlightened  men,  who 
fought  the  batUe  of  England's  liberties,  and  to  whose  memories 
a  large  debt  of  gratitude  still  remains  undischarged. 

"As  soon  as  I  came  to  the  army,"  Baxter  proceeds,  "it 
marched  speedily  down  hito  the  west,  because  the  king  had  no 

(f)  Sprigge's  'Anglia  Rediviva,'  pp,  324,  325. 


OF    RlCHAllD  BAXTER. 


55 


army  left  there  but  the  Lord  Goring's,  and  it  would  not  suffer 
the  fugitives  of  Naseby-fight  to  come  thither  to  strengthen  them. 
VVc  came  quickly  down  to  Somerton,  when  Goring  was  at 
liaiig[)ort;  which  lying  upon  the  liver,  Massey  was  sent  to 
keep  him  in  on  the  lurther  side,  while  Fairfax  attended  him  on 
ihis  side,  wiUi  his  army.  One  day  they  faced  each  other, 
and  did  nothing;  the  next  day  they  came  to  their  ground 
again.  Betwixt  the  two  armies  was  a  narrow  lane,  wliich  went 
between  some  meadows  in  a  bottom,  and  a  small  brook  crossed 
the  lane  with  a  narrow  bridge.  Goring  planted  two  or  three  small 
pieces  at  the  head  of  the  lane  to  keep  die  passage,  and  there 
paced  his  best  horse;  so  that  none  could  come  to  them,  but 
over  that  narrow  bridge,  and  up  that  steep  lane,  upon  the  mouth 
of  diose  pieces.  After  many  hours  facing  each  other,  Fairfax's 
great  ordnance  affrighting,  more  than  hurting,  Goring's  men, 
and  some  musqueteers  being  sent  to  drive  them  from  under  the 
hedges,  at  last  Cromwell  bid  Whalley  send  three  of  his  troops 
to  charge  the  enemy,  and  he  sent  three  of  the  General's  own 
regiment  to  second  them;  all  being  of  Cromwell's  own  regi- 
ment. Whalley  sent  Major  Bethel,  Captain  Evanson,  and  Cap- 
tain Grove,  to  charge;  Major  Desborough,  with  another  troop 
or  two,  came  after;  as  they  could  go  but  one  or  two  abreast 
over  the  bridge.  By  the  time  Bethel  and  Evanson,  with  then: 
troops  were  got  up  to  the  top  of  the  lane,  they  met  with  a  select 
party  of  Goring's  best  horse,  and  charged  them  at  sword's  point, 
whilst  you  would  count  three  or  four  hundred,  and  then  put 
them  to  retreat.  In  the  flight  they  pursued  diem  too  far  to  the 
main  body;  for  the  dust  was  so  great,  being  in  die  very  hottest 
time  of  summer,  that  they  who  were  in  it  could  scarce  see  each 
other;  but  I,  who  stood  over  them  upon  the  brow  of  the  hill,  saw 
all.  When  diey  saw  themselves  upon  the  face  of  Goring's  army, 
they  fled  back  in  haste,  and  by  the  time  they  came  to  the  lane 
again,  Captain  Grove's  troop  was  ready  to  relieve  them,  and 
Desborough  behind  him.  They  then  rallied  again,  and  the  five 
or  six  troops  together  marched  towards  all  Goring's  army;  but 
before  they  came  to  the  front,  I  could  discern  the  rear  begin  to 
run,  and  so  beginning  in  the  rear,  they  all  fled  before  they  en- 
dured any  charge;  nor  was  there  a  blow  struck  that  day,  but  by 
Bethel's  and  Evanson's  troops,  on  that  side,  and  a  few  mus- 
queteers in  the  hedges.  Goring's  army  fled  to  Bridgewater; 
and  very  few  of  them  were  either  killed  or  taken  in  the  fight  or 
the  pursuit.  I  happened  to  be  next  to  Major  Harrison  as  soon 
as  the  flight  began,  and  heard  him  with  a  loud  voice  break  forth 
into  the  praises  of  God  with  fluent  expressions,  as  if  he  had 
been  in  a  rapture."  s 

(e)  Major-Gencral  Harrison  was  the  son  of  a  grazier  at  Nantwich,  in  Cheshire, 
and  bred  an  attorney,  but  quitted  that  profession  in  the  beginning  of  the  civil  war. 


66 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


It  was  while  at  Langport,  that  a  remarkable  circumstance 
took  place,  which  continued  for  a  long  time  to  be  privately  cir- 
culated to  the  great  prejudice  of  Baxter's  character.  Will  the 
reader  believe  that  he  was  actually  charged  with  killing  a  man 
in  cold  blood  with  his  own  hand!  At  last  it  was  publicly  laid 
to  his  charge  by  Major  Jennings  himself,  in  the  form  of  an 
affidavit,  and  published  by  Vernon,  in  the  preface  to  his  life  of 
Dr.  Heylin.  The  following  is  a  copy  of  this  extraordinary 
document,  with  Baxter's  answer  to  it: 

"Mr.  Baxter  may  be  pleased  to  call  to  mind,"  says  that  in- 
veterate enemy  of  the  Nonconformists,  "what  was  done  to  one 
Major  Jennings  the  last  war,  in  that  fight  that  was  between 
Lyndsel  and  Langford,  in  the  county  of  Salop;  where  the 
king's  party  having  unfortunately  the  worst  of  the  day,  the  poor 
man  was  stripped  almost  naked,  and  left  for  dead  in  the  field. 
Mr.  Baxter,  and  one  Lieutenant  Hurdman,  taking  their  walk 
among  the  wounded  and  dead  bodies,  perceived  some  life  left 
in  the  Major,  and  Hurdman  run  him  through  the  body  in  cold 
blood.  Mr.  Baxter  all  the  while  looking  on,  and  taking  off, 
with  his  own  hand,  the  king's  picture,  from  about  his  neck, 
told  him,  as  he  was  swimming  in  his  gore,  that  he  was  a  popish 
rogue,  and  that  was  his  crucifix.  This  picture  was  kept  by 
Mr.  Baxter  for  many  years,  till  it  was  got  from  him,  but  not 
without  much  difficulty,  by  one  Mr.  Somerfield,  who  then  lived 
with  Sir  Thomas  Rous.  He  generously  restored  it  to  the  poor 
man,  now  alive  at  Wick,  near  Pershore,  in  Worcestershire, 
although,  at  the  fight,  supposed  to  be  dead;  being,  after  the 
wounds  given  him,  dragged  up  and  down  the  field  by  the  mer- 
ciless soldiers.  Mr.  Baxter  approved  of  the  inhumanity  by 
feeding  his  eyes  with  so  bloody  and  so  barbarous  a  spectacle. 

"I,  Thomas  Jennings,  subscribe  to  the  truth  of  this  narrative, 
and  have  hereunto  put  my  hand  and  seal,  this  second  day  of 
March,  1682.'"' 

In  reply  to  this  extraordinary  charge,  Baxter  says: 

"I  do  not  think  Major  Jennings  knowingly  made  this  lie;  but 
was  directed  by  somebody's  report,  and  my  sending  him  the 
medal.  I  do  solemnly  protest,  that  to  my  knowledge,  I  never 
saw  Major  Jennings;  that  I  never  saw  a  man  wound,  hurt,  strip 
or  touch  him;  that  I  never  spake  a  word  to  him,  much  less  any 
word  here  affirmed;  that  I  neither  took  the  picture  from  about 

He  was  a  man  of  courage  and  of  great  volubility,  and  was  of  singular  use  to  Crom- 
well in  subduing'  the  Presbyterians.  He  was  one  of  those  who  pleaded  for  a  legal 
trial  of  Charles  I.,  whom  he  undertook  to  bring  from  Hurst  Castle,  for  that  purpose. 
He  is  said  to  have  anuised  Fairfax  with  long  prayers,  for  which  he  had  an  admirable 
talent,  at  the  time  of  the  king's  execution.  lie  was  one  of  the  ten  regicides,  as  they 
were  called,  who  were  executed  in  October,  16G0,  and  died  exulting'  in  the  cause  for 
which  he  suffered — Granger's  Biog.  Hist.  vol.  iii.  p.  65. 
(Ii)  Baiters  True  Hist,  of  Councils,  pp.  1 — fi. 


OF   RICHAHD  BAXTKR. 


his  neck,  nor  saw  who  did  it;  liiat  I  was  not  in  the  field  when 
it  was  done;  that  1  walked  not  among  any  wounded  or  dead, 
nor  heard  of  any  killed,  hut  of  one  man;  and  that  the  jiicture 
was  never  got  from  me  with  difficulty;  but  that  this  is  the  truth, 
— The  parliament  had  a  few  men  in  J  iangford  House,  and  the 
king  at  l^yndscl,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  asunder,  who  used  oft 
to  skirmish  and  dare  each  other  in  the  fields  between.  My  in- 
nocent father  being  prisoner  at  Lyndsel;  and  I,  being  at  Lang- 
ford,  resolved  not  to  go  tlience  till  he  was  delivered;  I  saw  the 
soldiers  go  out,  as  they  oft  did,  and  in  another  field  discerned 
them  to  meet  and  fight.  1  knew  not  that  they  had  seen  Jennings; 
but,  being  in  die  house,  a  soldier  showed  a  small  medal  of  gilt 
silver,  bigger  than  a  shilling,  and  told  us  that  he  wounded  Jen- 
nings, and  took  his  coat,  and  took  that  medal  from  about  his  neck; 
I  bought  it  of  him  for  cighteen-pence,  no  one  offering  more. 
Some  years  after,  the  first  time  that  I  heard  where  he  was,  I 
freely  desired  Mr.  Somerfield  to  give  it  him  from  me,  who 
had  never  seen  him;  supposing  it  was  a  mark  of  honor  which 
might  be  useful  to  him.  And  now  these  lies  are  all  the  thanks 
that  ever  I  had."  ' 

Such  is  Baxter's  full  and  satisfactory  explanation  of  one  of 
the  most  improbable  and  wicked  calumnies  that  ever  was  propa- 
gated against  a  man  of  God.  It  is  a  curious  illustration  of  the 
state  of  the  times,  that  such  a  base  story  could  find  reporters 
and  believers,  not  only  among  the  ignorant  and  the  profligate, 
but  even  among  the  respectable  part  of  the  clergy.  It  was  be- 
lieved and  cuTulated  not  merely  by  such  persons  as  Vernon, 
and  Long,  and  Lestrange;  but  by  Dr.  Boreman,  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge;  and  Dr.  AUestry,  of  Oxford.  The  latter, 
however,  much  to  his  credit,  wrote  him  a  letter  of  apology.  But 
we  must  now  return  to  the  account  of  the  army. 

"Goring  immediately  fled  with  his  army  further  westward,  to 
Exeter;  but  Fairfax  stayed  to  besiege  Bridgewater;  and  after 
two  days  it  was  taken  by  storm,  in  which  Colonel  Hammond's 
service  was  much  magnified.  Mr.  Peters,  having  come  to  the 
army  from  London  but  a  day  before,  went  presently  back 
with  the  news  of  Goring's  rout:  when  an  hundred  pounds  re- 
ward was  voted  to  himself  for  bringing  the  news,  and  to  Major 
Bethel  for  his  service;  but  no  reward  was  given  to  Captain 
Evanson,  because  he  was  no  sectary.  Bethel  alone  had  all 
the  glory  and  applause  from  Cromwell  and  that  party. 

"From  Bridgewater  the  army  went  back  towards  Bristol; 
where  Prince  Rupert  was  taking  Nunny  Castle  and  Bath  in  the 
way.  At  Bristol  they  continued  the  siege  about  a  month.  After 
the  first  three  days,  I  fell  sick  of  a  fever,  the  plague  being  round 


(i)  Baxter's  True  Hist,  of  Councils,  pp.  1 — 6 
VOL.   I.  8 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


about  my  quarters.  As  soon  as  I  felt  my  disease,  I  rode  six 
or  seven  miles  back  into  the  country,  and  the  next  morning,  with 
much  ado,  I  got  to  Bath.  Here  Dr.  Venner  was  my  careful 
physician:  and  when  I  was  near  death,  far  from  all  my  acquaint- 
ance it  pleased  God  to  restore  me;  and  on  the  fourteenth  day 
the  fever  ended  in  a  crisis.  But  it  left  me  so  emaciated  and 
weak,  that  it  was  long  ere  I  recovered  the  little  strength  I  had 
before.  I  came  back  to  Bristol  siege  three  or  four -days  before 
the  city  was  taken.  The  foot,  which  were  to  storm  the  works, 
would  not  go  on  unless  the  horse,  who  had  no  service  to  do, 
went  with  them.  So  Whalley's  regiment  was  fain  to  go  on  to 
encourage  the  foot,  and  to  stand  to  be  shot  at  before  the  ord- 
nance, while  the  foot  stormed  the  forts.  Here  Major  Bethel, 
who  in  the  last  fight  had  his  thumb  shot,  had  a  shot  in  his  thigh, 
of  which  he  died,  and  was  much  lamented.  The  outworks 
being  taken.  Prince  Rupert  yielded  up  the  city,  upon  terras 
that  he  might  march  away  with  his  soldiers,  leaving  their  ord- 
nance and  arms. 

"After  this,  the  army  marched  to  Sherborne  Castle,  the  Earl 
of  Bristol's  house:  which,  after  a  fortnight's  siege,  they  took  by 
storm;  and  that  on  a  side  which  one  would  think  could  never 
have  been  that  way  taken.  While  they  were  there,  the  country- 
men, called  clubmen,  rose  near  Shaftsbury,  and  got  upon  the 
top  of  a  hill.  A  party  was  sent  out  against  them,  who  marched 
up  the  hill,  and  routed  them;  though  some  of  the  valiantest 
men  were  slain  in  the  front. 

"When  Sherborne  Casde  was  taken,  part  of  the  army  went 
back  and  took  in  a  small  garrison  by  Salisbury,  called  Langford 
house,  and  so  marched  to  Winchester  Castle,  and  took  that 
after  a  week's  siege,  or  litde  more.  From  thence  Cromwell 
went,  with  a  good  party,  to  besiege  Basing-house,  the  Marquis 
of  Winchester's,  which  had  frustrated  great  sieges  heretofore. 
Here  Colonel  Hammond  was  taken  prisoner  into  the  house, 
afterwards  the  house  was  taken  by  storm,  and  he  saved  the 
Marquis  and  others;  and  much  riches  were  taken  by  the  sol- 
diers.J 

"In  the  mean  time  the  rest  of  the  army  marched  down  again 
towards  the  Lord  Goring,  and  Cromwell  came  after  them. 
When  we  followed  Lord  Goring  westward,  we  found  that,  above 
all  other  armies  of  the  king,  his  soldiers  were  most  hated  by 
the  people,  for  their  incredible  profaneness,  and  their  unmerci- 
ful plundering,  many  of  them  being  foreigners.  A  sober  gen- 
tleman, whom  I  quartered  with  at  South  Pederton,  in  Somer- 
setshire, averred  to  me,  that,  when  with  him,  a  company  of 
them  pricked  their  fingers,  and  let  the  blood  run  into  the  cup. 


(j)  Life,  parti,  pp.  54,55. 


OF   RICHARD  HAXTER. 


and  drank  a  liealth  to  the  devil  in  it:  and  no  place  could  I  come 
mto,  but  their  horrid  impiety  and  outrages,  made  them  odious. 

"The  army  marched  down  by  Hunniiigton  to  Exeter;  where 
I  continued  near  three  weeks  among  them  at  the  siege,  and 
then  Whalley's  regiment,  with  the  General's,  Fleetwood's,  and 
others,  being  sent  back,  1  returned  witli  them  and  left  the  siege; 
which  continued  till  the  city  was  taken.  The  army  following 
Goring  into  Cornwall,  diere  forced  him  to  lay  down  arms, 
his  men  going  away  beyond  sea,  or  elsewhere,  without  their 
arms:  and  at  last,  Pendennis  Casde,  and  all  the  garrisons  there, 
were  taken. 

"In  the  mean  time,  Whalley  was  to  command  die  return  of 
die  party  of  horse,  to  keep  in  the  garrison  of  Oxford  till  the 
army  could  come  to  besiege  it:  and  so  in  die  extreme  winter,  he 
quartered  about  six  weeks  in  Buckinghamshire:  and  then  was 
sent  to  lay  siege  to  Banbury  Casde,  where  Sir  William  Comp- 
ton  was  governor,  who  had  wearied  out  one  long  siege  before. 
There  I  was  with  diem  above  two  months,  till  the  castle  was 
taken;  and  dien  he  was  sent  to  lay  siege  to  Worcester,  with  die 
help  of  the  Northampton,  and  Warwick,  and  Newport  Pagnel  sol- 
diers, who  had  assisted  him  at  Banbury.  At  Worcester,  he  lay 
in  siege  eleven  weeks:  and  at  the  same  time,  the  army  being 
come  up  from  die  west,  lay  in  siege  at  Oxford. 

"By  diis  time.  Colonel  Whalley,  though  Cromwell's  kinsman, 
and  commander  of  the  trusted  regiment,  grew  odious  among 
the  sectarian  commanders  at  the  head  quarters.  For  my  sake 
he  was  called  a  Presbyterian,  though  neither  he  nor  I  were  of 
tliat  judgment  in  several  points;  Major  Salloway  not  omitting  to 
use  his  industry  in  die  matter  to  that  end.  When  he  had 
brought  the  city  to  a  necessity  of  present  yielding,  two  or  three 
days  before  it  yielded.  Colonel  Rainsborough  was  sent  from 
Oxford,  which  had  yielded,  with  some  regiments  of  foot  to 
command  in  chief;  partly  that  he  might  be  governor  there,  and 
not  Whalley,  when  the  city  was  surrendered.  So  when  it  was 
yielded,  Rainsborough  was  governor,  to  head  and  gratify  the 
sectaries,  and  settle  city  and  county  in  their  way;  but  the  com- 
mittee of  the  county  were  for  Whalley,  and  lived  in  distaste 
with  Rainsborough,  and  the  sectaries  prospered  there  no  further 
than  Worcester  city  itself,  a  place  which  deserved  such  a  judg- 
ment; but  all  the  country  was  free  from  their  infection. 

"All  this  while,  as  I  had  friendly  converse  with  the  sober 
part,  so  I  was  still  employed  with  the  rest  as  before,  in  preach- 
ing, conference,  and  disputing  against  their  confounding  errors; 
and  in  all  places  where  we  went,  the  sectarian  soldiers  much 
infected  the  counties,  by  their  pamphlets  and  converse.  The 
people  admiring  the  conquering  army,  were  ready  to  receive 
whatsoever  they  commended  to  them;  and  it  was  the  way  of 


00 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


the  faction  to  represent  what  they  said,  as  tlie  sense  of  the 
army,  and  to  make  the  people  heheve  that  whatever  opinion 
they  vented,  which  one  in  forty  of  die  army  owned  not,  was 
the  army's  opinion.  When  we  quartered  at  Agniondeshan,  in 
Buckinghamshire,  some  sectaries  of  Chesham  had  set  up  a  pub- 
he  meeting  for  conference,  to  propagate  their  opinions  through 
all  the  country;  and  diis  in  the  church,  by  the  encouragement 
of  an  ignorant  sectarian  lecturer,  one  Bramble,  whom  they  had 
got  in,  while  Dr.  Cook,  the  pastor,  and  Mr.  Richardson,  his 
curate,  durst  not  contradict  them.  When  this  public  talking-day 
came,  Bethel's  troopers,  with  other  sectarian  soldiers,  must  be 
there  to  confirm  the  Chesham  men,  and  make  men  believe  that 
the  army  was  for  them.  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  be  there  also, 
and  took  divers  sober  officers  with  me,  to  let  them  see  that  more 
of  the  army  were  against  them  than  for  diem.  I  took  the  read- 
ing pew,  and  Pitchford's  cornet  and  troopers  took  the  gallery. 
And  there  I  found  a  crowded  congregation  of  poor  well-mean- 
ing people,  who  came  in  the  simplicity  of  their  hearts  to  be  de- 
ceived. Then  did  the  leader  of  the  Chesham  men  begin,  and 
afterwards  Pitchford's  soldiers  set  in,  and  I  alone  disputed 
against  them  from  morning  until  almost  night;  for  I  knew  their 
trick,  that  if  I  had  but  gone  out  first,  they  would  have  prated 
what  boasting  words  they  listed  when  I  was  gone,  and  made  the 
people  believe  that  they  had  baffled  me,  or  got  the  best;  there- 
fore, I  stayed  it  out  till  they  first  rose  and  went  away.  The 
abundance  of  nonsense  which  they  uttered  that  day,  may  partly 
be  seen  in  Mr.  Edward's  'Gangrasna;'  for  I  had  wrote  a  letter 
of  it  to  a  friend  in  London,  so  that  and  anodier  were  put  into 
Mr.  Edward's  book,  widiout  my  name.''  But  some  of  the  sober 
people  of  Agmondesham,  gave  me  abundance  of  thanks  for  that 
day's  work,  which  they  said  would  never  be  there  forgotten;  I 
heard  also  that  the  sectaries  were  so  discouraged  diat  they  never 
met  there  any  more.  I  am  sure  1  had  much  thanks  from  Dr. 
Cook,  and  Mr.  Richardson,  who,  being  obnoxious  to  their  dis- 
pleasure for  being  for  the  king,  durst  not  open  their  mouths 
themselves.  After  the  conference,  I  talked  with  the  lecturer, 
Mr.  Bramble,  and  found  him  little  wiser  than  the  rest. 

"The  chief  impediments  to  the  success  of  my  endeavors,  I 
found,  were  only  two:  the  discountenance  of  Cromwell,  and 
the  chief  officers  of  his  mind,  which  kept  me  a  stranger  from 
their  meetings  and  councils;  and  my  incapacity  of  speaking  to 
many,  as  soldiers'  quarters  are  scattered  far  from  one  another, 
and  I  could  be  but  in  one  place  at  once.  So  that  one  troop  at 
a  time,  ordinarily,  and  some  few  more  extraordinary,  was  all  that 

(k)  This  letter  appears  in  tlie  tliird  part  of  tliat  precious  collection  of  absurdity, 
calumny,  and  lying.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Baxter  should  have  coutribuled  any 
thing  lo  such  a  farrago  of  nonsense  and  wickedness. 


OF    RICHARn  BAXTER. 


Gl 


I  could  speak  lo.  Tlie  most  of  the  service  I  did  beyond  Whal- 
ley's  loj^iiiient  was,  by  tlie  help  of  Capt.  Lawrence,  with  some 
of  the  Cicneral's  regiment,  and  sometimes  I  had  converse  widi 
Major  Harrison  and  a  few  oUiers;  but  I  found  tliat  if  the  army 
had  only  had  ministers  enough,  who  would  have  done  sucii  little 
as  I  did,  all  their  i)lot  might  have  been  broken,  and  king,  parlia- 
ment, and  religion,  might  have  been  preserved.  I,  dierefore, 
sent  abroad  to  get  some  more  ministers  among  them,  but  I  could 
get  none.  Saltniarsh  and  Dell  were  the  two  great  preachers 
at  die  head  quarters;  but  honest  and  judicious  Mr.  Edward 
Bowles  kept  still  with  the  General.'  At  last  I  got  Mr.  Cook, 
of  Foxhull,  to  come  to  assist  me;  and  the  soberer  part  of  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  Whalley's  regiment  were  willing  to  re- 
munerate him  out  of  their  own  pay.  A  month  or  two  he  stayed 
and  assisted  me;  but  was  quickly  weary,  and  left  them  again. 
He  was  a  very  worthy,  humble,  laborious  man,  unwearied  in 
preaching,  but  weary  when  he  had  not  opportunity  to  preach, 
and  vi^eary  of  the  spirits  he  had  to  deal  with. 

"All  this  while,  though  I  came  not  near  Cromwell,  his  designs 
were  visible,  and  I  saw  him  continually  acting  his  part.  The 
Lord  General  suftered  him  to  govern  and  do  all,  and  to  choose 
almost  all  the  officers  of  the  army.  He  first  made  Ireton  com- 
missary-general; and  when  any  troop  or  company  was  to  be 
disposed  of,  or  any  considerable  officer's  place  was  void,  he  was 
sure  to  put  a  sectaiy  in  the  place:  and  when  the  brunt  of  the 
war  was  over,  he  looked  not  so  much  at  their  valor  as  their 
opinions;  so  that,  by  degrees,  he  had  headed  the  greatest  part 
of  die  army  with  anabaptists,  antinomians,  seekers,  or  separa- 
tists, at  best.  All  these  he  led  together  by  the  point  of  liberty 
of  conscience,  which  was  the  common  interest  in  which  they 
did  unite.  Yet  all  the  sober  party  were  carried  on  by  his  pro- 
fession, that  he  only  promoted  the  universal  interest  of  the  godly, 
without  any  distinction  or  partiality  at  all;  but  still,  when  a  place 
fell  void,  it  was  twenty  to  one  a  sectary  had  it;  and  if  a  godly 
man,  of  any  other  mind  or  temper,  had  a  mind  to  leave  the 
army,  he  would,  secretly  or  openly,  further  it.  Yet  did  he  not 
openly  profess  what  opinion  he  was  of  himself:  but  the  most 
that  he  said  for  any  was  for  Anabaptism  and  Antinomianism, 
which  he  usually  seemed  to  own.  Harrison,  who  was  then 
great  with  him,  was  for  the  same  opinions.  He  would  not  dis- 
pute with  me  at  all;  but  he  would,  in  good  discourse,  very  flu- 
ently pour  out  himself  in  the  extolling  of  free  grace,  which  was 

(1)  Mr.  Rowles  left  the  army  in  January,  164>5,  for  his  charge  at  York,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Dell,  as  chaplain,  lo  the  General.  He  and  Sallmarsh  were  both  in- 
clined to  Antinomianism.  The  latter  was  a  complete  mystic;  thousih  perhaps  both 
went  further  afterwards,  than  when  they  were  about  Fairfax,  who  seems  lo  have  been 
a  moderate,  sober-minded  man. — Spngge's  Anglia,  p.  1G6. 


6$ 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


savory  to  those  that  had  right  principles,  though  he  had  some 
misunderstandings  of  free  grace  himself.  He  was  a  man  of 
excellent  natural  parts  for  aftcction  and  oratory,  but  not  well 
seen  in  the  principles  of  his  religion;  of  a  sanguine  complexion, 
naturally  of  such  vivacity,  hilarity,  and  alacrity,  as  another  man 
hath  when  he  hadi  drunken  a  cup  too  much;  but  naturally,  also, 
so  far  from  humble  thoughts  of  himself,  that  pride  was  his  ruin. 

"All  the  two  years  that  I  was  in  the  army,  even  my  old 
bosom  friend,  who  had  lived  in  my  house  and  been  dearest  to 
me,  James  Berry,  then  captain,  after  colonel  and  major-general, 
then  lord  of  the  Upper  House,  who  had  formerly  invited  me 
to  Cromwell's  old  troop,  did  never  once  invite  me  to  the  army 
at  first,  nor  invite  me  to  his  quarters  after,  nor  ever  once  came 
to  visit  me,  or  even  saw  me,  save  twice  or  thrice  that  we  met 
accidentally.  So  potent  is  the  interest  of  ourselves  and  our 
opinions  with  us,  against  all  other  bonds  whatever.  He  that  for- 
saketh  himself  in  forsaking  his  own  opinions,  may  well  be  expect- 
ed to  forsake  his  friend,  who  adhereth  to  the  way  which  he  for- 
saketh;  and  that  change  which  maketh  him  think  he  was  him- 
self an  ignorant,  misguided  man  before,  must  needs  make  him 
think  his  friend  to  be  still  ignorant  and  misguided,  and  value 
him  accordingly.  He  was  a  man,  I  verily  think,  before  the 
wars,  of  great  sincerity;  of  very  good  natural  parts,  especially 
mathematical  and  mechanical;  affectionate  in  religion,  and  while 
conversant  with  humbling  providences,  doctrines,  and  company, 
he  carried  himself  as  a  very  great  enemy  to  pride:  but  when 
Cromwell  made  him  his  favorite,  and  his  extraordinary  valor 
was  crowned  with  extraordinary  success,  and  when  he  had  been 
awhile  most  conversant  with  those,  who,  in  religion,  thought  the 
old  Puritan  ministers  were  dull,  self-conceited  men,  of  a  lower 
form,  and  that  new  light  had  declared  I  know  not  what  to  be  a 
higher  attainment,  his  mind,  his  aim,  his  talk  and  all  were 
altered  accordingly.  And  as  ministers  of  the  old  way  were 
lower,  and  sectaries  much  higher,  in  his  esteem  than  formerly; 
so  he  was  much  higher  in  his  own  esteem  when  he  thought  he 
had  attained  much  higher,  than  he  was  before,  when  he  sat  with 
his  fellows  in  the  common  form.  Being  never  well  studied  in 
the  body  of  divinity,  but  taking  his  light  among  the  sectaries, 
before  the  light  which  longer  and  patient  studies  of  divinity 
should  have  possessed  him  with,  he  lived  after  as  honestly  as 
could  be  expected  in  one  that  taketh  error  for  truth,  and  evil 
to  be  good. 

"After  this,  he  was  president  of  the  agitators,  a  major-general 
and  lord,  a  principal  person  in  the  changes,  and  the  chief  exe- 
cutioner in  pulling  down  Richard  Cromwell;  and  then  one  of 
the  governing  council  of  state.  A.11  this  was  promoted  by  the 
misunderstanding  of  Providencej  for  he  verily  thought  that  God 


OF  HICHARD  BAXTER. 


03 


by  their  victories,  had  so  called  them  to  look  after  the  govern- 
ment of  the  land,  and  so  entrusted  them  with  the  welfare  of  all 
his  people  here,  that  they  were  responsihle  for  it,  and  niie;lit  not 
in  conscience  stand  still  while  any  thing  was  done  wliicii  they 
thought  was  against  Uiat  interest  which  they  judged  to  he  the 
interest  of  the  peofffc  of  God. 

"As  he  was  the  chief  in  pulling  down,  he  was  one  of  the  first 
tliat  fell:  for  Sir  Arthur  Haselrigge  taking  Portsmouth,  his  regi- 
ment of  horse,  sent  to  hlock  it  uj),  went  most  of  diem  to  Sir 
Arthur.  And  when  the  army  was  melted  to  nothing,  and  the 
khig  ready  to  come  in,  die  council  of  state  imprisoned  him,  be- 
cause he  would  not  promise  to  live  peaceably;  and  afterwards 
he  (being  one  of  the  four  whom  General  Monk  had  the  worst 
thoughts  of)  was  closely  confined  in  Scarborough  Casde;  but, 
being  released,  he  became  a  gardener  and  liv^ed  in  a  safer  state 
than  in  all  his  greatness."' 

"When  Worcester  siege  was  over,  having  seen,  with  joy, 
Kidderminster,  and  my  friends  there  once  again,  the  country 
being  now  cleared,  my  old  flock  expected  that  I  should  return 
to  them,  and  settle  in  peace  among  them.  I  accordingly  went 
to  Coventry,  and  called  the  ministers  again  together,  who  voted 
me  into  Uie  army.  I  told  them,  that  the  forsaking  of  the  army, 
by  the  old  ministers,  and  the  neglect  of  supplying  their  places 
by  others,  had  undone  us;  that  I  had  labored  among  them  with 
as  much  success  as  could  be  expected  in  the  narrow  sphere  of 
my  capacity:  but  that  was  litde  to  all  the  army;  that  the  active 
sectaries  were  the  smallest  part  of  the  army  among  the  common 
soldiers,  but  that  Cromwell  had  lately  put  so  many  of  them  into 
superior  command,  and  their  industry  was  so  much  greater  than 
others,  they  were  like  to  have  their  will;  that  whatever  obedi- 
ence they  pretended,  I  doubted  not  but  they  would  pull  down 
all  that  stood  in  their  way,  in  state  and  church,  both  king,  par- 
liament, and  ministers,  and  set  up  themselves.  I  told  them  that 
for  the  little  that  I  had  done,  I  had  ventured  my  life,  and  weak- 
ened my  body  (weak  before,)  but  that  the  day,  which  I  ex- 
pected, was  yet  to  come;  and  that  the  greatest  service  with  the 
greatest  hazard  was  yet  before.  The  wars  being  now  ended,  I 
was  confident  the  leaders  would  shortly  show  their  purpose,  and 
set  up  for  themselves:  and  when  the  day  came,  all  that  were 
true  to  king,  parliament,  and  religion,  ought  to  appear,  if  there 

(m)  I  am  inclinerl  to  think  that  Baxter  has  expressed  a  more  unfavorable  opinion 
of  Berry  than  he  deserved.  He  probably  found  it  inexpedient  or  even  dangerous,  to 
counlenaiiee  Baxter's  zeal  in  endeavoring  to  reform  the  army  and  obstruct  the  design 
of  its  leaders;  to  avoid  quarrelling  with  an  inofl'ensive  and  well-meaning  but,  as  he 
would  regard  him,  a  wrong-headed  man,  he  kept  out  of  his  way.  Berry  was  a  man 
of  talents  and  energy;  one  of  the  men  who  was  formed  by  the  times;  who  lived  in 
'he  tempest  and  the  earthquake,  and  sunk  into  obscurity  in  the  calm.  I  have  noticed 
him  in  the  Memoirs  of  Owen,  p.  279,  2d  edit. 


64 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


were  any  hope,  by  contradicting  them,  or  drawing  off  the  sol- 
diers from  them,  as  it  was  all  the  service  that  was  yet  possible 
to  be  done.  I  was  likely  to  do  no  great  matter  in  such  an 
attempt;  but  there  being  so  many  in  the  army  of  my  mind,  I 
knew  not  what  might  be  till  the  day  should  discover  it:  and 
though  I  knew  it  was  the  greatest  hazard  of  my  life,  my  judg- 
ment was  for  staying  among  them  till  the  crisis,  if  their  judg- 
ment did  concur.  Whereupon  they  all  voted  me  to  go  and 
leave  Kidderramster  yet  longer,  which  accordingly  I  did. 

"From  Worcester  I  went  to  London  to  Sir  Theodore  May- 
ern,  about  my  health;  he  sent  me  to  Tunbridge  Wells,  and  after 
some  stay  there  to  my  benefit,  I  went  back  to  London,  and  so 
to  my  quarters  in  Worcestershire,  where  the  regiment  was.  My 
quarters  fell  out  to  be  at  Sir  Thomas  Rous's,  at  Rous-Lench, 
where  I  had  never  been  before.  The  Lady  Rous  was  a  godly, 
grave,  understanding  woman,  and  entertained  me  not  as  a  sol- 
dier, but  a  friend.  From  thence  I  went  into  Leicestershire,  Staf- 
fordshire, and  at  last  into  Derbyshire.  One  advantage  of  this 
moving  life  was,  that  I  had  opportunity  to  preach  in  many  coun- 
ties and  parishes;  and  whatever  came  of  it  afterward,  I  know 
not;  but  at  the  time,  they  commonly  seemed  to  be  much  affected. 

"I  came  to  Major  Swallow's  quarters,  at  Sir  John  Cook's 
house,  at  Melbourn,  on  die  edge  of  Derbyshire,  beyond  Ashby- 
de-la-Zouch,  in  a  cold  and  snowy  season:  and  the  cold,  together 
with  other  things  coincident,  set  ray  nose  on  bleeding.  When  I 
had  bled  about  a  quart  or  two,  I  opened  four  veins,  but  that  did 
no  good.  I  used  divers  other  remedies,  for  several  days,  to  litde 
purpose:  at  last  I  gave  myself  a  purge,  which  stopped  it.  This 
so  much  weakened  me,  and  altered  my  complexion,  that  my 
acquaintances  who  came  to  visit  me,  scarcely  knew  me.  Com- 
ing after  so  long  weakness,  and  frequent  loss  of  blood  before,  it 
made  the  physicians  conclude  me  deplorate,  supposing  I  could 
never  escape  a  dropsy. 

"Thus  God  unavoidably  prevented  all  the  effect  of  my  pur- 
poses in  my  last  and  chiefest  opposition  of  (he  army;  and  took 
me  off  the  very  time  when  my  attempt  should  have  begun. 
My  purpose  was  to  have  done  my  best,  first  to  take  off  that  regi- 
ment winch  I  was  with,  and  then,  with  Captain  Lawrence,  to 
have  tried  upon  the  General's,  in  which  two  were  Cromwell's 
chief  confidents;  and  then  to  have  joined  with  others  of  the  same 
mind;  for  the  other  regiments  were  much  less  corrupted.  But 
the  determination  of  God  against  it  was  most  observable;  for  the 
very  time  that  I  was  bleeding,  the  council  of  war  sat  at  Notting- 
ham, where,  as  I  have  credibly  heard,  they  first  began  to  open 
their  purpose  and  act  their  part;  and,  piesently  after,  they  enter- 
ed into  their  engagement  at  Triploe  Heath.  As  I  perceived  it 
was  the  will  of  God  to  permit  then  to  go  on,  so  I  afterwards 


OF   RICHARD  BAXTER. 


65 


found  tliiit  this  great  aflru^tion  was  a  mercy  to  myself;  for  tliey 
were  so  strong,  and  active,  diat  I  had  been  likely  to  have  had 
small  success  in  the  attempt,  and  to  have  lost  my  life  among 
them  in  their  fury.  And  thus  I  was  finally  separated  from  the 
army. 

"When  I  had  staid  at  Melbourn,  in  my  chamber,  three 
weeks,  being  among  strangers,  and  not  knowing  how  to  get 
home,  I  went  to  Mr.  Novvell's  house,  at  Kirhy-Mallory,  in 
Leicestershire,  where,  v,  ith  great  kindness,  I  was  entertained 
three  weeks.  By  that  time,  the  tidings  of  my  weakness  came 
to  the  Lady  Rous,  in  Worcestershire,  who  sent  her  servant  to 
seek  me  out;  and  when  he  returned,  and  told  her  I  was  afar  off, 
and  he  could  not  find  me,  she  sent  him  again  to  find  me,  and 
bring  me  thither,  if  I  were  able  to  travel.  So,  in  great  weak- 
ness, thither  I  made  shift  to  get,  where  I  was  entertained  with 
the  greatest  care  and  tenderness,  while  I  continued  the  use  of 
means  for  my  recovery:  and  when  I  had  been  there  a  quarter 
of  a  year,  I  returned  to  Kidderminster."  " 

Thus  terminated  Baxter's  connection  with  the  army.  In 
reviewing  his  account  of  it,  we  cannot  help  admiring  the  disin- 
terestedness of  the  motives  by  which  he  appears  to  have  been 
influenced,  and  die  self-denial  which  he  exercised.  He  entered 
the  army  by  the  advice  of  his  friends,  and  with  the  sincere 
intention  of  doing  good;  but  with  greater  confidence  in  the 
effects  to  be  produced  by  his  labors  than  the  circumstances  war- 
ranted. These  high-minded  soldiers,  accustomed  to  dispute  as 
well  as  to  fight,  and  who  were  no  less  confident  of  victory  in  the 
polemic  arena  than  of  triumph  in  the  field  of  batde,  were  not 
to  be  put  down  by  the  controversial  powers  of  Baxter,  great  as 
those  powers  were.  To  his  metaphysical  distinctions,  they 
opposed  their  personal  feelings  and  convictions,  which  were  pro- 
duced by  a  very  different  process,  and  not  to  be  altered  by  any 
refinements  of  disquisition.  When  he  contended  against  the  jus- 
tice of  their  cause,  to  his  arguments  they  opposed  their  success; 
and  often  must  he  have  lost  in  their  estimation  as  a  politician, 
what  he  had  gained  by  his  talents  and  piety  as  a  divine.  Move- 
ment, and  dispersion,  which  were  death  to  him,  were  life  to 
them.  It  kept  up  their  spirits  and  their  excitement,  by  giving 
them  fi-esh  opportunities  of  exercising  their  gifts,  both  of  the 
sword  and  of  the  tongue.  Much  as  the  leaders  of  the  army 
respected  religion,  they  had  too  much  discernment  to  encourage 
the  influx  of  many  such  ministers  as  Baxter.  Cromwell  and 
his  officers  had  no  objection  to  an  occasional  theological  contest 
among  the  soldiers,  or,  even  to  engage  in  one  themselves.  It 
relieved  the  tug  of  war:  it  operated  as  a  divertisement  from 


VOL.  T. 


(n)  Life,  part  1.  pp.  55 — 59. 

9 


66 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


Other  subjects  on  which  their  minds  would  have  been  less  prof- 
hably  employed;  while  it  often  excited  that  very  ardor  of  soul, 
on  which  the  success  of  the  army  of  the  Commonwealth  mainly 
depended. 

I  am  not  sure  that  even  the  ministers  themselves  were  not 
pleased,  in  this  manner  to  be  rid  of  Baxter.  It  is  remarkable,  that 
while  they  warmly  approved  of  his  going  into  the  army  and 
remaining  with  it,  few  of  them  were  disposed  to  follow  his  exam- 
ple. This  could  not  arise  from  the  apprehension  of  personal 
danger,  for  they  could  have  little  to  fear  of  this  nature.  In  fact, 
they  must  generally  have  been  safer  with  the  army  than  in  the 
towns  to  which  they  sometimes  resorted  for  protection.  While 
associating  with  Baxter,  they  must  have  remarked  the  fearless 
character  of  his  mind,  his  recklessness  of  danger,  and  his  re- 
gardlessness  of  consequences.  His  love  of  disputation,  his 
qualifications  as  a  debater,  and  his  devotedness  to  what  he  re- 
garded as  the  cause  of  his  Master,  all  fitted  him  for  such  a  field 
as  the  army  presented.  The  very  qualities,  however,  which 
fitted  him  for  the  camp,  rendered  him  less  desirable  as  a  com- 
panion in  the  retired  and  secluded  walks  of  life.  A  company 
of  ministers,  shut  up  in  a  provincial  town  with  Baxter  for 
twelve  months,  probably  found  him  a  troublesome  friend.  The 
restless  activity  of  his  mind  could  not,  in  such  circumstances, 
find  scope  or  employment.  By  advising  him,  then,  to  follow 
his  own  convictions,  and  join  the  army,  they  at  once  did  hom- 
age to  his  talents,  and  gratified  his  love  of  employment;  while, 
by  remaining  in  retirement  and  safety  themselves,  they  showed 
either  their  love  of  ease,  or  that  they  had  little  confidence  in 
the  wisdom  or  success  of  Baxter's  attempt  to  save  his  country, 
and  deliver  his  king,  by  ministerial  influence  over  the  soldiers. 

Whatever  weight  may  be  due  to  these  reasonings,  it  is  evi- 
dent that,  in  the  army,  Baxter  was  neither  an  idle  nor  an  uncon- 
cerned spectator.  He  labored  indefatigably,  and  persevered 
amidst  all  discouragements.  He  failed  in  his  main  object;  but 
he  succeeded  in  repressing  evil,  and  in  encouraging  much  that 
was  good.  He  acquired  considerable  additions  to  his  stock  of 
experience,  and  his  knowledge  of  men,  and  has  left  us  some 
important  information  respecting  the  characters  and  events  of 
this  period. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  time  which  he  spent  in  the  army, 
and  chiefly  when  laid  aside  by  severe  illness,  he  wrote,  though 
they  were  not  then  published,  his  'Aphorisms  of  Justification,' 
and  his  'Saint's  Rest.'  The  last  work  chiefly  occupied  his 
tiioughts  and  his  pen,  though  the  other  appeared  first.  His  dis- 
putes with  the  antinomian  soldiers  led  to  his  'Aphorisms,'  while 
his  labors  and  afflictions  produced  his  meditations  on  'The 
Saint's  Everlasting  Rest.'    A  work  begun  and  finished  in  these 


OF  niCHARD  BAXTER. 


67 


circumstances  might  be  supposed  to  betray  traces  of  haste  and 
crudcncss;  but  of  this,  such  is  far  from  being  the  case.  It  dis- 
covers tlic  maturity  and  elevation  of  mind  to  which  lie  had  even 
then  risen;  and  had  he  never  written  more,  it  would  have 
stamped  his  character  as  one  of  the  most  devotional,  and  most 
eloquent  men  of  his  own,  or  of  any  other  age. 


CHAPTER  IV.  1646—1656. 

The  Religious  Parties  of  tlie  Period — The  Westminster  Assembly — Character  of  the  Erns- 
tians — Episcopalians — Presbyterians— Independents — Baptists — State  of  Religion  in  tliese 
Parties— Minor  Sects — Vanists — Seekers — Ranters — dual^ers — Behminists — Review  of 
this  Period. 

Having,  in  the  preceding  chapter,  given  a  view  of  the  civil 
and  military  affairs  with  which  Baxter  was  connected,  from  the 
commencement  of  his  ministry  till  the  time  of  his  leaving  the 
army,  we  must  now  attend  to  the  religious  state  of  the  nation, 
which  was  no  less  full  of  distraction,  and  of  which  he  has  left  a 
very  particular  account.  If  this  part  of  our  narrative  should 
carry  us  into  the  period  of  the  commonwealth,  it  will  save  future 
repetition,  as  most  of  the  sects  which  then  swarmed,  had  either 
coir.menced  their  existence  during  the  civil  wars,  or  naturally 
sprung  out  of  the  excitement  and  turbulence  which  those  wars 
produced. 

While  Baxter  lived  in  Coventry,  the  celebrated  Westminster 
Assembly  was  convened  by  order  of  parliament.  He  was  not 
himself  a  member  of  that  body;  but  he  was  well  acquainted 
with  its  chief  transactions,  and  with  the  leading  men  of  the  sev- 
eral parties  which  composed  it:  and,  as  he  has  given  his  opinion 
of  them  at  considerable  length,  it  may  be  proper  here  to  intro- 
duce it. 

"This  Synod  was  not  a  convocation,  according  to  the  dioce- 
san way  of  government;  nor  was  it  called  by  the  votes  of  the 
ministers,  according  to  the  presbyterian  way:  for  the  parliament, 
not  intending  to  call  an  assembly  which  should  pretend  to  a 
divine  right  to  make  obligatory  laws  or  canons,  but  an  ecclesi- 
astical council,  to  be  advisers  to  itself,  thought  it  best  knew  who 
were  fittest  to  give  advice,  and  therefore  chose  them  all  itself. 
Two  were  to  be  chosen  from  each  county,  though  some  coun- 
ties had  but  one,  that  it  might  seem  impartial,  and  give  each 
party  liberty  to  speak.  Over  and  above  this  number,  it  chose 
many  of  the  most  learned,  episcopal  divines;  as.  Archbishop 
Usher,  Dr.  Holdsworth,  Dr.  Hammond,  Dr.  Wincop,  Bishops 
Westfield  and  Prideaux,  and  many  more;  but  they  would  not 


68 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


come,  because  the  king  declared  himself  against  it.  Dr.  Featly, 
and  a  few  more  of  that  party,  however,  came;  but  at  last  he 
was  charged  with  sending  intelligence  to  the  king,  for  which  he 
was  imprisoned.  The  divines  there  congregated,  were  men  of 
eminent  learning,  godliness,  ministerial  abilities,  and  fidelity:  and 
being  not  worthy  to  be  one  of  them  myself,  I  may  the  more 
freely  speak  tlie  truth,  even  in  the  face  of  malice  and  envy; 
tliat,  as  far  as  I  am  able  to  judge  by  the  information  of  all  his- 
tory of  that  kind,  and  by  any  other  evidences  left  us,  tlie  Chris- 
tian world,  since  the  days  of  the  apostles,  had  never  a  synod 
of  more  excellent  divines  than  tins  and  the  synod  of  Dort. 

"Yet,  highly  as  1  honor  the  men,  I  am  not  of  their  mind  in 
every  part  of  the  government  which  they  would  have  set  up. 
Some  words  in  their  Catechism,  I  wish  had  been  more  clear: 
and,  above  all,  I  wish  that  the  parliament,  and  their  more  skilful 
hand,  had  done  more  than  was  done  to  heal  our  breaches,  and 
had  hit  upon  the  right  way,  either  to  unite  with  the  Episcopali- 
ans and  independents,  or,  at  least,  had  pitched  on  the  terms 
that  are  fit  for  universal  concord,  and  left  all  to  come  in  upon 
those  terms  that  would."  ^ 

This  account  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  is,  doubtless, 
more  impartial  than  the  character  which  has  been  given  of  it, 
either  by  Clarendon  or  Milton.  Both  these  writers  were  under 
the  influence,  though  in  different  ways,  of  strong  prejudices 
against  it.  The  former,  by  his  monarchical  and  episcopal  predi- 
lections; the  latter,  by  his  republicanism.  Clarendon  hated 
presbyterianism,  with  all  the  cordiality  of  a  cavalier,  who  re- 
garded it  as  a  religion  unfit  for  a  gentleman,  and  as  synonymous 
with  all  that  is  vulgar,  hypocritical,  and  base.  Milton  abhorred 
it  on  account  of  its  intolerant  spirit,  and  the  narrow-minded  big- 
otry of  many  of  its  adherents;  as  well  as  for  private  reasons. 
The  Assembly  was,  in  the  estimation  of  both,  the  personification 
of  all  that  should  be  detested  by  enlightened  and  high-born 
men;  they  hated  and  reviled  it  accordingly.  Baxter  knew  the 
members  better  than  Clarendon  or  Milton  did,  and  was  better 
qualified  to  judge  their  motives  and  appreciate  their  doings.  As 
he  was  not  one  of  them,  he  had  no  temptation  to  speak  in  their 
favor;  and  from  his  well-known  love  of  truth,  had  he  known 
any  thing  to  their  prejudice,  he  would  not  have  concealed  it. 
The  persons  who  composed  the  Assembly,  were  generally  men 
of  approved  christian  character  and  abilities,  and  several  of 
them  distinguished  for  learning.  But  both  the  men  and  their 
doings  have  been  too  highly  extolled  by  some,  and  too  much 
undervalued  by  others.'' 

(a)  Life,  part  i.  p.  93. 

(b)  Lord  Clarendon's  account  of  the  Assembly  is  as  follows; — "And  no.v  the  par- 
liament showed  what  consultation  they  meant  to  nave  with  godly  and  learned  divinea, 


OF    lUCIIAUn  BAXTER. 


69 


It  si  t'iiis  very  doubtful  whether  (ho  })arliament  wished  that 
die  Assembly  should  unite  in  a  Ibrui  of  rhurch  {government  to 

;iik1  iTrDriiiulion  llu'V  iiiU'iidoil,  by  a|)p(>inrnie;  tliP  kiiifflils  iiiul  l>iirg:rsses  to 

lii  iin;  ill  llic  iKuiu's  ol'sucli  divines  lor  llir  several  emiiilios,  as  llie}'  ilioiinhi  lii  U)  con- 
sliuile  ail  nssembly  I'orllie  IVamlng  a  now  model  for  (lie  governinenl  ol  ihe  <  lnireh, 
vvliieli  was  done  acc  ordinijiy;  lliose  wlio  were  Iriie  sons  ol  llie  eliiircli.  not  so  niiieli  as 
eiidcavorinfj  llie  noniiiialioii  of  sober  and  leariie<l  men,  abliorriiig  such  a  refornialioii 
as  began  willi  the  invasion  and  suppression  of  ihe  eliureh's  riglils,  in  a  synod  as  well 
known  as  Magna  t'liarta:  and  if  any  vvell-all'eeled  member,  not  enough  considering 
the  scandal  and  the  eonseiinenee  of  dial  violation,  did  name  an  orthodox  and  woll-re- 
])uled  divine  to  assist  in  llial  assembly,  it  "as  argument  enougli  against  him,  lliat  he 
was  nominated  by  a  person  in  whom  they  had  no  confidence;  and  they  only  had  rep- 
utation enough  to  commend  to  this  consultation  those  who  were  known  to  desire  the 
uller  demolishing  of  the  whole  fabric  of  the  church;  so  that  of  about  one  liundrcd 
an<l  twenty  of  which  that  assembly  was  to  consist,  though  by  the  recommendation  of 
two  or  three  members  of  the  (^ominons,  whom  they  were  not  willing  to  displease,  and 
bv  the  aulliorily  of  the  Lords,  who  added  a  small  miniber  to  those  named  by  the 
liouse  of  Cominons,  a  few  very  reverend  and  worthy-  men  were  inserted;  yet,  of  the 
whole  number  there  were  not  above  twcnly  who  were  not  <leclared  and  avo\*ed  ene- 
mies to  the  doctrine  or  discipline  of  the  church  of  England;  some  of  them  infamous 
in  their  lives  and  conversations,  and  most  of  ihcm  of  very  mean  parts  in  learning,  if 
not  of  scandalous  ignorance;  and  of  no  oilier  i  cpulation  than  of  malice  to  the  church 
of  England.  So  that  that  convention  halh  nol  since  produced  any  ihing  that  might 
not  then  reasonably  have  been  expected  from  it." — Hist,  of  the  liehetlion,  vol.  i.  pp. 
630,531.    Edit.  itiO. 

The  charges  contained  in  the  latter  part  of  this  paragraph,  are  utterly  unfounded. 
The  members  of  the  Assembly  were,  in  general,  respectable  for  their  talents  and 
learning;  and  all  of  them  were  highly  respectable  in  point  of  character.  It  is  equally 
untrue  that  all,  or  even  any  considerable  number  of  them,  were  enemies  to  the 
church  of  England. 

The  passage  in  which  Milton  attacks  the  Assembly,  is  written  witli  his  usual  force, 
or,  as  I  ought  rather  to  say,  acrimony,  when  he  was  excited  by  opposition. 

"And  if  the  state  were  in  this  plight,  religion  was  not  in  much  better;  to  reform 
which,  a  certain  number  of  divines  were  calletl,  neither  chosen  by  any  rule  or  custom 
ecclesiastical,  nor  cininent  for  either  piety  or  knowledge  above  others  left  out;  only 
as  each  member  of  parliament,  in  his  private  fancy,  thought  fit,  so  elected  one  by  one. 
The  most  part  of  them  were  such  as  had  preached  and  cried  down,  with  great  show 
of  zeal,  the  avarice  and  pluralities  of  bishops  and  prelates;  that,  one  cure  of  souls 
was  a  full  employment  for  one  spiritual  pastor,  how  able  soever,  if  not  a  charge  rather 
above  human  strength.  Yet  these  conscientious  men  (ere  any  part  of  the  work  was 
done  for  which  they  came  together,  and  that  on  the  public  salary)  wanted  not  bold- 
ness, to  the  ignominy  and  scandal  of  their  pastor-like  profession,  and  especially  of 
their  boasled  reformation,  to  seize  into  their  hands  or  not  unwillingly  to  accept,  (be- 
sides one,  sometimes  two  or  more,  of  the  best  livings)  collegialo  masterships  in  the 
University,  rich  lectures  in  the  ciiy:  setting  sail  to  all  winds  that  might  blow  gain  into 
their  covetous  bosoms:  by  which  means  these  great  rebukers  of  non-residence,  among 
so  many  distant  cures,  were  not  ashamed  to  be  seen  so  quickly  pluralisls  and  non- 
residents themselves,  to  a  fearful  condemnation,  doubtless,  by  their  own  mouths. 
And  yet  the  main  doctrine  for  w  hich  they  took  such  pay,  and  insisted  upon  with  more 
vehemence  than  Gospel,  was  but  to  tell  us,  in  efl'ect,  that  their  doctrine  was  worth 
nothing,  and  the  spiritual  power  of  their  ministry  less  available  than  bodily  compul- 
sion; persuading  the  magistrate  to  use  it  as  a  stronger  means  to  subdue  and  bring  in 
conscience,  than  evangelical  persuasion;  distrusting  the  virtue  of  their  own  spiritual 
weapons  which  were  given  them,  if  they  might  be  rightly  called,  with  full  warrant  of 
sufficiency  to  pull  down  all  thoughts  and  imaginations  that  exalt  themselves  against 
God.  ]?ul  while  they  taught  compulsion  without  convincement,  which,  long  before, 
they  complained  of  as  executed  unchristianly  against  lliemselves,  their  coiilents  are 
clear  to  have  been  no  better  than  antichrislians;  setting  up  a  spiritual  tyranny  by  a 
secular  power,  to  the  advancing  of  their  own  authority  above  the  magistrate,  whom 
they  would  have  made  their  executioner  to  punish  church  delinquencies,  whereof  civil 
laws  have  no  cognisance. 

"And  well  di<i  their  disciples  manifest  themselves  to  be  no  better  principled  than 
their  teachers;  trusted  with  committeeships  and  other  gainful  offices,  upon  their  com- 
mendations for  zealous  and  (as  they  hesitated  not  to  term  them)  godly  men,  but  exe- 
cuting their  places  like  children  of  the  devil,  unfaithfully,  unjustly,  unmercifully,  and, 
where  not  corruptly,  stupidly.  So  that  between  them,  the  teachers,  and  these,  the 
disciples,  there  halh  not  been  a  more  ignominious  and  mortal  wound  to  faith,  to  piety 


70 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


be  imposed  on  tlie  country.  It  was  called,  to  engage  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Puritans,  and  to  please  the  sects  which  were  invited 
to  send  members  to  it.  The  leading  politicians  of  the  period, 
were  too  wise  to  suppose  that  men,  so  widely  different  in  senti- 
ment as  those  who  were  chosen  to  sit  in  this  convocation,  would 
ever  agree  in  the  divine  right  and  universal  obligation  of  any 
ecclesiastical  system;  and,  that  they  did  not  wish  them  to  agree, 
seems  probable,  from  the  fact,  that  in  general,  when  there  ap- 
peared an  approach  towards  the  completion  of  their  eclesiasti- 
cal  code,  new  difficulties  or  questions  were  always  proposed  to 
them,  Avhich  occasioned  protracted  debates  and  increasing  dif- 
ferences. The  Assembly  at  last  broke  up  without  finishing  its 
work.*^ 

A  short  account  of  the  several  leading  parties  in  the  country, 
or  which  were  represented  in  the  Assembly,  will  justify  these 
remarks,  and  throw  light  on  the  life  of  Baxter,  as  well  as  on 
the  state  of  the  period.  Baxter  himself  shall  furnish  the  chief 
part  of  the  information;  because  he  tells  us  what  he  liked  and 
disliked  in  the  Erastian,  the  Episcopal,  the  Presbyterian,  and 
the  Independent  parties. 

The  Erastian  party,  in  the  Assembly,  was  composed  chiefly 
of  lawyers,  and  other  secular  persons;  who  understood  the  nature 
of  civil  government  better  than  the  nature,  forms,  and  ends  of 
the  church  of  Christ;  and  of  those  offices  appointed  by  him  for 
purposes  purely  spiritual.  The  leading  laymen  among  them, 
were  Selden  and  Whitelocke,  both  lawyers,  and  men  of  pro- 
found learning  and  talents.  Lightfoot  and  Coleman  were  dis- 
tinguished as  much  among  the  divines  for  rabbinical  knowledge, 
as  the  two  former  were  among  the  men  of  their  own  profession. 

to  the  work  of  reformalion,  nor  more  cause  of  blasphenfiino;  given  lo  the  enemies  of 
God  and  truth,  since  the  first  preaching  of  the  reformation." 

This  passage  belongs^  Milton's  Fragment  of  a  History  of  England/ first  pub- 
lished in  1670;  but  from  which  the  quotation  was  expunjjcd.  It  was  first  printed  by 
itself,  in  1631;  and  afterwards  appeared  in  the  edition  of  his  works  published  in  1738. 
It  should  be  remembered,  that  Milton  did  not  assail  the  Assembly  till  after  some  of 
them  had  denounced  his  work  on  the  'Doctrine  and  Discipline  of  Divorce;'  which 
led  lo  his  being  brought  before  the  House  of  Lords  for  that  publication.  Nothing 
arose  from  this  occurrence  injurious  to  Milton;  but  he  never  forgave  the  Presbyte- 
rian clergy  the  offence,  and  revenges  himself  on  the  Assembly  in  the  al)ove  tirade. 
It  deserves  to  be  noticed,  that  his  work  on  'Divorce'  is  dedicated  to  this  very  assem- 
bly, as  well  as  to  the  Long  Parliament;  both  of  which  he  afterwards  so  severely  de- 
nounces. In  that  dedication,  lie  speaks  of  them  as  a  "select  assembly" — "of  so 
much  piety  and  wisdom" — "a  learned  and  memorable  synod,"  in  which  "piety, 
learning,  and  prudence,  were  housed."  This  dedicaiion  was  written  imo years  after 
the  Assembly  had  met,  and  when  its  character  must  have  been  well  known.  When 
he  published  his  'Teirachordnn,'  in  defence  of  the  former  work,  he  leaves  out  the  As- 
sembly in  the  dedication,  and  addresses  it  to  the  parliament  only.  In  the  'Colaste- 
rion,'  he  attacks  the  anonymous  member  of  the  Assembly,  who  had  assailed  him,  with 
the  utmost  scurrility;  and,  from  thai  lime,  never  failed  to  abuse  the  Presbyterians  and 
the  AsseiTibly.  It  is  painful  to  detract  from  the  fair  fame  of  Milton;  but  even  he  is 
not  entitled  lo  vilif)'  the  character  of  a  large  and  respectable  body  of  men,  to  avenge 
his  private  quarrel. 

(e)  Bailie's  Letter,  and  Journals  passim;  Memoirs  of  Owen,  pp.  53,  54,  400,  2d 
edition. 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTKR. 


71 


"The  Erastians,"  says  Baxter,  "I  thought,  were  in  the  riglit, 
in  asserting  more  fully  than  others,  the  magistrates'  power  in 
matters  of  religion;  that  all  coercion,  by  mulcts  or  force,  should 
only  be  in  their  hands;  that  no  such  power  belongs  to  the  pas- 
tors or  people  of  the  church;  and  that  the  pastoral  power  is 
only  persuasive,  or  exercised  on  volunteers."  But  he  disliked 
in  them,  "that  they  made  too  light  of  the  power  of  the  ministry, 
church,  and  excommunication;  that  they  made  church  com- 
munion more  common  to  the  impenitent,  than  Christ  would 
have  it;  that  the}'  made  the  church  too  like  the  world,  by  break- 
ing down  the  liedge  of  spiritual  discipline,  and  laying  it  almost 
common  with  the  wilderness;  and  that  they  misunderstood  and 
injured  their  bretlu'en,  affirming  liiat  they  claimed  as  from  God 
a  coercive  power  over  the  bodies  and  consciences  of  men." 
The  tendency  and  design  of  the  system  would  certainly  con- 
vert the  church  into  the  world,  and  the  world  into  the  church. 

"The  Episcopal  party,"  he  says,  "seemed  to  have  reason  on 
their  side  in  this,  that  in  the  primitive  church  there  were  apos- 
tles, evangelists,  and  others,  who  were  general  unfixed  officers, 
not  tied  to  any  particular  charge;  but  who  had  some  superiority- 
over  fixed  bisliops  or  pastors.  And  as  to  fixed  bishops  of  par- 
ticular churches,  that  were  superior  in  degree  to  presbyters, 
though  I  saw  nothing  at  all  in  Scripture  for  them;  yet  I  saw 
that  the  reception  of  them  was  so  very  early,  and  so  very  gen- 
eral, I  tliought  it  most  improbable  that  it  was  contrary  to  the 
mind  of  the  apostles. 

"I  utterly  disliked  their  extirpation  of  the  true  discipline  of 
Christ,  not  only  as  they  omitted  or  corrupted  it,  but  as  their 
principles  and  church  state  had  made  it  impracticable.  They 
thus  altered  the  nature  of  churclies,  and  the  ancient  nature  of 
bishops  and  presbyters.  They  set  up  secular  courts,  vexed 
honest  Christians,  countenanced  ungodly  teachers,  opposed  faith- 
ful ministers,  and  promoted  the  increase  of  ignorance  and  pro- 
faneness."'^ 

No  supporters  of  such  views  were  in  the  Assembly;  but  not 
a  few  of  tlie  members  were  partial  to  a  limited  episcopacy,  such 

(d)  I,ifc,  part  ii.  p.  139.  The  following  amusing  account  of  the  origin  and  pro- 
gress of  Eraslianisni,  is  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  George  Gilespie,  one  of  the  Scots  com- 
niissioiirrs  to  the  Westminster  Assembly,  who  wrote  a  volume  against  it  under  the 
title  of '.Aaron's  Rod  Blossoming.' — ''The  father  of  it  is  the  old  serpent;  its  mother 
is  ihe  enmil y  of  our  uature  against  the  kingdom  of  our  Ijord  Jesus  Christ;  and  the  mid- 
wife who  brought  this  unhappy  brood  into  the  light  of  the  world,  was  Thomas  Eras- 
lus.  doctor  of  medicine,  at  Heidelberg.  The  Erastian  error  being  born,  the  breasts 
which  gave  it  suck,  were  profancness  and  self;  its  strong  food  when  advanced  in 
growth,  was  arbitrary  government;  and  its  careful  tutor  was  Arminiauism." — Book  i. 
chap.  2.  The  book  from  which  this  curious  extract  is  taken,  is  written  with  considera- 
ble ability,  and  contains  unanswerable  arguments  in  proof  that  the  New  Testament 
furnishes  a  form  of  church  government,  which  Christians  are  bound  to  adopt.  It  de- 
serves to  be  read  as  an  antidote  to  the  plausible  but  fallacious  reasonings  of  the 
'Irenicum,'  of  Bishop  Stillingfleet. 

(e)  liife,  part  ii.  p.  IV). 


72 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


as  that  for  which  Baxter  himself  pleaded.  Indeed,  a  number  of 
them  would  not  take  the  covenant  when  it  came  from  Scotland, 
till  it  was  explained  that  the  episcopacy  which  they  were  called 
to  disown,  was  only  the  hierarchy  of  England/  Among  these 
were,  Gataker,  Burgess,  Arrowsmith,  and  several  other  persons 
of  some  note.  In  the  parliament  there  vi'as  a  large  proportion 
of  persons  of  this  description,  who  were  much  more  disposed  to 
acknowledge  a  limhed  episcopacy  than  to  submit  to  the  divine 
right  of  Presbytery. 

The  great  body  of  the  Assembly,  and  of  the  Nonconformists, 
were  Presbyterians,  attached  from  principle  to  the  platform  of 
Geneva,  and  exceedingly  desirous,  in  alliance  with  Scodand,  of 
establishing  Presbyterian  uniformity  throughout  the  kingdom. 
The  leaders  of  this  party  in  the  Assembly  were,  Calamy,  Twiss, 
Whyte,  Palmer,  Marshall,  and  the  Scottish  commissioners. 
And  in  the  House  of  Commons,  Mollis,  Glyn,  Maynard,  Clement 
Walker,  and  William  Prynne.  They  were  supported  by  Essex, 
Manchester,  and  Northumberland,  among  the  peers;  and  by  the 
body  of  the  clergy  of  London,  the  mass  of  tlie  religious  pro- 
fessors in  the  metropolis,  and  some  distinguished  persons  in  the 
army.  To  this  class  of  professors  Baxter  was  more  attached 
than  to  any  other,  though  it  is  evident,  that  while  he  eulogized 
its  virtues,  he  was  not  blind  to  its  faults. 

"As  for  the  Presbyterians,"  he  says,  "I  found  that  the  office 
of  preaching  presbyters,  was  allowed  by  all  who  deserved  the 
name  of  Christians;  that  this  office  did  participate,  subserviently 
to  Christ,  in  the  prophetical,  or  teaching;  the  priestly,  or  wor- 
shipping; and  the  governing  power;  and  that  Scripture,  anti- 
quity, and  the  nature  of  church  government,  clearly  show  that 
all  presbyters  were  church  governors,  as  well  as  church  teachers. 
To  deny  this,  were  to  destroy  the  office  and  to  endeavor  to 
destroy  the  churches.  I  saw,  also,  in  Scripture,  antiquity,  and 
reason,  that  the  association  of  pastors  and  churches  for  agree- 
ment, and  their  synods  in  cases  of  necessity,  are  a  plain  duty: 
and  that  their  ordinary  stated  synods  are  usually  very  conven- 
ient. I  saw,  too,  that  in  England  the  persons  who  were  called 
Presbyterians  were  eminent  for  learning,  sobriety,  and  piety: 
and  the  pastors  so  called  were  those  who  went  through  the  work 
of  the  ministry,  in  diligent,  serious  preaching  to  the  people,  and 
edifying  men's  souls  and  keeping  up  religion  in  the  land."^^ 

The  following  are  the  things  in  this  body  to  which  he  object- 
ed: "I  disliked  their  order  of  lay-elders,  who  had  no  ordination, 
or  power  to  preach,  or  to  administer  sacraments:  for  though  1 
grant  that  lay-elders,  or  the  chief  of  the  people,  were  often 
employed  to  express  the  people's  consent,  and  preserve  their 


(f)  Neal,  iii.,  p.  5G. 


(g)  Life,  part  ii.,  p.  140. 


OP  RICHARD  BAXTKR. 


73 


liberties;  yet  tiiese  were  no  church  officers  at  all,  nor  had  any 
charge  of  private  oversight  of  the  flocks. 

"I  disliked,  also,  die  course  of  some  of  the  more  rigid  of  diem, 
who  drew  loo  near  die  way  of  prelacy,  by  grasping  at  a  kind  of 
secular  j)0\ver;  not  using  it  diemseives,  l)iit  binding  die  magis- 
ti'ates  to  confiscate  or  imprison  men,  merely  because  they  were 
excommunicated;  and  so  corrupting  die  true  discipline  of  die 
church,  and  turning  the  communion  of  saints  into  die  communion 
of  the  multitude,  who  must  keep  in  liie  church  against  their  wills 
for  fear  of  being  undone  in  die  world.  Wbei  eas,  a  man  whose 
conscience  cannot  feel  a  just  excommunication  unless  it  be 
backed  with  confiscation  or  imprisonment,  is  no  fitter  to  be  a 
member  of  a  Cliristian  church,  dian  a  corpse  is  to  be  a  mem- 
ber of  a  corpoi  ation.  It  is  true  diey  claim  not  this  power 
as  jure  divino;  but  no  more  do  the  prelates,  though  the  writ  de 
excommunicato  capiendo  is  the  life  of  all  their  censures.  Both 
parties  too  much  debase  the  magislrate,  by  making  him  their 
mere  executioner;  whereas  he  ought  to  be  the  judge  wherever 
he  is  the  executioner,  and  ouglil  to  try  the  case  at  his  own  bar, 
before  he  be  obliged  to  punish  an}^  delinquent.  They  also  cor- 
rupt die  discipline  of  Christ,  by  mixing  it  with  secular  force. 
They  reproach  the  keys,  or  ministerial  power,  as  if  it  were  a 
leaden  sword,  and  not  worth  a  straw,  unless  the  magistrate's 
sword  enforce  it.  What,  then,  did  the  primitive  church  tor  three 
hundred  years?  Worst  of  all,  they  coirupt  the  church,  by  forc- 
ing in  the  rabble  of  the  unfit  and  unwilling;  and  thereby  tempt 
many  godly  Christians  to  schisms  and  dangerous  separations. 
Till  magistrates  keep  the  sword  themselves,  and  learn  to  deny  it 
to  every  angry  clergyman  who  would  do  his  own  work  by  it,  and 
leave  them  to  their  own  weapons — the  word  and  spiritual  keys 
— and,  valeant  quantum  valere  possunt,  the  church  will  never 
have  unity  and  peace. 

"I  disliked,  also,  some  of  the  Presbyterians,  that  they  were 
not  tetader  enough  to  dissenting  brethren;  but  too  much  against 
liberty,  as  others  were  too  much  for  it;  and  thought  by  votes  and 
numbers  to  do  that  which  love  and  reason  should  have  done.'"' 

While  the  reader  must  admire  the  candor  of  these  remarks, 
as  they  bear  on  the  party,  widi  which  Baxter  was  more  identi- 
fiied  than  any  odier,  he  will  no  less  cordially  approve  his  enlight- 
ened views  of  the  distinction  between  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
power.  Had  they  been  always  tlius  viewed  and  distinguished, 
how  many  evils  would  have  been  prevented  both  in  the  church 
and  in  the  world!  The  governments  of  the  earth  would  have 
been  saved  a  vast  portion  of  die  perplexity  and  trouble  which 
they  have  experienced  in  the  management  of  their  affairs;  and 


VOL.  I. 


(h)  Life,  part  ii.,  pp  142,  143. 

10 


74 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


the  church  would  have  been  preserved  from  much  of  that  secu- 
larity  which  has  attached  to  it,  as  well  as  from  infinite  suffering 
and  sorrow.  Unfortunately,  Baxter  was  not  always  consistent 
with  himself  on  these  important  points.  The  concluding  sen- 
tence of  this  very  extract  shows,  that  while  he  was  a  friend  of 
liberty,  he  was  afraid  of  too  much  of  it.  He  never  would  have 
been  himself  a  persecutor;  but  he  would  not  have  objected  to 
the  exercise  of  a  certain  measure  of  coercion  or  restraint  by 
others,  in  support  of  what  he  might  have  considered  the  good  of 
the  individuals  themselves,  or  of  what  the  interests  of  the  com- 
munity required. 

Baxter  was  less  friendly  to  the  Independents  than  to  any  other 
of  the  leading  parties  of  his  times.  For  this,  various  reasons 
may  be  assigned.  His  principles  and  dispositions  induced  in 
him  a  greater  attachment  to  ministerial  or  priestly  power,  than 
accorded  with  the  principles  of  that  body.  The  influence  of 
some  of  its  more  active  and  learned  ministers,  and  the  support 
which  they  derived  from  some  of  the  public  characters  whose 
exertions  were  directed  to  the  overthrow  of  civil  and  religious 
despotism,  and  the  establishment  of  general  liberty,  were  greater 
than  Baxter  was  disposed  to  approve.  Above  all,  as  he  con- 
sidered the  great  master-spirits  of  that  agitating  period,  to  be 
either  really,  or,  for  political  reasons,  professedly,  attached  to 
the  polity  of  the  Independents,  he  regarded  the  whole  body  with 
jealousy  and  dislike.  I  will  not  deny  that  he  had  some  ground 
for  part  of  the  feeling  which  he  entertained;  though  I  think  he 
was  mistaken  in  various  particulars.  The  following  account  of 
the  Independents,  considering  Baxter's  opinions,  is  honorable 
both  to  the  writer  and  the  body  to  which  it  refers. 

"Most  of  them  were  zealous,  and  very  many  learned,  dis- 
creet, and  godly  men;  fit  to  be  very  serviceable  in  the  church.  In 
the  search  of  Scripture  and  antiquity,  I  found,  that,  in  the  begin- 
ning, a  governed  church,  and  a  stated  worshipping  church,  were 
all  one,  and  not  two  several  things;  and  that,  though  there  might 
be  other  by-meetings  in  places  like  our  chapels  or  private  houses, 
for  such  as  age  or  persecution  hindered  to  come  to  the  more 
solemn  meetings,  yet  churches  then  were  no  bigger,  in  respect 
of  number,  than  our  parishes  now.  These  were  societies  of 
Christians  united  for  personal  communion,  and  not  only  for  com- 
munion by  meetings  of  oflicers  and  delegates  in  synods,  as  many 
churches  in  association  be.  I  saw,  if  once  we  go  beyond  the 
bounds  of  personal  communion,  as  the  end  of  particular  churches, 
in  the  definition,  we  may  make  a  church  of  a  nation,  or  of  ten 
nations,  or  what  we  please,  which  shall  have  none  of  the  nature 
and  ends  of  the  primitive,  particular  churches.  I  saw  also  a 
commendable  care  of  serious  holiness  and  discipline  in  most  of 
the  Independent  churches;  and  I  found  that  some  episcopal 


OF  RICHAKD  BAXTER. 


75 


men,  as  Bishop  Usher  himself,  did  hold  that  every  bishop  was 
independent,  as  to  synods,  and  that  synods  were  not  proper  gov- 
ernors of  the  particular  bishops,  but  only  for  their  concord." ' 

In  this  passaaje,  Baxter  grants  almost  every  thing  for  which 
the  Independents  have  contended.  It  is  radier  surprising,  con- 
sidering his  aciiteness,  that  he  did  not  perceive  the  inferences 
which  ought  to  be  drawn  fromtlie  premises.  If  primitive  cliarch- 
es  were  possessed  of  separate  and  independent  authority,  and 
consisted  only  of  those  who  appeared  to  be  Christians;  and  if 
going  beyond  personal  communion,  as  the  great  object  of  Cln-is- 
tian  association  leaves  every  thing  vague  and  indefinite,  it  seems 
very  clear  on  which  side  the  strength  of  the  argument  respecting 
church  government  and  fellowship  lies.  In  fact,  Baxter  was 
more  an  Independent  or  congregationalist,  both  in  theory  and 
practice,  dian  he  was  generally  disposed  to  admit. 

We  have  given  the  bright  side  of  the  picture  of  this  party;  we 
must  now  look  at  the  dark.  "In  the  Independent  way,"  he 
says,  "I  dislike  many  things.  They  made  too  light  of  ordina- 
tion. They  also  had  their  office  of  lay-eldership.  They  were 
commonly  stricter  about  the  qualification  of  church  members, 
than  Scripture,  reason,  or  the  practice  of  the  universal  church 
would  allow;  not  taking  a  man's  bare  profession  as  credible,  and 
as  sufficient  evidence  of  his  title  to  church  comnmnion;  unless 
either  by  a  holy  life,  or  the  particular  narration  of  the  passages 
of  the  work  of  grace,  he  satisfied  die  pastors,  and  all  the  church, 
that  he  was  truly  holy;  whereas  every  man's  profession  is  the 
valid  evidence  of  the  thing  professed  in  his  heart,  unless  it  be 
disproved  by  him  that  questioneth  it,  by  proving  him  guilty  of 
heresies  or  impiety,  or  sins  inconsistent  with  it.  If  once  you  go 
beyond  the  evidence  of  a  serious,  sober  confession,  as  a  credible 
and  sufficient  sign  of  tide  to  church  membership,  you  will  never 
know  where  to  rest.  The  church's  opinion  will  be  both  rule 
and  judge;  and  men  will  be  let  in,  or  kept  out,  according  to  the 
various  latitude  of  opinions  or  charity  in  the  several  officers  or 
churches;  so  that  he  will  be  passable  in  one  church,  who  is  in- 
tolerable in  another;  and  thus  the  churches  will  be  heteroge- 
neous and  confused. '"^  There  is  in  all  this  a  little,  if  not  more 
than  a  littie,  spiritual  pride  of  the  weaker  sort  of  professors, 

(i)  Life,  part  i.,  p.  140. 

(k)  I  am  not  aware  that  Independents,  either  in  early  or  in  latter  times,  required 
more  as  the  term  of  religions  fellowship  than  a  credible  profession;  that  is.  a  profession 
entitled  to  belief,  under  all  the  circumstances  in  which  it  is  made.  As  the  tendencv 
of  human  nature  is  to  be  lax,  rather  than  rigid,  Baxter's  account  of  the  rigidity  of 
the  body  is  greatly  to  its  honor.  The  concluding  reflections  in  the  above  paragraph, 
on  the  motives  of  the  parties,  and  the  defence  of  impure  communion,  are  unworthy  of 
Baxter.  Some  of  the  other  things  to  which  he  objects,  if  they  existed  in  the  infancy 
of  the  body,  exist  no  longer;  and,  therefore,  do  not  require  any  comment.  The 
author  must  refer  the  reader  to  the  'Memoirs  of  Dr.  Owen,'  for  a  fuller,  and,  as  he 
considers,  a  more  correct  view  of  Independency,  than  what  is  given  by  Baxter,  or 
lhan  it  would  be  proper  to  introduce  here. 


70 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


affecting  to  be  visibly  set  at  a  greater  distance  from  the  colder 
professors  of  Christianity,  than  God  would  have  them,  that  so 
thoy  may  he  more  observable  and  conspicuous  for  their  holiness 
in  the  world;  and  there  is  too  much  iincharitableness  in  it,  when 
God  hath  given  sincere  professors  the  kernel  of  his  mercies,  even 
grace  and  glo'y,  and  yet  they  will  grudge  the  cold,  hypocritical 
professors,  so  small  a  thing  as  the  outward  shell,  and  visible 
communion  and  external  ordinances;  yea,  though  such  are  kept 
in  the  church  for  the  sake  and  service  of  the  sincere. 

"I  disliked,  also,  the  lamentable  tendency  of  this  their  way  to 
divisions  and  subdivisions,  and  the  nourishing  of  heresies  and 
sects.  But  above  all  I  disliked,  that  most  of  them  made  the  peo- 
ple, by  majority  of  votes,  to  be  church  governors,  in  excommuni- 
cations, absolutions,  &c.,  which  Christ  hath  made  an  act  of  of- 
fice, and  so  they  governed  their  governors  and  themselves.  They 
also  too  much  exploded  synods;  refusing  diem  as  stated,  and  ad- 
mitting them  but  upon  some  extraordinary  occasions.  I  disliked, 
also,  their  over-rigidness  against  the  admission  of  Christians  of 
other  churches  to  their  communion.  And  their  making  a  minis- 
ter to  be  as  no  minister  to  any  but  his  own  flock,  and  to  act  to 
others  but  as  a  private  man;  with  divers  others  such  irregulari- 
ties and  dividing  opinions;  many  of  which  the  moderation  of  the 
New  England  synod  hath  of  late  corrected  and  disowned;  and 
so  done  very  much  to  heal  these  breaches." ' 

Such  is  Baxter's  account  of  the  Independents  of  his  times. 
The  mmiber  of  their  ministers  who  were  members  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  did  not  exceed  ten  or  twelve.  Of  these, 
Goodwin,  Nye,  Burroughs,  Simpson,  and  Bridge  were  reckoned 
as  the  leaders,  and  by  the  admission  of  all  parties  were  among  the 
most  distinguished  in  that  body  for  learning,  talents,  and  address. 
Baxter,  Baillie,  Lightfoot,  and  others,  unite  in  bearing  this  testi- 
mony to  diem.  They  threw  every  possible  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  establishing  Presbyterian  uniformity;  and  though  outvoted 
by  numbers,  their  resistance  and  perseverance,  aided  by  the  en- 
lightened friends  of  religious  liberty  in  parliament,  among  whom 
must  be  reckoned  Vane,  Cromwell,  Pym,  and  Harrison,  suc- 
ceeded in  preventing  the  ascendency  of  a  parly,  which,  as  it  was 
then  constituted,  had  it  obtained  sufficient  power,  would  have 
mercilessly  persecuted  all  who  opposed  its  progress  or  were  in- 
imical to  its  interests. 

These  were  the  chief  parties  in  England  when  tlie  West- 
minster assembly  was  called,  and  which  may  be  considered  as 
represented  in  that  body.  Little  difference  existed  among  them 
on  the  leading  principles  of  the  Gospel;  which,  as  appears  from 
the  confession  and  catechisms  published  by  the  Assembly,  they 


(I)  Life,  part  ii.,  pp.  143, 144. 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


77 


held  decidedly  in  the  Calviiiistic  view  of  those  prIiK-iplcs.  There 
were,  douhtless,  many  persons  whose  religion  could  not  be  called 
ill  question,  who  would  not  have  gone  so  far  as  some  of  the  ex- 
pressions in  those  documents;  but  considering  the  Assembly  as 
a  tolerably  fair  representative  of  the  religious  community  of 
England  at  that  time,  no  doubt  can  be  entertained,  that  Calvin- 
ism was  then  the  prevailing  doctrinal  system,  both  in  the  church 
and  out  of  it. 

On  other  points,  especially  those  of  church  government  and 
discipline,  it  is  equally  clear  that  diey  differed  widely  from  each 
other,  and  never  would  agree  in  any  common  system.  Jure 
divino  prelatists,  solemn-league-and-covcnant  presbyterians,  lat- 
ituduiarian  Erastians,  and  tolerating  independents,  could  not 
possibly  coalesce  as  the  friends  and  supporters  of  any  scheme 
to  which  all  should  be  required  to  submit.  On  leading  points 
of  ecclesiastical  polity  they  were  the  antipodes  of  each  other. 
Compromise  was  out  of  the  question;  submission  to  one  another, 
where  conscience  was  concerned,  would  have  been  regarded  as 
sin  against  God;  and  even  liberty  to  oUiers,  to  act  according  to 
their  own  convictions,  was  considered  by  some  of  them  too  im- 
portant a  right  to  be  admitted,  or  boon  to  be  conferred.  Mean 
time  the  cause  of  civil  and  religious  freedom  steadily  advanced, 
and  finally  gained  ascendency.  While  the  parties  differed 
among  themselves,  nothing  could  be  enforced  by  authority;  and 
when  the  majority  decided  in  favor  of  the  divine  right  of  pres- 
byterianism,  the  civil  powers  had  fallen  into  hands  which  took  ef- 
fectual care  diat  it  should  not  be  established.  The  friends  of  that 
system,  grasping  at  too  much,  frustrated  their  own  aim;  and  lost 
in  the  struggle  for  exclusive  authority,  dieir  influence  in  religion, 
and  their  importance  in  politics.  In  the  righteous  retribution  of 
Providence,  those  who  had  refused  to  grant  political  existence 
to  others,  finally  lost  their  own. 

The  account  of  the  leading  parties  in  the  nation  at  this  period, 
would  be  incomplete  without  noticing  another — the  Baptists. 
This  body  also  attracted  the  attention  of  Baxter,  and  as  he  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  several  controversies  with  it  ministers,  it  is 
gratifying  to  find  him  record  the  following  opinion  of  its  char- 
acter: "For  the  Anabaptists  themselves,  though  I  have  written 
and  said  so  much  against  them,  as  I  found  that  most  of  them 
were  persons  of  zea!  in  religion,  so  many  of  them  were  sober, 
godly  people,  who  differed  from  others  but  in  the  point  of  infant 
baptism,  or.  at  most,  in  the  points  of  predestination,  free-will, 
and  perseverance.  And  I  found  in  all  antiquity,  that  though 
infant  baptism  was  held  lawful  by  the  church,  yet  some,  with 
TertuUian  and  Nazianzen,  thought  it  most  convenient  to  make 
no  haste;  and  the  rest  left  the  time  of  baptism  to  every  one's 
liberty,  and  forced  none  to  be  baptized:  insomuch  as  not  only 


78 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


Constantine,  Theodosius,  and  such  others  as  were  converted  at 
the  years  of  discretion,  but  Augustine,  and  many  such  as  were 
the  children  of  Christian  parents  (one  or  both,)  did  defer  their 
baptism  much  longer  than  I  think  they  should  have  done.  So 
that,  in  the  primitive  church,  some  were  baptized  in  infancy, 
and  some  in  ripe  age,  and  some  a  little  before  their  death;  and 
none  were  forced,  but  all  left  free;  and  the  only  penalty  of  their 
delay  was,  that  so  long,  they  were  without  the  {)rivileges  of  the 
church,  and  ,were  numbered  but  with  the  catechumens  or  ex- 
pectants." I  believe  there  were  no  Baptists  in  the  Assembly, 
tliough  they  had  existed  long  before,  were  then  in  considerable 
number  in  the  country,  and  could  rank  among  themselves  many 
excellent  and  a  few  learned  persons. 

Having  thus  exhibited  Baxter's  particular  views  of  the  great 
leading  parties  which  then  constituted  the  religious  world,  the  fol- 
lowing summing  up,  by  himself,  is  particularly  worthy  of  atten- 
tion:— "Among  all  these  parties,  I  found  that  some  were  natu- 
rally of  mild,  calm,  and  gentle  dispositions;  and  some  of  sour, 
froward,  passionate,  peevish,  or  furious  natures.  Some  were 
young,  raw,  and  inexperienced,  and  these  were  like  young  fruit, 
sour  and  harsh;  addicted  to  pride  of  their  own  opinions,  to  self- 
conceitedness,  turbulency,  censoriousness,  and  temerity;  and  to 
engage  themselves  for  a  cause  and  party  before  they  understood 
the  matter.  They  were  led  by  those  teachers  and  books  that 
had  once  won  their  highest  esteem,  judging  of  sermons  and  per- 
sons by  their  fervency  more  than  by  the  soundness  of  the  matter 
and  the  cause.  Some  I  found,  on  the  other  side,  to  be  ancient 
and  experienced  Christians,  that  had  tried  the  spirits,  and  seen 
what  was  of  God,  and  what  of  man,  and  noted  the  events  of  both 
in  the  world.  These  were  like  ripe  fruit,  mellow  and  sweet; 
'first  pure,  then  peaceable,  gentle,  easy  to  be  entreated,  full  of 
mercy  and  good  fruits,  without  partiality,  and  without  hypocrisy; 
who,  being  makers  of  peace,  did  sow  the  fruits  of  righteousness 
in  peace.' 

"But  I  found  not  all  these  alike  in  all  the  disagreeing  parties, 
though  some  of  both  sorts  were  in  every  party.  The  Erastian 
party  was  mostly  composed  of  lawyers,  and  other  secular  persons. 
The  Diocesan  party  consisted  of  some  grave,  learned,  godly 
bishops,  and  some  sober,  godly  people  of  their  mind;  and, 
withal,  of  almost  all  the  carnal  politicians,  temporizers,  profane, 
and  haters  of  godliness,  in  the  land,  and  all  the  rabble  of  the 
ignorant,  ungodly  vulgar.  Whether  this  came  to  pass  from 
any  thing  in  the  nature  of  their  diocesan  government,  or  from 
their  accommodating  the  ungodly  sort  by  the  formal  way  of 
theii"  public  worship,  or  from  their  heading  and  pleasing  them  by 


(m)  Life,  part  ii.,  pp.  140,  141. 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


79 


running  clown  the  stricter  sort  of  people  whom  they  hated;  or 
all  lliesc  together;  and  also  because  the  worst  and  most  do 
always  fall  in  with  the  party  that  is  uppermost,  I  leave  to  the 
jiulgnicnt  of  die  considerate  reader.  The  Presbyterian  party 
consisted  of  grave,  ordiodox,  godly  uiinisters,  togedier  with 
the  hopefulest  of  tlie  students  aud  young  ministers,  and  the  so- 
berest, godly,  ancient  Christians,  who  were  equally  averse  to 
persecution  and  to  schism;  and  of  diose  young  ones  who  were 
educated  and  ruled  by  these;  as,  also,  of  the  soberest  sort  of 
the  well-meaning  vulgar  who  liked  a  godly  life,  diough  diey  had 
no  great  knowledge  of  it.  This  party  was  most  desirous  of 
peace. 

"The  Independent  party  had  many  very  godly  ministers  and 
people,  but  with  them  many  young,  injudicious  persons;  inclined 
much  to  novelties  and  separations,  and  abounding  more  in  zeal 
tlian  knowledge;  usually  doing  more  for  subdivisions  than  the 
few  sober  persons  among  them  could  do  for  unity  and  peace; 
too  much  mistaking  die  terms  of  church  communion,  and  the 
difference  between  the  regenerate  (invisible,)  and  the  congregate 
(or  visible)  church. 

"The  Anabaptist  party  consisted  of  some  (but  fewer)  sober, 
peaceable  persons,  and  ordiodox  in  other  points;  but,  withal, 
of  abundance  of  young,  transported  zealots,  and  a  medley  of 
opinionists,  who  all  hasted  direcdy  to  enthusiasm  and  subdivis- 
ions, and  by  die  temptation  of  prosperity  and  success  in  arms, 
and  the  policy  of  some  commanders,  were  led  into  rebellions  and 
hot  endeavors  against  the  ministry,  and  other  scandalous  crimes; 
and  brought  forth  the  horrid  sects  of  Ranters,  Seekers,  and 
Quakers,  in  the  land."  " 

In  this  description  of  parties  we  observe  some  of  the  marked 
peculiarities  of  Baxter.  He  was  obviously  disposed  to  do  justice 
to  all,  and  ready  to  acknowledge  true  religion  wherever  he  found 
it;  but  a  little  more  zeal  in  some  particulars,  than  was  suited  to  his 
taste,  was  enough  to  induce  him  to  speak  more  strongly  of  the 
parties  than  the  case  justified:  besides,  he  was  influenced  not 
only  by  what  he  witnessed  himelf,  but  by  what  he  heard  from 
others.  While  he  was  acute  and  candid,  he  was  credulous; 
more  disposed  to  listen  to  vague  and  injurious  reports  than  a 
man  of  his  piety  and  experience  ought  to  have  been;  but,  after 
all,  the  picture  diat  he  draws  of  die  parties  which  left  the  church 
is,  on  the  whole,  advantageous  to  them.  It  is  evident  that  he 
considered  there  was  a  large  preponderance  of  genuine  religion 
among  each;  which  far  more  than  outweighed  all  the  dross  and 
alloy  belonging  to  them.  They  who  imagine  there  was  nothing 
but  sectarian  zeal,  guided  and  excited  by  political  frenzy,  en- 


(ii)  Life,  part  ii.  jip.  I  M — I  IG. 


80 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


tirely  mistake  the  true  state  of  things.  There  was  much  real  re- 
ligion in  the  parties  which  professed  it,  though  mixed  up  with  a 
great  deal  of  what  tended  to  injure  it,  or  occasion  misconception 
of  its  nature. 

Baxter  was  so  fully  convinced  of  the  prevalence  of  true  re- 
ligion among  the  persons  composing  the  leading  parties,  that  he 
made  it  much  of  the  business  of  his  life  to  convbce  them,  that 
they  differed  less  from  each  other  than  they  themselves  suppos- 
ed, and  to  induce  them  to  act  together  in  Christian  fellowship. 
"I  thought  it  my  duty,"  he  says,  "to  labor  to  bring  them  all  to 
a  concordant  practice  of  so  much  as  they  were  agreed  in;  to 
set  all  that  together  which  was  true  and  good  among  them  all, 
and  to  reject  the  rest;  and  especially  to  labor  to  revive  Chris- 
tian charity,  which  faction  and  disputes  had  lamentably  extin- 
guished."" This  object  he  prosecuted  in  the  most  indefatiga- 
ble manner,  by  conversation,  preaching,  writing,  and  disputing; 
and  tliough  he  often  complains  of  disappointment,  and  deplores 
the  divisions  of  the  period,  his  success  in  uniting  all  parties  in 
the  town  of  Kidderminster,  was  complete;  and  his  influence 
over  the  serious  people  of  the  county  at  large,  very  considerable. 

Having  given,  chiefly  in  Baxter's  words,  an  account  of  the 
leading  religious  parties  of  the  period,  I  consider  this  the  best 
place  to  introduce  his  remarks  on  the  minor  sects;  some  of 
which  had  but  an  ephemeral  existence,  while  others  have  in- 
creased, extended,  and  still  remain.  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to 
record  his  statements,  many  of  which  are  very  curious,  though 
I  fear  they  are  not  always  sufficiently  free  from  the  influence  of 
that  prejudice  and  credulity  to  which  I  have  just  adverted. 

The  variety  of  religious  sects  which  sprung  up  during  the 
period  of  which  we  are  now  treating,  has  been  a  fruitful  topic 
of  reproach  and  exultation  to  infidels  and  worldly  ecclesiastics. 
The  former  of  these  classes  glory  in  the  fanaticism  of  the  sects, 
as  a  proof  of  the  absurdity  of  all  religion  whatever;  the  others 
refer  to  it  as  a  beacon  to  warn  men  of  the  danger  of  departing 
from  established  faith  and  forms.  Infidels  forget,  however,  that 
sects,  and  enthusiastic  ones  too,  are  not  confined  to  Ciiristians. 
The  elegant  mythology  of  Greece  and  Rome  presented,  in  the 
deities  of  a  thousand  groves  and  streams,  any  thing  but  a  unity 
of  opinion  or  worship;  while  the  conduct  of  the  worthies  of 
those  elegant  superstitions,  so  fai'  from  indicating  the  influence 
of  a  sober  rationality,  exhibited  "all  monstrous,  all  prodigious 
things."  Nor  were  the  haimts  of  pliilosojthy  in  ancient,  or  the 
schools  of  philosophy  in  modern  times,  more  free  from  sects  and 
schisms,  and  from  fierce  and  angry  contentions.  Ecclesiastics 
should  remember  that  unity  is  the  boast  of  the  Romish  church, 


(o)  Life,  part  i.  p.  144. 


OF  niCHARD  BAXTEH. 


81 


and  division  her  reproach  of  Protestantism.  Not  that  she  is 
entitled  to  the  claim  of  unity,  or  to  fling  the  reproach  of  discord 
at  others.  She  has  her  sects  and  her  quarrels  too.  it  is  not  to 
the  discredit  of  the  reformation  that  it  s;ave  rise  to  a  diversity  of 
ojiinion  and  practice  anions;  the  reformers  themselves,  and 
afforded  an  opportunity  for  tlie  manifestation  of  errors  and  im- 
proprieties which  they  all  deplored.  The  excitement  produced 
hy  that  glorious  event  was  not  likely  to  spend  all  its  force  on  the 
minds  which  were  capable  of  bearing  it  without  injury;  it  was 
necessarily  extended  to  others,  whose  passions  or  imaginations 
were  more  powerful  than  their  understandings.  On  such  men, 
the  pure  fire  whicli  burned  on  the  Protestant  altar  became  wild 
fire;  not  warming  by  its  genial  heat,  or  consuming  evil  by  its 
steady  flame,  but  scorching,  and  vagrant;  destroymg  in  its  fury 
both  friends  and  foes. 

It  cannot  be  matter  of  surprise  that  the  civil  commotions  of 
England,  which  were  but  the  bursting  forth  of  a  volcano,  that 
had  long  been  burning  in  secret,  should  be  attended  with  similar 
effects.  The  convulsion  which  overturned  the  throne,  over- 
whelmed the  church,  and  nearly  destroyed  the  constitution,  was 
a  shock  which  even  the  most  powerful  minds  could  scarcely 
sustain.  It  was  natural  to  regard  it  as  the  crisis  of  religion  as 
well  as  of  politics,  and  to  contemplate  in  it  the  approach  or  com- 
mencement of  a  new  and  splendid  era.  Politicians,  astrologers, 
lawyers,  physicians  and  philosophers,  as  well  as  theologians,  felt 
its  power.  Few  comparatively  of  any  class,  could  "sit  on  a  hill 
apart,"  and  contemplate,  with  calm  serenity,  the  whirlwind  and 
the  storm  which  were  then  raging;  still  fewer  were  capable  of 
directing  them,  or  of  reducing  the  conflicting  elements  to  order 
and  harmony;  and  of  those  who  made  the  attempt,  not  a  few 
perished  in  it,  or  only  exposed  themselves  to  the  insult  and 
mockery  which  their  imbecile  temerity  justly  deserved. 

Religion,  from  its  infinitely  greater  importance  than  all  other 
things,  necessarily  wrought  most  powerfully  in  these  circum- 
stances on  those  who  were  concerned  for  its  interests.  The 
zeal  of  such  persons,  was  not  always  in  proportion  to  the 
strength  or  the  correctness  of  their  judgment.  It  was  not  too 
fervent,  had  it  been  sufficiently  enlightened;  but  being,  in  many 
instances,  in  the  inverse  ratio  of  knowledge  and  prudence,  it 
produced  all  sorts  of  wild  and  eccentric  movements.  We  de- 
plore that  this  should  have  been  the  case;  but  it  is  foolish  to  be 
surprised,  or  to  sneer,  at  it.  Circumstances  produced  sects  in 
religion  as  they  produced  parties  in  politics:  they  formed  here- 
sies in  the  church  as  they  created  false  theories  in  the  state.  If 
fanatics  and  heresiarchs  abounded,  so  did  quack  doctors,  and 
political  empyrics.  Spiritual  nostrums  were  not  more  numer- 
ous or  discordant  than  astrological  conundrums,  and  philosophi- 

voi..  I.  11 


82 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


cal  dreams  and  visions.  Let  Baxter's  account  of  the  following 
sects  be  read  under  the  influence  of  these  remarks,  and  nothing 
will  appear  either  unaccountable  or  extraordinary. 

"In  these  limes,"  referring  particularly  to  the  period  of  the 
Rump  Parliament,  "sprang  up  five  sects,  at  least,  whose  doc- 
trines were  almost  the  same,  but  they  fell  into  several  shapes 
and  names:  the  Vanists;  the  Seekers;  the  Ranters;  the  Quakers; 
the  Behmenists."  Of  each  of  these,  we  are  furnished  with  a 
short  account. 

"The  Vanists,  for  I  know  not  by  what  other  name  to  make 
them  known,  were  Sir  Harry  Vane's  disciples;  and  first  sprang 
up  under  him  in  New  England,  when  he  was  governor  there. 
Their  notions  were  then  raw  and  undigested,  and  their  party 
quickly  confounded  by  God's  providence;  as  you  may  see  in  a 
little  book  of  Mr.  Thomas  Weld's,  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  Anti- 
nomianism  and  Familism  in  New  England. i'  Sir  Harry  Vane 
being  governor,  and  found  to  be  the  secret  promoter  and  life  of 
the  cause,  was  fain  to  steal  away  by  night,  and  take  shipping 
for  England,  before  his  year  of  government  was  at  an  end. 

"When  he  came  over  into  England,  he  proved  an  instrument 
of  greater  calamity  to  a  people  more  sinful  and  more  prepared 
for  God's  judgments.  Being  chosen  a  parliament  man,  he  was 
very  active  at  first  for  the  bringing  of  delinquents  to  punishment. 
He  was  the  principal  person  who  drove  on  the  parliament  to  go 
too  high,  and  act  too  vehemently  against  the  king:  and  being  of 
very  ready  parts,  and  very  great  subtilty,  and  unwearied  indus- 
try, he  labored,  not  without  success,  to  win  others  in  parliament, 
city,  and  country,  to  his  way.  When  the  Earl  of  Strafford 
was  accused,  he  got  a  paper  out  of  his  father's  cabinet  (who 
was  secretary  of  state)  which  was  the  chief  means  of  his  con- 
demnation. To  most  of  our  changes,  he  was  that  within  the 
House,  which  Cromwell  was  without.  His  great  zeal  to  drive 
all  into  war,  and  to  cherish  the  sectaries,  especially  in  the  army, 
made  him,  above  all  men,  to  be  valued  by  that  party. 

"His  unhappiness  lay  in  this,  that  his  doctrines  were  so  cloud- 
ily formed  and  expressed,  that  few  could  understand  them,  and 
therefore  he  had  but  few  true  disciples.  The  Lord  Brook  was 
slain  before  he  had  brought  him  to  maturity.  Mr.  Sterry  was 
thought  to  be  of  his  mind,  as  he  was  his  intimate  friend;  but  was 
so  famous  for  obscurity  in  preaching,  being,  said  Sir  Benjamin 
Rudiard,  too  high  for  this  world,  and  too  low  for  the  other,  that 
he  thereby  proved  almost  barren  also;  and  vanity  and  sterility 

(p)  I  have  not  Inserted  all  that  Baxter  says  about  New  England.  The  foolish  story 
about  Mrs.  Dyer  is  a  proof  only  of  the  malevolence  or  folly  of  tlio  inventors.  Weld's 
book  is  the  production  of  a  weak,  prejudiced  man,  and  entitled  to  litUe  respect  as 
aultiority. 


OF    RICIIAKD  BAXTER. 


83 


were  never  more  happily  conjoined/'  Mr.  Spri!z;f^e  is  tlie  chief 
of  his  more  open  disciples;  and  too  well  known  by  a  book  of 
his  sermons.'' 

"This  obscurity  was  imputed  by  some,  to  his  not  understand- 
ing himself;  but,  by  others,  to  design,  because  he  could  speak 
plainly  when  he  listed.  The  two  courses,  in  which  he  had 
most  success,  and  spake  most  plainly,  were  his  'Earnest  Plea 
for  Universal  Liberty  of  Conscience,  and  against  the  Magis- 
trates intermeddling  with  Religion;'  and  his  teaching  his  follow- 
ers to  revile  the  ministry,  calling  them,  ordinarily,  blackcoats, 
priests,  and  other  names  which  then  savored  of  reproach; 
and  those  gentlemen  diat  adiiered  to  the  ministry,  they  said, 
were  priest-ridden. 

"When  Cromwell  had  served  himself  by  him,  as  his  surest 
friend,  as  long  as  he  could,  and  gone  as  far  with  him  as  their 
way  lay  together  (Vane  being  for  a  fanatic  democracy,  and 
Cromwell  for  monarchy,)  at  last,  there  was  no  remedy  but  they 
must  part;  and  when  Cromwell  cast  out  the  Rump,  he  called 
Vane  a  juggler,  and  Martin  a  whoremonger,  to  excuse  his  usage 
of  the  rest. 

When  Vane  was  thus  laid  by,  he  wrote  his  book,  called  'The 
Retired  Man's  Meditations,'  wherein  the  best  part  of  his  opin- 
ions are  so  expressed  as  will  make  but  few  men  his  disciples. 
His  'Healing  Question'  is  more  plainly  written. 

(q)  Baxter's  opinion  of  Slerry  underwent  a  great  chanffe  after  this  punning  pas- 
sage was  written.  He  thus  spealjs  of  him  in  his  'Catholic  Theology:'  "It  is  long 
since  I  heard  of  the  name  and  fame  of  Sir.  Peter  Sterry.  His  common  fame  was, 
that  his  preaching  was  such  as  few,  or  none,  could  understand,  which  increased  niy 
desire  to  have  heard  him,  of  which  I  still  missed,  though  I  often  attempted  it.  I?ut 
now  since  his  death,  while  my  book  is  in  the  press,  a  posthumous  tract  of  his  corncth 
forth,  of  Free  Will;  upon  perusal  of  which,  I  found  in  him  the  same  notions  as  in  Sir 
Harry  Vane;  but  all  handled  with  much  more  strength  of  parts,  and  rapture  of  high- 
est devotion,  and  greater  candor  toward  all  others,  than  I  expected.  His  preface  is 
a  most  excellent  persuasive  to  universal  charity.  Love  was  never  more  extolled 
than  throughout  this  book.  Doubtless,  his  head  was  strong,  his  wit  admirably  preg- 
nant, his  searching  studies  hard  and  sublime,  and,  I  think,  his  heart  replenished  with 
hol^'  love  to  God,  and  great  charity,  moderation,  and  peaceableness  towards  men: 
insomuch,  that  I  heartily  repent  that  I  so  far  believed  fame  as  to  think  somewhat 
hardlier  of  him  and  his  few  adherents,  than  I  now  think  they  deserve." — Cath.  Theol. 
part  iii.  p.  107. 

While  this  passage  does  great  credit  to  the  candor  and  honesty  of  Baxter,  it  shows 
us  with  what  caution  we  ought  to  receive  his  opinions  of  the  sectaries  of  the  Common- 
wealth. Sterry  has,  like  many  of  the  men  of  that  period,  been  most  unrighteously 
abused.  He  was  mystical;  but  so  were  Fenelon,  Madam  Guion,  Henry  More,  and 
many  others,  whose  talents  and  piety  have  never  been  questioned.  His  works  prove 
that  he  was  no  fool,  and  his  conduct  shows  that  he  was  not  a  knave.  He  was  a  man 
of  a  highly  poetical  mind,  which  soared  far  above  the  turbulent  atmosphere  by 
which  he  was  surrounded,  and  most  of  the  creatures  who  floated  in  it.  His  work  on 
the  Will,  to  which  Baxter  refers,  is  written  with  ability,  though  some  parts  of  it  are 
not  very  intelligible. 

(r)  The  book  of  Sermons  by  Sprigge,  to  which  Baxter  refers,  is,  I  suppose,  his 
'Testimony  to  an  approaching  Glory;  being  an  Account  of  certain  Discourses  lately 
delivered  in  Pancras,  Soperlanc,  London.'  I2mo.  1619.  The  worst  which  can  be 
said  of  these  discourses  is,  that  they  are  somewhat  mystical;  otherwise  they  are  cred- 
itable both  to  the  piety  and  talents  of  their  authc»- 


84 


THK   1,1  KK   AND  TIMI',3 


"When  Cromwell  was  dead,  he  got  Sir  Arthur  Haselrigge  to 
be  his  close  adherent  on  civil  accounts,  procured  the  Rump  to 
be  set  up  again,  with  a  council  of  state,  and  got  the  power  much 
into  his  own  hands.  When  he  was  in  the  height  of  this  power, 
he  set  upon  the  forming  of  a  new  commonwealth,  and,  with  some 
of  his  adlierents,  drew  up  the  model,  wliich  was  for  popular  gov- 
ernment; but  so  that  men  of  his  confidence  must  be  the  people. 

"Of  my  own  displeasing  him,  this  is  the  true  account.  It 
grieved  me  to  see  a  poor  kingdom  tossed  up  and  down  in  un- 
quietness,  the  ministers  made  odious,  and  ready  to  be  cast  out,  a 
reformation  trodden  underfoot,  and  parliament  and  piety  made 
a  scorn,  while  scarce  any  doubted  but  he  was  the  principal 
spring  of  all.  Therefore,  being  writing  against  the  Papists,  and 
coming  to  vindicate  our  religion  against  them,  when  they  impute 
to  us  the  blood  of  the  king,  I  fully  proved  that  the  Protestants, 
and  particularly  the  Presbyterians,  abhorred  it,  and  suffered 
greatly  for  opposing  if;  and  that  it  was  the  act  of  Cromwell's 
army,  and  die  sectaries,  among  which  I  named  the  Vanists  as 
one  sort.  I  showed  that  the  Friars  and  Jesuits  were  the  de- 
ceivers, and,  under  several  vizors,  were  dispersed  among  the 
people.  Mr.  Nye  having  told  me  that  Vane  was  long  in  Italy, 
I  said  it  was  considerable  how  much  of  his  doctrine  he  had 
brought  from  Italy;  whereas  it  appeared  that  he  was  only  in 
France,  and  Helvetia,  upon  the  borders  of  Italy.  By  mistake, 
it  was  printed  from  Italy.  I  had  ordered  the  printer  to  correct 
it  'towards  Italy;'  but,  though  the  copy  was  corrected,  the  im- 
pression was  not.  Hereupon  Sir  Henry  Vane,  being  exceedingly 
provoked,  threatened  me  to  many,  and  spake  against  me  in  the 
House;  and  one  Stubbs  (that  had  been  whipped  in  the  Convo- 
cation House  at  Oxford)  wrote  for  him  a  bitter  book  against  me. 
He  from  a  Vanist,  afterwards  turned  a  Conformist:  since  that, 
he  turned  physician:  and  was  drowned  in  a  small  puddle,  or 
brook,  as  he  was  riding,  near  Bath.' 

(s)  Henry  Stubbs,  according  lo  Anthon  y  Wood,  was  "the  most  noted  person  of  his 
age."  He  was  the  son  of  a  minister,  and  a  protege  of  Sir  Henry  Vane's,  by  whose 
aid  he  was  educated  at  Oxford;  where,  llirough  the  influence  of  Owen,  he  was  made 
one  of  the  Keepers  of  the  Bodleian  Library.  He  possessed  very  considerable  parts 
and  learning.  After  passing  through  various  changes,  he  became  a  physician,  and 
finally  settled  down  into  regular  connection  with  the  church.  He  wrote  manj'  pam- 
phlets on  all  subjects.  The  book  to  which  Baxter  refers  is,  '.\  Vindication  of  that 
Prudent  and  Honorable  Knight,  Sir  Henry  Vane,  from  the  Lies  and  Calumnies  of 
Mr.  Richard  Baxter,  Minister  of  Kidderminster,  in  a  Letter  to  the  said  Mr.  Richard 
Baxter.'  1659.  It  was  hojiorable  to  Stubbs  to  defend  his  friend  and  patron;  hut  he 
ought  to  have  treated  Baxter  with  more  courtesy.  Tlic  story  of  his  being  whipped 
in  the  convocation,  is  probably  entitled  to  little  more  attention  than  the  whipping  of 
Milton.  The  manner  of  his  death  proves  nothing  respectiuir  his  former  life  or  char- 
acter, and  was  perhaps  owing  lo  no  fault  of  his,  though  Wood's  account  is  written 
with  his  characteristic  spleen,  and  evidently  intended  lo  insinuate  that  he  was  intoxi- 
cated. "He  being  at  Bath  attending  several  of  his  patients  living  in  and  near  War- 
wick, then  there,  was  sent  for  to  come  to  another  at  Bristol  in  very  hot  weather:  to 
which  place,  therefore,  going  a  by-way,  at  ten  of  the  clock  in  the  night,  on  the 
twelfth  day  of  July,  in  sixteen  hundred  and  seventy-six  (his  head  being  then  intoxi- 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


85 


"I  confess  iny  writing  was  a  means  to  lessen  his  reputation, 
and  make  men  take  him  for  what  Cromwell,  who  better  knew 
hiin,  called  him,  a  juggler.  I  only  wish  I  had  done  so  nnich  in 
time;  hut  the  whole  land  rang  of  his  anger  and  my  danger;  and 
all  expected  my  present  ruin  by  him;  hut  to  show  him  that  I 
was  not  about  recaniing,  as  his  agents  would  have  persuaded  me, 
I  wrote  also  against  his  'Healing  Question,'  in  a  preface  before 
my  'Holy  Commonwealth;'  and  the  speedy  turn  of  affairs  did 
tie  his  hands  from  executing  his  wrath  upon  me. 

"Upon  die  king's  coming  in,  he  was  questioned,  along  with 
others,  by  the  Parliament,  but  seemed  to  have  his  life  secured; 
but  being  brought  to  die  bar,  he  spake  so  boldly  in  justifying  the 
Parliament's  cause,  and  what  he  had  done,  that  it  exasperated 
the  king,  and  made  him  resolve  upon  his  death.  When  he 
came  to  Tower  Hill  to  die,  and  would  have  spoken  to  the  peo- 
ple, he  began  so  resolutely  as  caused  the  officers  to  sound  the 
trumpets  and  beat  the  drums,  and  hinder  him  from  speaking. 
No  man  could  die  with  greater  appearance  of  gallant  resolution 
and  fearlessness  than  he  did,  diough  before  supposed  a  timorous 
man;  insomuch  that  the  manner  of  his  death  procured  him  more 
applause  than  all  the  actions  of  his  life.  And  when  he  was 
dead,  his  intended  speech  was  printed,  and  afterwards  his  opin- 
ions more  plainly  expressed  by  his  friend  than  himself. 

"When  he  was  condemned,  some  of  his  friends  desired  me  to 
come  to  him,  that  I  might  see  how  far  he  was  from  Popery,  and 
in  how  excellent  a  temper  (thinking  I  would  have  asked  him 
forgiveness  for  doing  him  wrong;)  I  told  them  that  if  he  had 
desired  it,  I  would  have  gone  to  him;  but  seeing  he  did  not,  I 
supposed  he  would  take  it  for  an  injury;  as  my  conference  was 
not  likely  to  be  such  as  would  be  pleasing  to  a  dying  man:  for 
though  I  never  called  him  a  Papist,  yet  I  still  supposed  he  had 
done  the  Papists  so  much  service,  and  this  poor  nation  and  re- 
ligion so  much  wrong,  that  we  and  our  posterity  are  likely  to 
have  cause  and  time  enough  to  lament  it.  So  much  of  Sir 
Henry  Vane  and  his  adherents.* 

"The  second  sect  which  then  rose  up  was  that  called  Seekers. 
These  taught  that  our  Scripture  was  uncertain;  that  present 
miracles  are  necessary  to  faith;  that  our  ministry  is  null  and 

cated  with  bibbine,  but  more  with  talking  and  snuffing'  of  powder,)  was  drowned  pass- 
ing through  a  shallow  river,  wherein,  as  'lis  supposed,  his  horse  stumbled;  two  miles 
distant  from  Bath." — Allien.  Oxon.  vol.  iii.  p.  1082. 

(t)  While  I  have  extracted  the  greater  part  of  Baxter's  character  of  Sir  Henry  Vane 
I  cannot  help  expressing  my  decided  opinion  that  it  is,  in  various  particulars,  incor- 
rect. Baxter  did  not  understand  him,  and,  therefore,  could  not  do  him  justice.  He, 
was  brave,  sagacious,  and  disinterested;  the  ardent  and  enlightened  friend  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty;  distinguished  in  life  by  the  decision  of  his  piety,  and  in  death 
(though  basely  murdered  in  violation  of  all  faith  and  justice)  by  his  calm  yet  heroic 
behavior.  The  man  who  was  feared  by  Cromwell,  hated  by  Charles,  and  praised  by 
Milton,  could  not  have  been  a  silly  fanatic,  or  an  unprincipled  knave. 


8G 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


without  authority,  and  our  worship  and  ordinances  unnecessary 
or  vain;  the  true  churcli,  ministry,  Scripture,  and  ordinances, 
being;  lost,  for  which  they  are  now  seelving.  I  quickly  found  that 
the  Papists  principally  hatched  and  actuated  this  sect,  and  that 
a  considerable  number  that  were  of  this  profession,  were  some 
Papists  and  some  infidels.  However,  they  closed  with  the 
Vanists,  and  sheltered  themselves  under  them,  as  if  they  had 
been  the  very  same. 

The  third  sect  were  the  Ranters.  These  also  made  it  their 
business,  as  the  former,  to  set  up  the  light  of  nature,  in  men, 
under  the  name  of  Christ,  and  to  dishonor  and  cry  down  the 
church,  the  Scripture,  the  present  ministry,  and  our  worsliip  and 
ordinances.  They  called  men  to  hearken  to  Christ  within  them; 
but  withal,  they  enjoined  a  cursed  doctrine  of  libertinism,  which 
brought  them  all  to  abominable  fiUhiness  of  life.  They  taught, 
as  the  Familists,  that  God  regardeth  not  the  actions  of  the  out- 
ward man,  but  of  the  heart;  and  diat  to  the  pure,  all  things  are 
pure  (even  things  forbidden:)  and  so,  as  allowed  by  God,  they 
spake  most  hideous  words  of  blasphemy,  and  many  of  them 
committed  whoredoms  commonly. 

There  could  never  a  sect  arise  in  the  world  that  was  a  louder 
warning  to  professors  of  religion  to  be  humble,  fearful,  and 
watchful;  never  could  the  world  be  told  more  loudly,  whither 
the  spiritual  pride  of  ungrounded  novices  in  religion  tendeth; 
and  whither  professors  of  strictness  in  religion,  may  be  carried 
in  the  stream  of  sects  and  factions.  I  have  seen  myself,  letters 
written  from  Abingdon,  where,  among  both  soldiers  and  people, 
this  contagion  did  then  prevail,  full  of  horrid  oaths,  curses,  and 
blasphemy,  not  fit  to  be  repeated  by  the  tongue  or  pen  of  man; 
and  these  all  uttered  as  die  effect  of  knowledge,  and  a  part  of 
their  religion,  in  a  fanatic  strain,  and  fathered  on  the  Spirit  of 
God.  But  the  horrid  villanies  of  this  sect,  did  not  only  speedily 
extinguish  it,  but  also  as  much  as  ever  any  thing  did,  to  dis- 
grace all  sectaries,  and  to  restore  the  credit  of  the  ministry,  and 
of  the  sober,  unanimous  Christians;  so  that  the  devil  and  the 
Jesuits  quickly  found  that  this  way  served  not  their  turn,  and 
therefore  they  suddenly  took  another. 

"And  that  was  the  fourth  sect,  the  Quakers,  who  were  but  the 
Ranters,  and  turned  from  horrid  profaneness  and  blasphemy,  to 
a  life  of  extreme  austerity,  on  the  other  side.  Their  doctrines 
were  mostly  the  same  with  the  Ranters;  they  made  the  light 
which  every  man  hadi  within  him  to  be  his  sufficient  rule,  and, 
consequently,  the  Scripture  and  ministry  were  set  light  by.  They 
spake  much  for  the  dwelling  and  working  of  the  Spirit  in  us,  but 
litde  of  justification,  and  the  pardon  of  sin,  and  our  reconcilia- 
tion with  God  through  Jesus  Chiist.  They  pretend  their  de- 
pendence on  the  Spirit's  conduct,  against  set  times  of  prayer,  and 


OF    RICHAHD  BAXTER. 


87 


against  sacraments,  and  against  their  due  esteem  of  Scripture 
and  ministry.  They  will  not  have  the  Scripture  called  llie  Word 
of  God;  their  principal  zeal  lieth  in  railing  at  the  ministers  as 
hirelings,  deceivers,  false  prophets,  &c.;  and  in  refusing  to  swear 
before  a  magistrate,  or  to  put  off  their  hat  to  any,  or  to  say  ijou 
instead  of  thou  or  thcc,  which  are  their  words  to  all.  At  first 
they  did  use  to  fall  into  tremblings,  and  sometimes  vomitings,  in 
their  meetings,  and  pretended  to  be  violendy  acted  on  by  the 
Spirit;  but  now  that  is  ceased.  They  only  meet,  and  he  tliat 
pretendetli  to  be  moved  by  the  Spirit  speaketh;  and  sometimes 
they  say  nothing,  but  sit  an  hour  or  more  in  silence,  and  then 
depart.  One  while  divers  of  them  went  naked  through  several 
chief  towns  and  cities  of  the  land,  as  a  prophetical  act:  some  of 
diem  have  famished  and  drowned  diemselves  in  melancholy;  and 
oUiers,  undertaken,  by  the  power  of  the  Spirit,  to  raise  tiie  dead. 
Their  chief  leader,  James  Nayler,  acted  the  part  of  Christ,  at 
Bristol,  according  to  much  of  the  history  of  the  Gospel;  and 
was  long  laid  in  Bridewell  for  it,  and  his  tongue  bored,  as  a  blas- 
phemer, by  the  Parliament."  Many  Franciscan  friars,  and  other 
Papists,  have  been  proved  to  be  disguised  speakers  in  their 
assemblies,  and  to  be  among  them;  and  it  is  like  are  the  very 
soul  of  all  these  horrible  delusions.  But  of  late  one  William 
Penn  is  become  their  leader,  and  would  reform  the  sect,  and  set 
up  a  kind  of  ministry  among  diem." 

"The  fifth  sect  are  the  Behmenists,  whose  opinions  go  much 
towards  the  way  of  the  former,  for  the  sufficiency  of  the  light 
of  nature,  the  salvation  of  heathens,  as  well  as  Christians,  and  a 
dependence  on  revelations,  &ic.  But  they  are  fewer  in  number, 
and  seem  to  have  attained  to  greater  meekness,  and  conquest  of 
passion,  than  any  of  the  rest.    Their  docuune  is  to  be  seen  in 

(u)  In  the  first  volume  of  'Burton's  Diary,'  lately  edited  hy  Mr.  Towill  Rutt, 
there  is  a  curious  account  of  the  debate  in  parliament  respecting  Nayler.  It  lasted 
ten  or  eleven  days.  A  horrible  sentence  was  pronounced  and  intlicled;  but  he  made 
a  very  narrow  escape  for  his  life,  as  several  of  the  members  were  for  passing  sen- 
tence of  death  upon  him.  Burton  was  a  witness  of  the  execution  of  the  sentence,  and 
bears  testimony  to  the  tbrtilude  with  wliich  iS'ayler  bore  it.  Tlie  Protector,  greatly  to 
his  honor,  interested  himself  on  Nayler's  behalf.  The  conduct  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons was  as  unconstitutional  as  its  sentence  was  brutal  and  unmerited. 

(x)  Baxter's  account  of  the  Quakers,  like  his  representations  of  the  other  sects  to 
which  he  was  opposed,  must  be  received  with  some  abatement,  and  with  due  allow- 
ance for  the  exaggerations  to  which  various  parts  of  the  conduct  of  some  of  the 
early  Friends  naturally  gave  rise.  They  wished  to  carry  reformation  further  than 
most  of  the  parties  of  the  period  approved;  they  were  powerlully  influenced  by  the 
doctrine  of  impressions,  for  uhich  tlicy  so  strenuously  contended;  their  zeal  was 
roused  to  the  very  utmost  by  the  opposition  which  they  experienced;  and  which,  op- 
crating  on  some  peculiarly-excited  minds,  produced,  at  least,  temporary  insanity. 
This  was  probably  the  case  with  James  Nayler,  and  a  few  others,  whose  conduct  the 
Friends  would  now  be  far  from  approving;  and  whose  severe  and  unmerited  suffer- 
ings reflect  indelible  disgrace  on  the  parties  who  inflicted  them.  The  heroic  and 
persevering  conduct  of  the  Quakers  in  withstanding  the  interferences  of  government 
with  the  rights  of  conscience,  by  which  they  finally  secured  those  peculiar  privileges 
they  so  richly  deserve  to  enjoy,  entitles  them  to  the  veneration  of  all  the  friends  of 
civil  and  religious  freedom;  and  more  than  compensates  for  those  irregularities  and 
extravagancies  which  marked  the  early  period  of  their  history. 


88 


THK  LIFK    AND  TIMES 


Jacob  Behmen's  books,  by  those  that  have  nothing  else  to  do 
than  to  bestow  a  great  deal  of  time  to  understand  him  that  was 
not  willing  to  be  easily  understood,  and  to  know  that  his  bom- 
bastic words  signify  nothing  more  than  before  was  easily  known 
by  common  familiar  terms. ^' 

"The  chief  of  the  Behmenists,  in  England,  are  Dr.  Pordage  and 
his  family ,who  live  together  in  community,  and  pretend  to  hold  vis- 
ible and  sensible  communion  with  angels,  whom  they  sometimes 
see,  and  sometimes  smell.  Mr.  Fowler,  of  Reading,  accused  him, 
before  the  committee,  for  preaching  against  imputed  righteousness, 
and  various  other  things,  especially  for  familiarity  witli  devils,  and 
conjuration.  The  doctor  wrote  a  book  to  vindicate  himself,  in 
which  he  professeth  to  have  sensible  communion  with  angels, 
and  to  know,  by  sights  and  smells,  good  spirits  from  bad.  He 
saith,  that  indeed  one  month  his  house  was  molested  with  evil 
spirits,  which  was  occasioned  by  one  Everard,  whom  he  taketh 
to  be  a  conjurer,  who  staid  so  long  with  him,  as  desiring  to  be 
of  their  communion.  In  this  time,  a  fiery  dragon,  so  big  as  to 
fill  a  very  great  room,  conflicted  with  him,  visibly,  many  hours; 
one  appeared  to  him  in  his  chamber,  in  die  likeness  of  Everard, 
with  boots,  spurs,  &z;c.;  and  an  impression  was  made  on  the  brick 
wall  of  his  chimney,  of  a  coach  drawn  with  tigers  and  lions, 
which  could  not  be  got  out  till  it  was  hewed  out  with  pickaxes: 
and  another  on  his  glass  window,  which  yet  remaineth,  &c. 
Whether  these  things  be  true  or  false,  I  know  not.'- 

"Among  these,  fall  in  many  other  sect-makers,  as  Dr.  Gell,  of 
London,  known  partly  by  a  printed  volume,  in  folio;'''  and  one 
Mr.  Parker,  who  got  in  with  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  and  wrote 
a  book  against  the  'Assembly's  Confession,'  in  which  he  taketh 
up  most  of  the  Popish  doctrmes,  and  riseth  up  against  them 

(y)  The  writings  of  Jacob  Behmen  are  probably  belter  known  now  and  more  ad- 
mired than  they  were  in  the  days  of  Baxter.  William  Law  and  John  Wesley  both  con- 
tributed, especially  the  first,  to  gain  some  credit  for  them  in  England.  Jacob  was  a 
very  harmless  enthusiast,  or  rather  madman,  whose  dreams  and  visions  bewildered 
liimself,  and  the  revelation  of  them  bewildered  others.  'I'hat  he  sliould  liave  found 
admirers  in  such  a  period  of  e.xcitement  as  that  which  England  experienced  during  the 
Commonwealth,  cannot  be  matter  of  surprise,  when  we  find  that  he  obtained  follow- 
ers in  the  quiet  reign  of  the  Georges.  Those  who  do  not  choose  to  miss[)end  their 
lime  in  the  examination  of  his  mystical  conundrums,  will  find  enough  of  the  same  in 
the  works  of  Law;  or  may  amuse  themselves  by  looking  at  a  small  life  of  Behmen, 
by  his  devoted  admirer,  Francis  Okel}',  formerly  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
1780. 

(z)  It  is  surprising  Baxter  should  not  have  perceived  that  Dr.  Pordage  was  fitter 
for  occupying  a  place  in  Bedlam,  than  to  rank  as  the  head  or  leader  of  a  sect.  If 
madmen  are  to  be  reckoned  sect-makers,  we  might  reckon  sects  without  number, 
in  all  ages  and  places.  Granger  says  of  him,  very  justly,  ''He  was  far  gone  in  one 
of  the  most  incurable  kinds  of  madness,  the  frenzy  of  enthusiasm;"  yet  was  he  a 
doctor  in  philosophy,  medicine,  and  theology! 

(a)  Dr.  Gell,  of  whom  Baxter  speaks,  appears  to  have  been  a  very  singular  man. 
He  published  two  folio  volumes  on  the  Scriptures:  the  one  in  1659;  the  other  appeared 
after  his  death,  in  1676.  He  was  rector  of  St.  Mary,  Aldermanbury.  His  works 
are  a  curious  mass  of  learning,  occasional  original,  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures, 
and  mystical  speculation,  often  of  a  very  peculiar  nature.  But  men  of  a  similar  cast 
of  mind  have  appeared  in  every  age. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


89 


witli  papal  pride  and  contcnipl,  but  owuetli  not  tlie  pope  himself. 
Yet  he  headeth  his  body  of  doctrine  with  the  Spirit,  as  the 
Papists  do  with  the  pope.''  To  these  also  must  be  added  Dr. 
Gibbon,  who  goelh  about  with  his  scheme  to  proselyte  men, 
whom  1  have  more  cause  to  know  than  some  of  the  rest.*^ 

"7VII  these,  with  subtile  diligence,  promote  most  of  the  papal 
cause,  and  get  in  with  tiie  religious  sort,  either  upon  pretence  of 
austerity,  mortification,  angelical  communion,  or  clearer  light; 
but  none  of  them  yet  owneth  the  name  of  a  Papist;  but  what 
they  are,  indeed,  and  who  sendeth  them,  and  what  is  their  work, 
though  I  strongly  conjecture,  ]  will  not  assert,  because  I  am  not 
fully  certain:  let  lime  discover  them.""' 

After  this  account  of  the  several  sects  and  their  leaders,  it  will 
be  proper  to  quote  a  portion  of  the  general  reflections  which 
Baxter  makes  upon  them.  "These  are  they,"  he  says,  "who 
have  been  most  addicted  to  church  divisions,  and  separations, 
and  sidings,  and  parties,  and  have  refused  all  terms  of  concord 
and  unity:  who,  though  many  of  them  weak  and  raw,  were  yet 
prone  to  be  pufied  up  with  high  thoughts  of  themselves,  and  to 
overvalue  their  liule  degrees  of  knowledge  and  parts,  which  set 
them  not  above  the  pity  of  understanding  men.  They  have  been 
set  upon  those  courses  which  tend  to  advance  them  above  the 
common  people  in  the  observation  of  the  world,  and  to  set  them 

(b)  Parker's  book  on  the  Assembly's  Catechism,  I  once  had  in  my  possession. 
He  appears  to  have  been  a  concealed  Papist;  and,  partly  on  Popish,  and  partly  on 
Ai  minian  principles,  attacks  the  doctrines  of  the  Westminster  Confession.  But  it  is 
quite  a  mass  of  confusion. 

(c)  The  person  to  whom  Baxter  here  refers,  was  Dr.  Nicholas  Gibbon,  who,  after 
the  Restoration,  became  rector  of  Corfc  Castle.  He  was  a  busy,  forward  royalist. 
The  following-  curious  account  of  his  intercourse  with  l^axicr,  which  is  given  in 
another  part  of  his  life,  explains  ihe  allusion  here  made  lo  him.  It  is  probable  that 
Baxter  knew  enough  ol'hiin;  but  he  was  more  a  man  of  intrigue  than  the  maker  of 
a  sect. 

"While  I  lodged  at  Lord  Broghill's,  a  certain  person  was  importunate  to  speak 
with  me,  Dr.  Nic.  Gibbon,  who,  shutting  tlie  doors  on  us,  that  there  might  be  no 
witnesses,  drew  forth  a  scheme  of  theology,  and  told  me  how  long  a  journey  he  had 
once  taken  towards  me,  and  engaged  me  patiently  to  hear  him  open  to  me  his 
scheme,  which  he  said  was  the  very  thing  that  I  had  been  long  groping  after;  and 
contained  the  only  terms  and  method  to  resolve  all  doubts  whatever  in  divinity,  and 
unite  all  Christians  through  the  world:  and  ihere  was  none  of  them  printed  but  whal 
he  kept  himself,  and  he  comniujiicated  them  only  to  such  as  were  prepared,  which  he 
thought  I  was.  1.  Searching;  '2.  Impartial;  and,  3.  A  lover  of  method.  I  thanked 
him,  and  heard  him  above  an  hour  in  silence;  and,  afler  two  or  three  days'  talk  with 
him,  I  found  all  his  frame,  the  contrivance  of  a  very  strong  head-piece  was  secretly 
and  cunningly  fitted  to  usher  in  a  Socinian  Popery,  or  a  mixture  of  Popery  and  half- 
Socinianism.  Bishop  Usher  had  before  occasionally  spoken  of  him  in  my  hearing  as 
a  Socinian,  which  caused  me  to  hear  him  with  suspicion;  but  I  heard  none  suspect 
him  of  Popery,  though  I  found  that  it  was  that  which  was  the  end  of  his  design. 
This  juggler  hath  this  twenty  years,  and  more,  gone  up  and  down  thus  secretly,  and 
also  thrust  himself  into  places  of  public  debate  (as  when  the  bishops  and  divines  dis- 
puted before  the  king  at  the  Isle  of  Wight,  iScc.;)  and  when  we  were  lately  offering  our 
proposals  for  concor<l  to  the  king,  he  thrust  in  among  us:  till  I  was  fain,  plainly,  to 
detect  him  before  some  of  the  Lords,  which  enraged  him;  and  he  denied  the  words 
which,  in  secret,  he  had  spoken  to  me.  Many  men  of  parts  and  learning  are  per- 
verted by  him." — Life,  part  ii.  pp.  205,  206. 

(d)  Life,  part  i.  p.  74—78. 


VOL.  I. 


12 


90 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


at  a  further  distance  from  others  than  God  alloweth,  and  all  this 
under  the  pretence  of  the  purity  of  the  church.  In  prosecution 
of  their  ends,  tliere  are  few  of  the  Anabaptists  that  have  not 
been  the  opposers  and  troublers  of  tlie  faitlilul  ministers  of  God 
in  the  land,  and  the  troublers  of  their  people,  and  hinderers  of 
their  success;  strengthening  the  hands  of  the  profane.  The  sec- 
taries, especially  the  Anabaptists,  Seekers,  and  Quakers  chose 
out  the  most  able,  zealous  ministers,  to  be  the  marks  of  their 
reproach  and  obloquy,  and  all  because  they  stood  in  the  way  of 
Uieir  designs,  and  hindered  them  in  the  propagating  their  opin- 
ions. They  set  against  the  same  men  as  the  drunkards  and 
swearers  set  against,  and  much  after  the  same  manner,  reviling 
them,  and  raising  up  false  reports  of  them,  and  doing  all  that 
they  could  to  make  them  odious,  and  at  last  attempting  to  pull 
them  all  down;  only  they  did  it  more  profanely  than  the  pro- 
fane, in  that  they  said.  Let  the  Lord  be  glorified,  let  the  Gospel 
be  propagated;  and  abused  and  profaned  Scripture,  and  the 
name  of  God,  by  prefixing  him  to  their  faction  and  miscar- 
riages. Yea,  though  they  thought  themselves  the  most  under- 
standing and  conscientious  people  of  the  land,  yet  did  the  gang 
of  them  seldom  stick  at  any  thing  which  seemed  to  promote  their 
cause;  but  whatever  their  faction  in  the  army  did,  they  pleaded 
for  and  approved  it.  If  they  pulled  down  the  parliament,  im- 
prisoned the  godly,  faithful  members,  and  killed  the  king;  if 
they  cast  out  the  Rump,  if  they  chose  a  little  parliament  of  their 
own;  if  they  set  up  Cromwell;  if  they  raised  up  his  son,  and 
pulled  him  down  again;  if  they  sought  to  obtrude  agreements 
on  the  people;  if  they  one  week  set  up  a  council  of  state,  and  if 
another  week  the  Rump  were  restored;  if  they  sought  to  take 
down  tithes  and  parish  ministers,  to  the  utter  confusion  of  relig- 
ion in  the  land:  in  all  these  the  Anabaptists,  and  many  of  the 
Independents  in  the  three  kingdoms,  followed  them,  and  even 
their  pastors  were  ready  to  lead  them  to  consent. 

"I  know  the  same  accusations  are  laid  by  some  in  ignorance 
and  malice,  against  many  that  are  guilty  of  no  such  things,  and, 
therefore,  some  will  be  offended  with  me,  and  say  I  imitate  such 
reproaches;  but  shall  none  be  reproved  because  some  are  slan- 
dered? Shall  hypocrites  be  free  from  conviction  and  condem- 
nation, because  wicked  men  call  the  godly  hypocrites?  Wo  to 
the  man  that  hath  not  a  faithful  reprover!  but  a  thousand  woes 
will  be  to  him  that  hateth  reproof!  Wo  to  them  that  had 
rather  sin  were  credited  and  kept  in  honor,  than  their  party 
dishonored;  and  wo  to  the  land  where  the  reputation  of  men 
doth  keep  sin  in  reputation!  The  Scripture  itself  will  not  spare 
a  Noah,  a  Lot,  a  David,  an  Hezekiah,  a  Josiah,  a  Peter; 
but  will  open  and  shame  their  sin  to  all  generations.  Yet,  alas! 
the  hearts  of  many,  who  it  is  to  be  hoped  are  truly  religious, 


OF   RICHARD  HAXTER. 


91 


will  rise  against  liiin  that  shall  tell  them  of  the  misdoings  of 
those  of  their  opinion,  and  call  them  to  repentance.  The  poor 
churcli  of  Christ,  tlie  soher,  sound  religious  part,  are  lilce  Christ, 
that  was  crucified  hetvveen  two  thieves.  The  profane  and  for- 
mal persecutors,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  fanatic,  dividing  sec- 
taries on  the  other,  have  in  all  ages  been  grinding  the  spiritual 
seed,  as  the  corn  is  ground  between  the  millstones.  And  though 
their  sins  have  ruined  themselves  and  us,  and  silenced  so  many 
hundred  ministers,  and  scattered  the  flocks,  and  made  us  the 
hatred  and  scorn  of  the  ungodly  world,  and  a  by-word,  and 
desolation  in  the  earth,  yet  there  are  few  of  them  who  lament 
tlieir  sin,  but  justify  themselves  and  their  misdoings;  and  the 
penitent  maloAictor  is  unknown  to  us.  And  seeing  posterity 
must  know  what  they  have  done,  to  the  shame  of  our  land  and 
of  our  sacred  profession,  let  them  know  thus  much  more,  also, 
to  their  own  shame,  that  all  the  calamities  which  have  befall- 
en us  by  our  divisioas  were  long  foreseen  by  many:  and  they 
were  told  and  warned  of  them  year  after  year.  They  were  told 
that  a  house  divided  against  itself  could  not  stand;  and  that  the 
course  they  took  would  bring  them  to  shame,  and  turn  a  hope- 
ful reformation  into  a  scorn,  and  make  the  land  of  their  nativity 
a  place  of  calamity  and  wo:  but  the  warning  signified  nothing  to 
them;  these  ductile  professors  blindly  followed  a  few  self-con- 
ceited teachers  to  this  misery,  and  no  warning  or  means  could 
ever  stop  them." 

Such  is  the  curious  account  which  Baxter  gives  of  the  extra- 
ordinary state  of  religion,  and  of  religious  parties,  during  this  sin- 
gular period  of  England's  history.  His  opportunities  to  become 
acquainted  with  the  state  of  things,  were  very  considerable,  and 
his  veracity  unquestionable.  Yet  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  a 
worse  opinion  may  be  formed  of  the  state  of  religion  from  what 
he  has  said,  than  the  real  circumstances  will  justify.  The  lan- 
guage of  many  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  during  what  Milton 
calls  ironically  the  year  of  "sects  and  schisms;"  those  sects  and 
schisms  were  almost  innumerable.  The  uncouth  designations 
employed  to  describe  them,  by  such  persons  as  Edwards,  Vicars, 
Pagitt,  and  Featley,  have  furnished  many  a  joke,  and  led  to 
many  an  exaggerated  description.  But  when  the  matter  comes 
to  be  examined,  a  great  deal  of  this  mist,  in  which  the  period  is 
enveloped,  is  cleared  away.  Baxter's  own  account,  which  dis- 
covers no  disposition  to  conceal  or  extenuate,  shows,  that  beside 
the  leading  religious  parties,  which  were  composed  mostly  of 
respectable  persons,  there  were  only  five  other  sects  that  he  could 
describe.  Even  these  so  ran  into  one  another  that  he  could  not 
accurately  discriminate  them.    With  the  exception  of  the  Qua- 


le) Life,  part  i.  pp.  102,  103. 


92 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


kers,  none  of  tlie  rest  is  entitled  to  be  spoken  of  as  a  distinct 
or  separate  sect.  All  the  others  appear  to  have  consisted  of  a 
small  number  of  floating  individuals,  who  have  no  defined  relig- 
ions system,  and  who  enjoyed  an  existence  and  influence  of  the 
most  ephemeral  nature.  Alost  of  the  leaders  were  harmless  and 
inoffensive  in  their  lives;  men  whose  hearts  were  better  than  their 
understandings;  and  who  were,  in  some  cases,  rendered  mischiev- 
ous, chiefly  by  the  treatment  which  they  experienced.*^ 

These  sects  and  heresies  are  often  represented  as  hatched 
and  spawned  during  the  Commonwealth,  and  constituting  its 
disgrace;  they  are  also  alleged  to  stamp  the  character  of  that 
much-misrepresented  period  of  our  history.  It  should  be  re- 
membered, however,  that  when  liberty  runs  riot,  it  is  generally 
when  it  has  been  preceded  by  oppression  and  tyranny.  Perse- 
cution and  restraint  have  often  been  the  real  parents  of  those 
opinions,  which  are  sometimes  truly  extravagant,  and  at  other 
times  only  regarded  as  such  by  the  dominant  party;  which  liberty 
has  not  created  but  only  brought  to  light.  That  the  sudden 
bursting  of  the  bonds  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical  slavery  should 
be  attended  with  some  temporary  evils,  is  only  what  might  be 
expected.  Who  thinks  of  blaming  the  emancipated  captive,  for 
a  few  freaks  and  a  litde  w-ildness,  when  first  breathing  the  air  of 
heaven?  These  are  but  indications  of  powerful  emotion,  which, 
when  familiar  with  his  new  circumstances,  will  subside  into  a  de- 
lightful calm.  The  strong  representations  of  gross  immoralities 
alleged  to  be  practiced  by  some  of  the  members  of  the  sects 
referred  to,  will  go  but  a  little  way  with  those  who  know  how 
the  primitive  believers  w^ere  misrepresented,  and  what  treatment 
the  reformers  experienced.  Charges  of  this  kind  have  been 
commonly  preferred  against  the  followers  of  new  sects,  they 
therefore  always  require  to  be  very  fully  authenticated  before 
they  are  believed. 

Baxter's  notion  that  most  of  these  sects  were  either  projected 
or  instigated  by  Papists,  seems  not  sustained  by  any  satisfactory 
evidence.  He  was  full  of  alarms  on  this  subject;  and  from  what 
he  knew  of  the  deceitful  nature  of  Popery,  he  was  prepared  to 
give  it  credit  for  any  mystery  of  iniquity.  That  the  priests  and 
Jesuits  were  disposed  to  aggravate  rather  than  mitigate  the  evils 
which  then  existed,  cannot  be  doubted.  But  the  leaders  of  the 
religious  parties  of  the  Commonwealth,  were  not  the  tools  with 
which  they  could  safely  work. 

(f)  "Old  Epliraim  Pajriu,"  as  he  calls  himself,  describes,  in  his 'Heresiopraphy,' 
between  forly  and  fifiy  diffcrcnl  sects;  but  the  whole  of  these  may  be  reduced  to  a 
very  few,  as  he  makes  many  foolish  distinctions.  For  instance,  he  has  Aiiahaplists, 
and  Plunged  Anahaptisls;  l^epai-alists,  and  Semi-sepuralists.  He  has  Bim  nists, 
Barrowists ,  Ainsworthians,  Robinsonians ,  who  were  all  men  of  one  party.  He  has 
Familists,  Castalian  Farnilisls,  Fa7nilists  of  the  Momitoins,  and  Fannlists  of  the  Val- 
lies!  Such  is  a  specimen  of  the  wisdom  and  the  multiplyinef  power  of  Old  Ephraim 
Pagitt. 


OF    KICHARD  BAXTKR. 


93 


Tf  we  look  around  on  tlie  state  of  parties  at  present,  we  shall 
pcrliaps  be  convinced  that  sects  and  sciiisnis  are  more  numerous 
than  even  in  the  time  of  tlic  Commonvvcaltli,  and  not  a  few  of 
them  quite  as  extravagant.  Wliat,  then!  Is  tliis  a  proof  that 
we  have  no  religion,  or  of  the  evil  and  danger  of  religious  free- 
dom? No,  certainly.  But,  let  an  attempt  be  made  to  hinder 
exertion,  and  put  down  sects,  and  we  should  find  all  die  alleged 
evils  of  fanaticism  and  schism,  aggravated  and  multiplied  a  diou- 
sandfold. 

The  divisions  of  the  Christian  church  are  undoubtedly  much 
to  be  deplored.  They  present  a  most  unseemly  appearance  to 
the  world,  of  Uiat  religion  which  may  be  said  to  be  "one  and 
indivisible."  Tliey  imply  nuicli  imperfection  on  the  part  of  its 
professors,  occasion  great  stumbling  to  unbelievers,  and  impair 
tlie  energy  and  resources  which  might  be  advantageously  em- 
ployed in  assailing  the  common  enemy.  The  causes  of  these 
divisions  are  to  be  sought  in  the  ignorance,  the  weakness,  and 
the  prejudices  of  Christians;  in  indolent  submission  to  authority 
on  one  part,  and  the  love  of  influence  on  another;  in  the  power 
of  early  habits  and  associations;  and,  above  all,  in  the  influence 
of  a  worldly  spirit,  which  warps  and  governs  the  mind  in  a 
thousand  ways. 

While  the  evil  of  this  state  of  things  is  freely  admitted,  it  is 
possible  to  exaggerate  both  die  extent  of  the  divisions  which 
exist,  and  die  injuries  which  result  from  them.  There  is  more 
oneness  of  mind  among  real  Christians  than  a  superficial  obser- 
ver might  suppose.  Baxter  was  quite  correct  in  maintaining 
that  they  differ  more  about  words  dian  things.  In  their  views  of 
leading  doctrines,  in  the  experience  of  their  influence,  in  the 
practical  effects  of  Christianity,  and  in  their  expectations  of  its 
future  glory,  there  is  a  substantial  agreement  among  them. 

In  the  wise  and  gracious  administration  of  God,  even  these 
imperfections  are  overruled,  and  rendered  productive  of  impor- 
tant good.  They  afford  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of  the  Chris- 
tian virtues  of  forbearance,  patience,  and  love;  they  put  the  tem- 
pers and  profession  of  men  to  the  test;  and  they  often  excite  a 
spirit  of  emulation,  which,  though  not  unmixed  with  evil,  is  the 
means  of  extensive  benefit  to  others.  It  is  worthy  of  observation 
that  all  attempts  to  produce  uniformity,  have  either  been  defeat- 
ed; or  have  occasioned  fresh  divisions.  Under  the  appearance 
of  outward  unity,  the  greatest  diversity  of  opinion  generally  pre- 
vails. And  genuine  religion  flourishes  most  amidst  what  is  com- 
monly denounced  as  the  contentions  of  rival  sects.  The  soil 
whose  rankness  sends  forth  an  abundant  crop  of  weeds,  will  pro- 
duce, if  cultivated,  a  still  more  luxuriant  harvest  of  corn.  If  the 
times  of  Baxter  were  fruitful  of  sects,  and  some  of  them  wild 


94 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


and  monstrous,  they  were  still  more  fruitful  in  the  number  of 
genuine,  holy,  and  devoted  Christians.  It  was  not  an  age  of  fa- 
naticism only,  but  of  pure  and  undefiled  religion. 


CHAPTER  V.  1646—1660. 

Baxter  resumes  his  Labors  at  Kidderminster — His  account  of  public  affairs  till  the  Death  of 
(.'harles  I. — His  conduct  while  in  Kidderminster  towards  Parliament — Towards  the  Royal 
Party — His  .Minislry  at  Kidderminster — His  Employments — His  Success  His  Advanta- 
ges— Kemurks  on  the  style  of  his  preacliing — His  public  and  private  exertions — Their  last- 
ing effects. 

In  the  fourth  chapter,  a  full  account  is  given  of  the  views  and 
conduct  of  Baxter  while  he  was  connected  with  the  victorious 
army  of  the  Commonwealth.  His  exertions  to  promote  its 
spiritual  interests  were  indefatigable  and  disinterested.  With  the 
most  patriotic  principles  and  aims,  he  devoted  himself  to  coun- 
teract, what  he  considered  the  factious  and  sectarian  dispositions 
of  the  soldiers  and  their  leaders;  while  he  experienced  nothing 
but  sorrow  and  disappointment  as  the  fruit  of  his  labors.  His 
bodily  health,  always  feeble  and  broken,  at  length  sunk  under 
the  pressure  of  his  circumstances,  and  he  was  compelled  reluc- 
tantly to  retire  from  the  stormy  atmosphere  of  a  camp  to  the 
calmer  region  of  a  pastoral  cure. 

The  preceding  chapter  details  the  origin,  character,  and  in- 
fluence, of  the  principal  and  the  minor  religious  parties  which 
made  a  figure  during  the  civil  wars,  or  enjoyed  an  ephemeral 
notoriety  during  the  commonwealth.  To  all  that  concerned 
both  the  civil  and  religious  interests  of  his  country,  Baxter  was 
powerfully  alive.  He  had  the  soul  of  a  patriot  as  well  as  of 
a  Christian;  and  often  was  he  ready  to  weep  tears  of  blood  over 
the  civil  confusion  and  the  religious  distractions  of  his  country. 
Yet  were  these  halcyon  days,  in  regard  to  the  en  joyment  of  re- 
ligious privileges,  compared  with  those  which  preceded  and  fol- 
lowed them. 

After  various  digressions  he  thus  resumes  his  personal  narrative: 
"I  have  related  how  after  my  bleeding  a  gallon  of  blood  by  the 
nose,  that  I  was  left  weak  at  Sir  Thomas  Rouse's  house,  at  Rous- 
Lench,  where  I  was  taken  up  with  daily  medicines  to  prevent  a 
dropsy:  and  being  conscious  that  my  time  had  not  been  improved 
to  the  service  of  God  as  I  desired  it  had  been,  I  put  up  many  an 
earnest  pravcr,  that  God  would  restore  me,  and  use  me  more  suc- 
cessfully in  his  work.  Blessed  be  that  mercy  which  heard  my 
groans  in  the  day  of  my  distress;  which  wrought  my  deliverance 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


95 


when  men  and  means  failed,  and  gave  me  opportunity  to  cele- 
brate his  praise. 

"Wiiiisi  1  continued  tliere,  weak  and  unable  to  preach,  the 
people  of  Kidderminster  had  again  renewed  ihcir  articles  against 
their  old  vicar  and  his  ctn-ate.  Upon  trial  of  the  cause,  the  com- 
mittee sequestered  the  j)lacc,  but  put  no  one  into  it;  and  placed 
tlie  profits  in  the  iiands  of  divers  of  the  inhabitants,  to  pay  a 
preacher  till  it  were  disposed  of.  These  persons  sent  to  me  and 
desired  me  to  take  it,  in  case  I  were  again  enabled  to  preach; 
which  I  flatly  refused,  and  told  them  I  would  take  only  the  lec- 
ture which,  by  the  vicar's  own  consent  and  bond,  I  held  before. 
Hereupon  they  sought  IMr.  J3runiskill  and  oUiers  to  accept  the 
place,  but  could  not  meet  with  any  one  to  their  minds:  they, 
llierefore,  chose  Mr.  Richard  Serjeant  to  officiate,  reserving  the 
vicarage  lor  some  one  that  was  fitter. 

"When  I  was  able,  after  about  five  months'  confinement,  to  go 
abroad,  I  went  to  Kidderminster,  where  I  found  only  Mr.  Ser- 
jeant in  possession;  and  the  people  again  vehemently  urged  me 
to  take  the  vicarage.  This  I  declined;  but  got  the  magistrates 
and  burgesses  together  into  the  townhall,  and  told  them,  that 
though  1  had  been  offered  many  hundred  pounds  per  annum 
elsewhere,  I  was  willing  to  continue  with  them  in  my  old  lec- 
turer's place,  which  I  had  before  the  wars,  expecting  they  would 
make  the  maintenance  a  hundred  pounds  a  year,  and  a  house; 
and  if  they  would  promise  to  submit  to  that  doctrine  of  Christ, 
which  as  his  minister  I  should  deliver  to  them,  I  would  not  leave 
them.  That  diis  maintenance  should  neither  come  out  of  their 
own  purses,  nor  any  more  of  it  out  of  the  tithes,  save  the  sixty 
pounds  which  the  vicar  had  before  bound  himself  to  pay,  I  un- 
dertook to  procure  an  augraentauon  for  Milton  (a  chapel  in  the 
parish)  of  forty  pounds  per  annum.  This  I  afterwards  did;  and 
so  the  sixty  pounds  and  that  forty  pounds  were  to  be  my  part, 
and  the  rest  I  should  have  nothing  to  do  with.  The  covenant 
was  drawn  up  between  us  in  articles,  and  subscribed;  in  which  I 
disclaimed  the  vicarage  and  pastoral  charge  of  the  parish,  and 
only  undertook  the  lecture. 

"Thus  the  sequestration  continued  in  the  hands  of  the  towns- 
men, as  aforesaid,  who  gathered  the  tithes  and  paid  me  (not  a 
hundred  as  they  promised)  but  eighty  pounds  per  annum,  or 
ninety  at  most,  and  house-rent  for  a  few  rooms  at  the  top  of 
another  man's  house,  which  was  all  I  had  at  Kidderminster. 
The  rest  they  gave  to  Mr.  Serjeant,  and  about  forty  pounds  per 
annum  to  die  old  vicar;  six  pounds  per  annum  to  the  king  and 
lord  for  rents,  and  a  few  other  charges. 

"Beside  this  ignorant  vicar,  there  was  a  chapel  in  the  parish, 
where  was  an  old  curate  as  ignorant  as  he,  that  had  long  lived 
upon  ten  pounds  a  year  and  die  fees  of  celebrating  unlawful 


96 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


marriages.  He  was  also  a  drunkard  and  a  railer,  and  the  scorn 
of  the  country.  I  knew  not  how  to  keep  hun  from  reading, 
tliough  I  judged  it  a  sin  to  tolerate  hiai  in  any  sacred  office.  I 
got  an  augmentation  for  the  place,  and  an  honest  preacher  to 
instruct  them,  and  let  this  scandalous  fellow  keep  his  former 
stipend  of  ten  pounds  for  nothing;  yet  could  never  keep  him 
from  forcing  himself  upon  the  people  to  read,  nor  from  cele- 
brating unlawful  marriages,  till  a  little  before  death  did  call  him 
to  his  account.  I  have  examined  him  about  the  familiar  points 
of  religion;  and  he  could  not  say  half  so  much  to  me  as  I  have 
heard  a  child  say. 

"These  two  in  this  parish  were  not  all:  in  one  of  the  next 
parishes  called  'The  Rock,'  there  were  two  chapels,  where  the 
poor  ignorant  curate  of  one  got  his  living  by  cutting  faggots,  and 
the  other  by  making  ropes.  Their  abilities  being  answerable 
to  their  studies  and  employments."  s 

Such  were  the  circumstances  in  which  Baxter  resumed  his 
labors  in  Kidderminster.  He  was  the  man  of  the  people's 
choice,  and  enjoyed  his  right  to  the  vicarage  of  the  parish,  had 
he  been  disposed  to  avail  himself  of  it  by  the  sequestration  of 
the  parliamentary  commissioners.  It  is  true  he  had  no  legal 
episcopal  title;  and  of  this  his  enemies  took  advantage  another 
day;  but  it  is  very  certain  he  had  no  hand  in  ejecting  the  for- 
mer incompetent  incumbent,  or  in  forcing  himself  upon  the 
people  as  his  successor.  The  appointment  of  the  existing  Gov- 
ernment therefore,  or  of  a  body  acting  under  its  sanction,  was 
sufficient  authority  to  justify  his  taking  possession  of  the  cure, 
and  to  support  his  complaint  of  unjust  treatment  when  subse- 
quently refused  liberty  to  preach  in  die  parish  by  Bishop  Mor- 
ley.  That  money  was  not  Baxter's  object,  is  evident  from  the 
nature  of  his  engagement;  and  from  his  afterwards  offering  to 
continue  his  labors  gratis,  if  he  might  only  be  permitted  to 
preach  and  live  among  the  people;  no  doubt  can  be  entertained 
of  his  disinterested  love  to  the  work  of  Christ. 

Before  proceeding  to  state  the  nature  and  results  of  his  min- 
istry in  the  place  where  he  was  honored  by  God  to  effect  so 
much  good,  it  will  be  proper,  for  the  sake  of  connecting  the 
public  events  of  the  times,  to  advert  to  some  important  occur- 
rences which  took  place  immediately  after  he  left  the  army,  and 
during  the  earlier  period  of  his  second  residence  in  Kiddermin- 
ster. Leaving,  for  a  litde,  the  narrative  of  his  personal  affairs, 
he  thus  proceeds: 

"I  must  now  look  back  to  the  course  and  affairs  of  the  king; 
who,  after  the  siege  of  Oxford,  having  no  army  left,  and  know- 
ing that  the  Scots  had  more  loyalty  and  stability  in  their  princi- 


(g)  Life,  part  i.  pp.  71),  80. 


OF    HICHAKD  BAXTKK. 


"97 


pies  than  tlic  sectaries,  resolved  to  cast  liimseir  upon  tliem,  and 
so  escajjiHl  to  tlieir  army  in  tlie  North.  Tlic  Soots  were  very 
much  iroul)ic(l  at  tliis  lionor  that  was  cast  upon  them,  for  they 
knew  not  wiiat  to  do  witli  the  king.  To  send  him  back  to  tiio 
EngHsh  parliament,  seemed  unfaithfulness,  when  he  iiad  cast 
himself  upon  them;  to  keep  him,  they  knew  would  divide  die 
kingdoms,  and  draw  a  war  ui)on  themselves  from  England, 
which  they  knew  they  were  now  unable  to  sustain.  They  kept 
him,  therel'ore,  awhile  among  them  with  honorable  entertain- 
ment, till  the  parliament  sent  for  him;  and  they  saw  diat  the 
sectaries  and  the  army  were  glad  of  it,  as  an  occasion  to  make 
them  odious,  and  to  invade  their  land.  Tiius  the  terror  of  the 
conquering  army  made  them  deliver  him  to  the  parliament's 
commissioners  upon  two  conditions:  1.  That  they  should  prom- 
ise to  preserve  his  person  in  safety  and  honor,  according  to  the 
duty  which  they  owed  him  by  tlieir  allegiance.  2.  That  they 
should  presently  pay  the  Scots  army  one  half  what  was  due  to 
them  for  their  service,  which  had  been  long  unpaid.'' 

"Hereupon  the  king  being  delivered  to  the  parliament,  they 
appointed  Colonel  Richard  Greaves,  Major-General  Richard 
Brown,  with  others,  to  be  his  attendants,  and  desired  him  to 
abide  awhile  at  Holmby  House,  in  Northamptonshire.  While 
he  was  here,  the  army  was  hatching  their  conspiracy;  and,  on 
the  sudden,  one  Cornet  Joyce,  with  a  party  of  soldiers,  fetched 
away  the  king,  notwithstanding  the  parliament's  order  for  his 
security.  This  was  done  as  if  it  had  been  against  Cromwell's 
will,  and  without  any  order  or  consent  of  theirs;  but  so  far  was 
Joyce  from  losing  his  head  for  such  a  treason,  that  it  proved 
the  means  of  his  preferment; '  and  so  far  was  Cromwell  and  his 
soldiers  from  returning  the  king  in  safety,  that  they  detained 
him  among  them  and  kept  him  with  them,  till  they  came  to 
Hampton  Court,  and  there  they  lodged  him  under  the  guard 
of  Colonel  Whalley,  the  army  quartering  all  about  him.  While 

(li)  The  treaty  for  the  payment  of  the  Scottish  arrears,  and  lliat  for  tlie  delivering 
up  of  the  king,  were  quite  distinct  in  lliemselves,  thouijh  they  proceeded  together. 
Ba.xter  is  also  mistaken  when  he  says,  the  king  was  given  up  on  the  two  conditions, 
which  he  specifies.  He  was  delivered  up  without  any  coiKlitions.  The  objects  of 
the  English  Parliament,  and  of  the  Scottish  Parliament,  were  the  same;  the  covenant 
and  the  propositions.  The  king's  life  could  not  be  supposed  to  be  in  <langer,  but 
from  such  a  concussion  of  parly,  and  such  an  ascendancy  of  persons  totally  diflierent 
from  those  with  whom  the  negotiation  was  going  on,  as  would  have  rendered  all  con- 
ditions nugatory.  In  fact,  the  life  of  the  king,  at  this  lime,  was  safer  among  the  Eng- 
lish than  among  the  Scots;  some  of  whom  had  conceived  the  idea  of  bringing  him  to 
the  scafT'old  for  his  obstinate  refusal  lo  agree  to  the  terms  of  the  covenant. — Brodie, 
iv.  74;  Godwin  ii.  257. 

(i)  Charles  was  well  pleased  to  accompany  Joyce,  and  afterwards  refused  to  return 
at  the  command  of  Fairfa.\.  He  was.  in  fact,  glad  lo  be  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
Presbyterians. — (indwin,  ii.  p.  320.  The  great  object  of  seizing  the  king  was  lo 
prevent  a  coalition  between  him  and  the  Presbyterian  parly. 

VOL.    I.  13 


98 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


he  was  here,  the  mutable  hypocrites  J  pretended  an  extraordi- 
nary care  of  the  king's  honor,  liberty,  safety,  and  conscience. 
They  blamed  the  austerity  of  the  parliament,  who  had  denied 
him  the  attendance  of  his  own  cliaplains;  and  of  his  friends  in 
whom  he  took  n)ost  pleasure.  They  gave  liberty  to  his  friends 
and  chaplains  to  come  to  him;  and  pretended  that  they  would 
save  him  from  the  incivilities  of  the  parliament  and  the  Presby- 
terians. 

"Whether  this  was  while  they  tried  what  terms  they  could 
make  with  him  for  themselves,  or  while  they  acted  any  other 
part,  it  is  certain  that  the  king's  old  adherents  began  to  extol  the 
army,  and  to  speak  against  the  Presbyterians  more  distastefully 
than  before.  When  the  parliament  offered  the  king  j)ropositions 
for  concord,  which  Vane's  faction  made  as  high  and  unreasona- 
ble as  they  could,  that  they  might  come  to  nothing, the  army, 
forsooth,  offered  him  proposals  of  their  own,  which  the  king 
liked  better:  but  which  of  them  to  treat  with  he  did  not 
know.  At  last,  on  the  sudden,  the  judgment  of  the  army 
changed,  and  they  began  to  cry  for  justice  against  the  king; 
and,  with  vile  hypocrisy,  to  publish  theii*  repentance,  and 
cry  God's  mercy  for  their  kindness  to  the  king,  and  con- 
fess that  they  were  under  a  temptation:  but  in  all  this, 
Cromwell  and  Ireton,  and  the  rest  of  the  council  of  war, 
appeared  not.  The  instruments  of  all  this  work,  must  be  the 
common  soldiers.  Two  of  the  most  violent  sectaries  in  each 
regiment  are  chosen  by  them,  by  the  name  of  agitators, '  to  re- 
present the  rest  in  these  great  affairs.  All  these  together  made 
a  council,  of  which  Colonel  James  Berry  was  the  president, 
that  they  might  be  used,  ruled,  and  dissolved,  at  pleasure.  No 
man  that  knew  them,  will  doubt  whether  this  was  done  by 
Cromwell's  and  Ireton's  direction.  This  council  of  agitators 
take  not  only  the  parliament's  work  upon  themselves,  but  much 
more;  they  draw  up  a  paper  called  'The  agreement  of  tlie 
People,'  as  the  model  or  form  of  a  new  commonwealth.  They 
have  their  own  printer,  and  publish  abundance  of  wild  pam- 
phlets, as  changeable  as  the  moon.    The  thing  contrived,  was 

(j)  II  was  the  mutable  hypocrisy  of  Charles,  rather  than  of  Cromwell,  that  frus- 
trated every  amicable  arrangement.  Had  he  been  but  steady  to  any  one  scheme  of 
moderate  policy,  lie  would  have  lost  neither  his  throne  nor  his  life.  His  scheme,  on 
all  occasions,  was  to  make  the  best  bargain  he  could,  till  he  got  his  enemies  into  his 
hands,  when  it  was  his  determination  .to  destroy  them.  Unfortunately  for  him  they 
discovered  this,  and  acted  accordingly. 

(k)  The  defeat  of  an  adjustment  between  Charles  and  his  Parliament,  at  (his  time, 
was  owing  to  Hollis,  and  not  to  Vane  and  his  party.  See  Brodie's  'History  of  the 
British  Empire,'  vol.  iv.  pp.  %,  100. 

(1)  The  original  name  of  these  persons  was  adjntators,  a  branch  of  the  same  word 
with  adjulanl,  and  altogether  different  from  agitator,  to  which  it  was  afterwards  con- 
verted. Brodie  ascribes  the  conduct  of  the  soldiers,  on  this  occasion,  to  the  intrigues 
of  Hollis,  and  the  Presbyterian  party,  rather  than  to  the  policy  of  Cromwell,  accord- 
ing to  Baxter.— //is/.  iv.  8C,  87. 


or  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


99 


an  heretical  democracy.  When  Cromwell  had  awhile  permitted 
them  thus  to  play  themselves,  partly  to  please  them,  and  con- 
firm them  to  him,  and  chiefly  to  use  them  in  his  demolishing 
work;  at  last  he  seemed  to  be  so  much  for  order  and  govern- 
ment, as  to  blame  them  for  their  disorder,  presumption,  and 
headiness,  as  if  they  had  done  it  without  his  consent.  Tiiis 
emboldened  the  parliament  not  to  censure  them  as  rebels,  but  to 
rebuke  them,  and  prohibit  them,  and  claim  their  own  superior- 
ity; and  while  the  parliament  and  the  agitators  were  con- 
tending, a  letter  was  secretly  sent  to  Colonel  Whalley  to 
intimate   that  the  agitators  had  a  design  suddenly  to  sur- 
prise and  murder  the  king.     Some  thought  that  this  was 
sent  from    a  real    friend;    but  most   thought  it  was  con- 
trived by  Cromwell  to  frighten  the  king  out  of  the  land,  or 
into  some  desperate  course  which  might  give  them  advantage 
against  him.    Colonel  Whalley  showed  the  letter  to  the  king, 
which  put  him  into  much  fear  of  such  ill-governed  hands;  so 
that  he  secretly  got  horses,  and  slipped  away  towards  the  sea 
with  two  of  his  confidents  only.    On  coming  to  the  sea,  near 
Southampton,  they  were  disappointed  of  the  vessel  which  they 
expected  to  transport  them;  and  so  were  fain  to  pass  over  into 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  his  majesty  was  committed  to  the  trust  of 
Colonel  Robert  Hammond,  who  was  governor  of  a  castle  there. 
For  a  day  or  two  all  were  amazed  to  think  what  had  become  of 
the  king;  and  then  a  letter  from  the  king  to  the  house,  acquainted 
them  that  he  was  fain  to  flee  thither  from  the  cruelty  of  the 
agitators,  who,  as  he  was  informed,  thought  to  murder  him;  and 
urging  them  to  treat  about  ending  all  these  troubles.    But  here 
Cromwell  had  the  king  in  a  pinfold,  and  was  more  secure  of 
him  than  before.™ 

"When  at  the  Isle  of  Wight,  the  parliament  sent  him  some 
propositions,  to  be  consented  to  in  oider  to  his  restoration.  The 
king  granted  many  of  them;  pnd  some  he  granted  not.  The 
Scottish  commissioners  thought  the  conditions  more  dishonorable 
to  the  king  than  was  consistent  with  their  covenant  and  duty,  and 
protested  against  them;  for  which  the  parliament  blamed  them 
as  binderers  of  the  desired  peace.  The  chief  thing  which  the 
king  stuck  at,  was  the  utter  abolishing  of  episcopacy  and  the 
alienating  of  the  bishops'  and  the  dean  and  chapter  lands.  Here- 
upon, with  the  commissioners,  certain  divines  were  sent  down, 

(m)  There  is  no  evidence  wliatever  that  the  kind's  flight  from  Hampton  Court  was 
owing  to  any  secret  plot  of  Cronivvell's.or  to  any  fear  of  being-  murdered,  entertained 
by  hi«  majesty.  He  was  probably  advised  to  it  by  Cromwell,  who  was  then  afraid  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  armv;  but  it  was  a  plan  of  the  king's  own,  inlemled  to  create 
increased  coiifus'on  ajid  distraction  among  bis  opponents,  wliich  he  expected  lo  be 
able  to  turn  to  his  own  advantage.  Milton,  in  his  'Second  Defence  of  ihe  People  of 
England,'  vindicates  Cromwell  from  the  chr.ige  of  advising  the  flight  of  Charles,  or 
being  a  party  lo  it.  I  have  not  observed  the  story  of  the  secret  letter  adverted  lo  by 
any  other  writer  than  Baiter. 


100 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 


to  satisfy  the  king,  viz.:  Mr.  Stej)hen  Marshall,  Mr.  Richard 
Vines,  Dr.  Lazarus  Seaman,  fee,  who  were  met  by  many  of  the 
king's  divines,  Arrhhisho))  Usiier,  Dr.  Hammond,  Dr.  Sheldon, 
&c.  The  debates  lierc  being  in  writing,  were  ])ublished,  and 
each  part)'  tliought  they  had  the  better.  The  parliamentary  di- 
vines came  off  with  great  honor. 

"They  seem  to  me,  however,  not  to  have  taken  the  course 
which  should  have  settled  these  distracted  churches.  Instead  of 
disputing  against  all  episcopacy,  they  should  have  changed  dio- 
cesan prelacy  into  such  an  episcopacy  as  the  conscience  of  the 
king  might  have  admitted,  and  as  was  agreeable  to  that  which 
the  church  had  in  the  two  or  three  first  ages.  I  confess  Mr. 
Vines  wrote  to  me,  as  their  excuse  in  this  and  other  matters  of 
the  Assembly,  that  the  parliament  tied  them  up  from  treating  or 
disputing  of  any  thing  at  all,  but  what  they  appointed  or  pro- 
posed to  them,  but  I  think  plain  dealing  with  such  leaders  had 
been  best;  and  to  have  told  them,  this  is  our  judgment,  and,  in 
the  matters  of  God  and  his  church,  we  will  serve  you  according 
to  our  judgment,  or  not  at  all.  Though,  indeed,  as  they  were 
not  of  one  mind  among  themselves,  this  could  not  be  expected." 

"Archbishop  Usher  there  took  the  right  course,  who  offered 
the  king  his  reduction  of  episcopacy  to  the  form  of  presbytery. 
He  told  me  himself,  that,  formerly,  the  king  had  refused  it,  but, 
at  the  Isle  of  Wight,  he  accepted  it;  and  as  he  would  not  when 
others  would,  so  others  would  not  when  he  would.  So  also, 
when  Charles  II.  came  in,  we  tendered  Usher's  scheme  of  union 
to  him;  but  then  he  would  not.  Thus  the  true,  moderate,  heal- 
ing terms  are  always  rejected  by  those  that  stand  on  the  higher 
ground,  though  accepted  by  them  that  are  lower  and  cannot 
have  what  they  will:  from  whence  it  is  easy  to  perceive  whether 
prosperity  or  adversity,  the  highest  or  the  lowest,  be  ordinarily 
the  greater  hinderer  of  the  church's  unity  and  peace.  I  know, 
that  if  the  divines  and  parliament  had  agreed  for  a  moderate 
episcopacy  with  the  king;  some  Presbyterians  of  Scotland  would 
have  been  against  it,  and  many  Independents  of  England;  and 
the  army  would  have  made  it  the  matter  of  odious  accusations 
and  clamors:  but  all  this  ought  not  to  have  deterred  foreseeing, 
judicious  men,  from  those  healing  counsels  which  must  close 
our  wounds  whenever  they  are  closed.'' 

(o)  A  full  aiul  impartial  nrrount  of  the  iiegolialions  lield  at  the  Isle  of  Wight,  is 
given  hy  Neal,  iii.  pp.  422,  <1 13,  relit.  18:22.  The  treaty  failed  from  the  obstinacy'  of 
the  kins;,  acting  by  the  advice  of  his  episcopal  counsellors,  who  were  either  incapa- 
ble of  giving  suitable  advice  in  difficult  circumstances,  or  not  aware  of  the  peril  to 
which  Iney  were  exposing  their  ro^'al  master,  who  foolishly  imagined  he  could  save 
himself  at  any  time  by  closing  either  with  the  Parliament  or  the  army.  It  would 
probablj'  have  been  belirr  had  there  been  no  divines  on  either  side. 

(p)  If  any  thing  is  calculated  to  expose  the  folly  and  danger  of  state  interference 
with  religion,  it  is  the  fact,  that  the  peace  of  three  kingdoms  and  the  fate  of  the  king 
were  made  to  depend,  in  a  great  measure,  on  the  cstablislmieut  of  an  exclusive  form 


OK    RlCHAUn    IIAXTER.  101 

"Tlic  kill!;,  scturmg  liis  fmal  answers,  tlic  paiTiamenl  had  a 
long  debate  upon  them,  whether  to  acquiesce  in  them  as  a  suffi- 
cient groiuid  for  peace.  Many  members  spake  for  resting  in 
tliom,  and,  among  oUiers,  Mr.  Prynne  went  over  all  the  king's 
concessions  in  a  speech  of  divers  hours  long,  with  marvellous 
memory,  and  showed  the  satisfacloriness  ol  lhem  all.  So  that  the 
house  voted  that  the  king's  concessions  were  a  sufficient  ground 
for  a  peisonal  treaty  with  him;  and  suddenly  gave  a  concluding 
answer,  and  sent  for  him  up.  But  at  such  a  crisis  it  was  time 
for  the  army  to  bestir  themselves.  Without  any  more  ado, 
Cromwell  and  his  confidents  sent  Colonel  Pride  vvidi  a  party  of 
soldiers  to  the  house,  and  set  a  guard  upon  the  door:  one  part 
of  the  house,  who  were  for  them,  they  let  in;  anoUier  part  they 
turned  away,  and  told  them  that  they  must  not  come  there;  and 
the  third  part  they  imprisoned.  To  so  much  rebellion,  perfidi- 
ousness,  perjury,  and  impudence,  can  error,  selfishness,  and 
pride  of  great  successes,  transport  men  of  the  highest  pretences 
to  religion. 'I 

"For  the  true  understanding  of  all  diis,  it  must  be  remember- 
ed, that  though  in  the  beginning  of  the  parliament  there  was 
scarce  a  noted,  gross  sectary  known,  but  Lord  Brook,  in  the 
House  of  Peers,  and  young  Sir  Harry  Vane,  in  the  House  of 
Commons;  yet,  by  degrees,  the  number  increased  in  the  lower 
house.  Major  Salloway  and  some  few  others,  Sir  Henry  Vane 
had  made  his  own  adherents:  many  more  were  carried  part  of 
the  way  to  Independency  and  liberty  of  religions;  and  many 
that  minded  not  any  side  in  religion,  did  think  that  it  was  not 
policy  ever  to  trust  a  conquered  king,  and  therefore  were  wholly 
for  a  parliamentary  government.  Of  these,  some  would  have 
lords  and  commons,  or  a  mixture  of  aristocracy  and  democracy; 
others  would  have  commons  and  democracy  alone;  and  some 
thought  that  they  ought  to  judge  the  king  for  all  the  blood  that 
had  been  shed.  Thus,  when  the  two  parts  of  the  house  were 
ejected  and  imprisoned,  the  third  part,  composed  of  the  Vanists, 
the  Independents,  and  other  sects,  with  the  democratical  party, 
was  left  by  Cromwell  to  do  his  business  under  the  name  of  the 
Parliament  of  England;  which,  by  the  people  in  scorn,  was  com- 
monly called  the  Rump  of  the  Parliament.    The  secluded  and 

of  clmrc'li  <jovernment.  There  were,  doubtless,  other  things  at  the  root  of  the  misun- 
derslandin?,  but  the  main  ostensible  reason  of  the  failure  of  the  treaty,  was  the  de- 
mand on  the  one  part,  and  the  refusal  on  the  other,  to  abolish  episcopacy,  and  estab- 
lish presbytery  in  its  place. 

(q)  The  account  which  Mrs.  Hutchinson  gives  of  this  affair,  is  very  different  fronj 
Baxter's.  She  imputes  the  whole  blame  of  acceding  to  the  terms  proposed  by  the 
king,  the  army's  interference  with  I'arliamenl.  and  the  consequent  ruin  of  the  king, 
to  the  conduct  of  the  Presbyterian  leaders,  who,  instigated  by  hatred  of  the  Inde- 
pendents and  other  sects,  consented  to  measures  which  would  have  reinstated  Charles 
without  any  adequate  security  to  his  subjects:  by  which  they  would  all  eventually 
have  been  destroyed. — Memoirs  of  Col.  Hutchinson.  297 — 300.  Whilelock  and 
Ludlow  agree  with  Mrs.  Hutchinson. 


102 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


imprisoned  members  published  a  writing,  called  their  Vindica- 
tion; aiid  some  of  them  would  afterwards  have  thrust  into  the 
House,  but  the  guard  of  soldiers  kept  them  out,  and  the  Rump 
were  called  the  honest  men.  And  these  are  the  men  that 
henceforward  we  have  to  do  with  in  the  progress  of  our  history 
as  called  The  Parliament/' 

"As  the  Lords  were  disaffected  to  these  proceedings,  so  were 
the  Rump  and  soldiers  to  the  Lords;  so  that  they  passed  a  vote, 
supposing  that  the  army  would  stand  by  them,  to  establish  the 
government  without  a  king  and  House  of  Lords;  and  thus  the 
Lords  were  dissolved,  and  these  Commons  sat  and  did  all  alone. 
Being  deluded  by  Cromwell,  and  verily  thinking  that  he  would 
be  for  democracy,  which  they  called  a  commonwealth,  they 
gratified  him  in  his  designs,,  and  themselves  in  their  disloyal  dis- 
trusts and  fears.  They  accoi'dingly  called  a  high  court  of  jus- 
tice to  be  erected,  and  sent  for  the  king  from  the  Isle  of  Wight. 
Colonel  Hammond  delivered  him,  and  to  Westminster  Hall  he 
came,  and  refusing  to  own  the  court  and  their  power  to  try  him. 
Cook,  as  attorney,  having  pleaded  against  him,  Bradshaw,  as 
president  and  judge,  recited  the  charge,  and  condemned  him.^ 
Before  his  own  gate  at  Whitehall,  they  erected  a  scaffold;  and, 
in  the  presence  of  a  full  assembly  of  people,  beheaded  him.  In 
all  this  appeared  the  severity  of  God,  the  mutability  and  uncer- 
tainty of  wovldly  things,  the  fruits  of  a  sinful  nation's  provoca- 
tions, the  infamous  effects  of  error,  pride,  and  selfishness,  pre- 
pared by  Satan,  to  be  charged  hereafter  upon  reformation  and 
godliness,  to  the  unspeakable  injury  of  the  Christian  name  and 
Protestant  cause,  the  rejoicing  and  advantage  of  the  Papists, 
the  hardening  of  thousands  against  the  means  of  their  own  sal- 
vation, and  the  confusion  of  the  actors  when  their  day  should 
come. 

"The  lord  General  Fairfax  all  this  while  stood  by,  and,  with 
high  resentment,  saw  his  lieutenant  do  all  this  by  tumultuous 
soldiers,  tricked  and  overpowered  by  him;  neither  being  sufii- 

(r)  Through  the  whole  of  these  statements,  Baxter  ascribes  a  great  deal  too  much 
to  the  craft  ofCrnmwell,  and  the  intrigues  of  the  secit.ries.  Allowing  that  they  often 
compensated  their  lack  of  power  by  superior  address  and  rapidity  of  movement,  it 
should  not  he  forgotten  that  self-preservation  is  the  first  law  of  man;  and  that,  as  the 
sectaries  were  in  danger  of  being  crushed  between  two  powerful  parties,  the  Episco- 
palians and  the  Presbyterians,  they  naturally  cxeiled  Ihemselves  to  prevent  the  as- 
cendancy of  eitlicr.  Ilad  there  been  more  integrity  in  the  one  class,  and  more  mod- 
eration in  the  other,  Cromwell  and  his  party  would  have  had  a  less  difficult  part  to 
play:  as  ili'ngs  were,  ihey  probably  accomplished  much  less  by  previous  intrigue  and 
plotting,  than  by  taking  advantage  of  unforeseen  occurrences. 

(s)  The  reader  who  thinks  of  Bradshaw  only  as  a  regicide  and  a  ruffian,  would 
do  well  to  constdt  the  character  given  of  him  by  Milton,  in  his  'Defence  of  the  People 
of  England.'  An  admirable  translation  of  the  passage  will  be  found  in  'Symmons' 
Life  of  Millon.'  pp  220 — 222.  Bradshaw  escaped  to  America,  and  there  ended  his 
days  in  peace.  Cook  expiated  his  political  offence  on  the  scaffold,  and  died  with 
all  that  lofty  heroism  which  distinguished  men  who  felt  that  they  suffered  not  for  per- 
sonal guilt,  but  for  the  crime  of  the  people  of  England. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


103 


ciently  upon  his  guard  to  defeat  the  intri«;«es  of  such  an  ac- 
tor; nor  having  resolution  enough  to  lay  down  the  glory  of  all 
his  conquests,  and  forsake  him.  At  the  king's  death,  he  was 
m  wonderful  perplexities,  and  when  Mr.  Calamy  and  some  min- 
isters were  sent  for  to  resolve  him,  and  would  have  further  per- 
suaded him  to  rescue  the  king,  his  troubles  so  confounded  him, 
that  his  servants  durst  let  no  man  speak  to  him:  and  Cromwell 
kept  him,  as  it  was  said,  in  praying  and  consulting  till  the  stroke 
was  given,  and  it  was  too  late  to  make  resistance.  But  not  long 
after,  when  war  was  determined  against  Scotland,  he  laid  down 
his  commission,  and  never  had  to  do  with  die  army  more;  and 
Cromwell  become  General  in  his  stead.' 

"If  you  ask,  What  did  the  ministers  all  this  while?  I  answer, 
they  preached  and  prayed  against  disloyalty;  they  drew  up  a 
writing  to  the  lord  General,  declaring  their  abhorrence  of  all 
violence  against  the  person  of  the  king,  and  urging  him  and  his 
army  to  take  heed  of  such  an  unlawful  act.  They  presented 
it  to  the  General  when  they  saw  the  king  in  danger;  but  pride 
prevailed  against  their  counsels."  " 

Some  difference  of  opinion  may  exist  in  regard  to  the  cor- 
rectness of  all  the  siatemeats  and  reasonings  of  the  preceding 
extracts.  One  thing,  however,  is  very  apparent, — the  devoted 
royalty  of  Baxter.  While  he  acted  with  the  army  of  the  Par- 
liament, and  advocated  the  cause  which  he  considered  it  had 
undertaken,  he  was  indignant  at  its  conduct,  when  it  assumed 
the  sovereign  power,  and  ihreatened  the  life  of  the  king.  In 
the  treatment  which  Charles  experienced,  Baxter  seems  to  for- 
get every  thing,  but  the  sufferings  which  he  endured  and  the  un- 
constitutional conduct  of  his  adversaries.  The  death  of  that  ill- 
fated  monarch,  he  regarded  less  as  the  result  of  his  own  obsti- 
nacy and  duplicity,  of  which  all  parties  were  furnished  with 
indubitable  proofs,  or  as  the  just  retribution  of  Heaven  for  these 
and  many  other  evils  of  himself  and  his  family,  than  as  illustra- 
tions of  the  bad  principles  and  wicked  conduct  of  sectaries  and 
agitators.  He  denounces  the  hypocrisy  and  perfidy  of  Crom- 
well and  his  party,  and  represents  them  as  systematically  pursu- 
ing the  destruction  of  the  king.  They  are  justly  liable  to  the 
charge  of  dissimulation.  But  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  it 
attaches  to  the  royal  party  and  to  its  head,  in  a  far  greater 
degree.  The  struggle  which  was  at  first  for  freedom  on  the 
one  side,  and  for  absolute  power  on  the  other,  became,  at  last,  a 
struggle  for  life,  on  both  sides.  The  final  catastrophe,  therefore, 
deeply  as  it  is  to  be  lamented,  became  inevitable.   The  Presby- 

(t)  There  seems  something'  ver}-  ahsitrd  in  the  idea  that  Fairfax  was  ignorant  of 
what  all  the  country  kne.v,  iliat  the  deatli  of  the  king  was  determined;  and  that  he 
was  hoaxed  by  Cromwell  and  Harrison  till  it  was  accomplished.  Brodie  examines 
the  story  with  his  usual  diligence  and  acuteness. — Hist,  of  the  Brit.  Emp.  iv.  213 
—216. 

(ii)  Life,  part  i.,  pp.  GO — 64. 


104 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


terians  would  have  restored  the  king,  at  different  periods  of  the 
contest,  if  he  would  have  abolished  episcopac}',  and  established 
presbyterian  uniformity  in  its  stead.  They  were  prevented  from 
doing  so,  partly  by  the  scheming  of  Charles,  and  partly  by  the 
opposition  of  the  army.  The  independents  would  have  restored 
him,  could  they  have  obtained  any  security  for  themselves,  and 
the  freedom  of  their  religion.  They  could  not  trust  the  king  for 
the  one,  or  the  Presbyterians  for  the  other.  Charles  played  with 
and  deceived  all  parties,  till  at  length  he  fell  a  sacrifice  to  his 
own  obstinacy  and  insincerity. 

The  full  discussion  of  the  difficult  and  complicated  subject  to 
which  the  preceding  paragraphs  relate  would  be  foreign,  from 
the  nature  and  design  of  this  work;  which  is  intended  rather  as 
a  record  of  the  opinions  and  testimony  of  Baxter,  than  of  my 
own  sentiments.  On  many  points,  we  are  now  capable  of  form- 
ing more  correct  views  than  any  individual  could,  in  the  times  of 
Baxter.  We  are  less  under  the  influence  of  prejudice;  we  have 
more  accurate  information;  and  are,  therefore,  capable  of  look- 
ing at  all  the  transactions  with  more  impartiality.  I  beg  to  refer 
the  reader,  who  wishes  for  full  and  enlightened  views  on  all  the 
events  of  the  civil  wars  and  the  Commonwealth,  to  the  work  of 
Brodie,  which  I  have  often  referred  to  in  the  notes.  It  is  dis- 
tinguished by  laborious  research,  great  acuteness,  and  most 
praiseworthy  impartiality.  If  that  work  is  not  at  hand,  the  'His- 
tory of  the  Commonwealth,'  by  Godwin,  will  amply  supply  its 
place.  It  also  is  entitled  to  the  praise  of  discrimination  and  im- 
partiality. Equity  requires  I  should  state,  that  both  these  writers 
differ  considerably  from  Baxter  in  their  views  of  the  principles 
and  conduct  of  the  several  parties  who  figured  in  the  distracted 
period  of  which  they  treat. 

Baxter  himself,  while  these  tremendous  scenes  were  transact- 
ing, lived  remote  from  the  parties  principally  engaged  in  them. 
He  could  only  speak  and  reason  according  to  the  reports  which 
reached  him,  the  probability  or  improbability  of  which  he  usually 
determined  by  the  personal  knowledge  which  he  had  of  those 
to  whom  they  related.  Though  deeply  concerned  in  all  that 
affected  his  country's  weal,  he  was  now  better  employed  than  in 
contending  with  the  turmoils  of  a  camp,  or  in  sounding  and  ex- 
posing the  policy  of  courts. 

During  the  early  part  of  his  second  residence  at  Kiddermin- 
ster, several  other  circumstances  are  recorded  by  Baxter  worthy 
of  being  mentioned,  both  as  illustraung  his  own  character  and  the 
state  of  the  period.  He  opposed  the  solemn  league  and  cove- 
nant, though  he  had  formerly  taken  it  at  Coventry,  and,  there- 
fore, did  not  please  the  Presbyterians:  he  oj)posed  the  engage- 
ment, and  thus  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  Independents. 
Careful  only  to  stand  well  with  his  own  conscience,  it  was  matter 
of  indifference  to  him  who  were  his  friends  or  who  were  his  foes. 


OF    IIICHARD  BAXTER. 


105 


"For  my  own  part,"  he  says,  "though  I  kept  the  town  and 
parish  of  Kidderminster  IVom  taking  the  covenant,  seeing  how 
it  might  become  a  snare  to  tlieir  consciences;  yea,  and  most  of 
Worcestershire  beside,  by  keeping  the  ministers  h-om  oflcring  it 
in  any  ol"  the  congregations  to  the  people,  except  in  Worcester 
city,  where  I  had  no  great  interest,  and  knew  not  what  they  did; 
yet  1  coidd  not  judge  it  seemly  for  him  that  beheved  there  is  a 
God,  to  phiy  fast  and  loose  with  a  dreadful  oath,  as  if  the  bonds 
of  national  and  personal  vows  were  as  easily  shaken  oft'  as  Samp- 
son's cords. 

"1  therefore  spake  and  preached  against  the  engagement,  and 
dissuaded  men  from  taking  it.  The  first  hour  that  I  heard  of 
it,  being  in  comjiany  with  some  gentlemen  of  Worcestershire,  I 
presently  wrote  down  above  twenty  queries  against  it,  intending 
as  many  more  almost  against  the  obligation,  as  those  were  about 
the  sense  and  circumstances.  One  that  was  present  got  the  copy 
of  them,  and,  shortly  after,  I  met  with  them  verbatim,  as  his  own, 
in  a  book  of  Mr.  Henry  Hall's,  who  was  long  imprisoned  for 
writing  against  Cromwell."  ™ 

That  Baxter  was  the  friend  of  the  parliamentary  cause  not- 
withstanding, cannot  be  doubted;  and.  that  he  was  grateful  for 
the  protection  which  he  enjoyed  under  the  existing  government, 
is  equally  unquestionable;  yet  he  was  adverse  to  the  measures 
pursued  in  opposition  to  Charles  II.,  whose  right  to  the  throne 
he  fully  believed,  and  carried  his  conscientious  opposition  to  the 
commonwealth-government  so  far,  that  it  might  have  been  at- 
tended with  serious  consequences  to  himself.  He  was,  in  fact, 
a  royalist  in  principles  and  constitution;  and  a  friend  to  the 
parties  who  opposed  the  king,  from  necessity,  and  not  from 
choice. 

"When  the  soldiers  were  going  against  the  king  and  the  Scots, 
I  wrote  letters  to  some  of  them,  to  tell  them  of  their  sin;  and 
desired  them  at  last  to  begin  to  know  themselves.  They  were 
the  same  men  who  had  boasted  so  much  of  love  to  all  the  godly, 
and  pleaded  for  tender  dealing  with  them,  and  condemned  those 
that  persecuted  them,  or  restrained  their  liberty,  who  were  now 
ready  to  imbrue  their  swords  in  the  blood  of  such  as  they  acknowl- 
edged to  be  godly;  and  all  because  they  dared  not  be  as  perjur- 
ed or  disloyal  as  they  were.  Some  of  them  were  startled  at 
these  letters,  and  thought  me  an  uncharitable  censurer,  who 
would  say  that  they  could  kill  the  godly,  even  when  they  were 
on  the  march  to  do  it:  for  how  bad  soever  they  spake  of  the 
cavaliers  (and  not  without  too  much  desert  as  to  their  morals,) 
they  confessed,  that  abundance  of  the  Scots  were  godly  men. 
Afterwards,  however,  those  that  I  wrote  to  better  understood  me. 


VOL.  I. 


(w)  Life,  part  i.  p.  64. 
14 


106 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


"At  the  same  time,  tlie  Rump,  or  Commomveallh,  which  so 
much  abhorred  persecution,  and  were  for  hberty  of  conscience, 
made  an  order  that  all  ministers  should  keep  certain  days  of 
humiliation,  to  fast  and  pray  for  their  success  in  Scodand:  and 
that  we  should  keep  days  of  thanksgiving  for  their  victories;  and 
this  upon  pain  of  sequestration!  So  that  we  all  expected  to  be 
turned  out!  but  they  did  not  execute  it  upon  any,  save  one,  in 
our  parts.  For  myself,  instead  of  praying  and  preaching  for 
them,  when  any  of  the  committee  or  soldiers  were  my  hearers,  I 
labored  to  help  them  to  understand,  what  a  crime  it  was  to  force 
men  to  pray  for  the  success  of  those  who  were  violating  their 
covenant  and  loyalty,  and  going,  in  such  a  cause,  to  kill  their 
brethren: — what  it  was  to  force  men  to  give  God  thanks  for  all 
their  bloodshed,  and  to  make  God's  ministers  and  ordinances 
vile,  and  servicable  to  such  crimes,  by  forcing  men  to  run  to 
God  on  such  errands  of  blood  and  ruin: — and  what  it  is  to  be 
such  hypocrites  as  to  persecute  and  cast  out  those  that  preach 
the  Gospel,  while  they  pretend  the  advancement  of  the  Gospel, 
and  the  liberty  of  tender  consciences,  and  leave  neither  tender- 
ness nor  honesty  in  the  world,  when  the  guides  of  the  flocks  and 
preachers  of  the  Gospel  shall  be  noted  to  swallow  down  such 
heinous  sins.  " 

"My  own  hearers  were  all  satisfied  with  my  doctrine,  but  the 
committee-men  looked  sour,  yet  let  me  alone.  The  soldiers 
said,  I  was  so  like  Love,^  that  I  would  not  be  right  till  I  was 
shorter  by  the  head.  Yet  none  of  them  ever  meddled  with  me, 
farther  than  by  the  tongue;  nor  was  I  ever  by  any  of  them  in 
those  times  forbidden  or  hindered  to  preach  one  sermon,  except 
only  one  assize  sermon,  which  the  high  sheriff  had  desired  me 
to  preach,  and  afterwards  sent  me  word  to  forbear,  as  from  the 
committee;  which  told  Mr.  Moor,  the  Independent  preacher  at 
the  college,  that  they  desired  me  to  forbear,  and  not  to  preach 
before  the  judges,  because  I  preached  against  the  state.  But 
afterwards  they  excused  it,  ass'  done  merely  in  kindness  to  me,  to 
keep  me  from  running  myself  into  danger  and  trouble."^ 

(x)  Only  one  opinion  can  be  entertained  respecting  the  fearless  honesty  of  Baxter, 
but  the  wisdom  as  well  as  the  prudence  of  his  behavior  may  be  very  justly  question- 
c<l-  To  take  the  side  of  the  Parliament  as  lie  had  done,  aii<l  now  to  oppose  the  ex- 
isting Government  so  publicly,  while  prosecuting  the  object  of  the  original  contest, 
was  rather  extraordinary.  It  is  a  great  proof  of  the  moderation  of  that  Government, 
that  it  let  him  pass  without  molestation. 

(y)  The  Presbyterian  minister  who  was  executed  by  Cromwell,  for  corresponding 
with  the  King.  It  is  probable  he  Wds  put  to  death  rather  as  an  example  and  a  warn- 
ing to  others,  than  on  account  of  any  great  criminality  in  his  own  conduct.  Much 
influence  was  used  to  obtain  his  life,  but  all  in  vain.  lie  was  certainly  a  martyr  to 
Presbyterian  loyalty.  "He  died,"  says  Baxter,  "neither  timorously  nor  proudly  in 
any  desperate  bravado;  but  w  ith  as  great  alacrity  and  fearless  quietness  and  freedom 
of  speech,  as  if  he  had  but  gone  to  bed,  and  had  been  as  little  concerned  as  the 
stnnders  by."  Life,  part  i.  p.  67. 
(z)  Life,  part  i.  pp.66,  67. 


OF   RICHARD  13AXTEU. 


107 


Notwithstanding  his  conduct  towards  tiie  leaders  and  soldiers 
of  tlie  Coniinonweallh,  various  circnmstances  show  that  Baxter 
was  by  no  means  disposed  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  royal 
cause.  After  detailing  the  affairs  of  Cromwell  and  the  army  in 
Scotland,  and  die  march  of  Charles  with  the  royal  army  into 
England,  he  says: — 

"The  greater  part  of  the  army  passed  close  by  Kiddermin- 
ster, and  the  rest  through  it.  Colonel  Graves  sent  two  or  three 
messages  to  me,  as  from  the  king,  to  come  to  him;  and  after, 
when  he  was  at  Worcester,  some  others  were  sent:  but  I  was  at 
that  time  under  so  great  an  affliction  of  sore  eyes,  that  I  was 
scarcely  able  to  see  the  light,  and  unfit  to  stir  out  of  doors.  Being 
not  much  doubtful  of  die  issue  which  followed,  I  thought,  if  I 
had  been  able,  it  would  have  been  no  service  at  all  to  the  king, 
it  being  so  litde,  on  such  a  sudden,  that  I  could  add  to  his  as- 
sistance. 

"When  the  king  had  stayed  a  few  days  at  Worcester,  Crom- 
well came  with  his  army  to  the  east  side  of  the  city,  and  after 
that,  made  a  bridge  of  boats  over  the  Severn,  to  hinder  them 
from  foraging  on  the  other  side;  but  because  so  great  an  army 
could  not  long  endure  to  be  pent  up,  the  king  resolved  to  charge 
Cromwell's  men.  At  first,  the  Scottish  foot  charged  very  gal- 
lantly, some  chief  persons  among  the  horse,  the  Marquis  of 
Hamilton,  late  Earl  of  Limerick,  being  slain:  but,  at  last,  the 
hope  of  security  so  near  their  backs,  encouraged  the  king's  army 
to  retreat  into  the  city,  and  Cromwell's  soldiers  followed  them 
so  close  at  their  heels,  that  Major  Swallow,  of  Whalley's  regi- 
ment, first,  and  others  after  him,  entered  Sidbury  gate  with 
them;  and  so  the  whole  army  fled  through  the  city,  quite  away, 
many  being  trodden  down  and  slain  in  the  streets;  so  that  the 
king  was  fain  to  fly  with  them  northward.  The  Lord  Wilmot, 
the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  and  many  others  of  his  lords  and  com- 
manders, fled  with  him.  Kidderminster  being  but  eleven  miles 
from  Worcester,  the  flying  army  passed  some  of  them  through 
the  town,  and  some  by  it.  I  had  nearly  gone  to  bed  when  the 
noise  of  the  flying  horses  acquainted  us  with  the  overthrow;  and 
a  piece  of  one  of  Cromwell's  troops,  that  guarded  Bewdley 
bridge,  having  tidings  of  it,  came  into  our  streets,  and  stood  in 
the  open  market-place,  before  my  door,  to  surprise  those  that 
passed  by.  So,  when  many  hundreds  of  the  flying  army  came 
together,  and  the  thirty  troopers  cried  stand,  and  fired  at  them, 
they  either  hastened  away,  or  cried  quarter,  not  knowing  in  the 
dark  what  number  it  was  that  charged  them.  Thus  as  many 
were  taken  there,  as  so  few  men  could  lay  hold  on:  and,  till 
midnight,  the  bullets  flying  towards  my  door  and  windows,  and 
the  sorrowful  fugitives  hastening  by  for  their  lives,  did  tell  me 
the  calamitousness  of  war. 


108 


TTIH   1,11- i;    AND  TIMES 


"The  king,  parted  at  last  from  most  of  his  lords,  went  to  Bos- 
cobel,  by  the  White  Ladies,  where  he  was  hid  in  an  oak,  in  a 
manner  sufficiently  declared  to  the  world;  and  thence  to  Mosely, 
and  so,  with  Mrs.  Lane,  away,  as  a  traveller,  and  escaped  all 
the  searchers'  hands,  till  he  came  safe  beyond  sea,  as  is  pub- 
lished at  large  by  divers."" 

This  brief  notice  of  public  affairs,  and  of  Baxter's  conduct 
in  relation  to  them,  to  the  period  when  the  Commonwealth  and 
Cromwell  reigned  triumphant,  sufficiently  prepares  us  for  the 
interesting  account  given  by  him  of  his  labors  and  success  in 
Kidderminster.  Perhaps  no  part  of  these  memoirs  is  so  im- 
portant as  this.  It  presents  an  admirable  view  of  the  man  of 
God,  abundant  in  labors,  patient  in  tribulation,  persevering  in 
the  exercise  of  faithfulness,  benevolence,  and  long-sulfering,  and 
crowned  with  extraordinary  success.  Without  ascribing  too 
much  to  the  agent,  or  expressing  unqualified  approbation  of  all 
the  means  employed,  it  is  impossible  not  to  perceive  the  adapta- 
tion of  the  instrument  to  the  work,  or  to  doubt  that  the  divine 
blessing  rested  upon  the  measures  pursued.  The  sovereignty  of 
God  operates  not  independently  of  human  means  and  instru- 
mentality, but  in  connection  with  them;  and  it  will  rarely  if  ever 
be  found,  that  suitably  qualified  agents  pursue,  in  a  right  spirit 
and  with  Christian  zeal,  the  good  of  men,  without  being  reward- 
ed by  a  corresponding  measure  of  success.  The  circumstances 
in  which  Baxter  found  Kidderminster  when  he  first  went  to  it, 
as  well  as  the  difficulties  and  troubles  which  he  had  to  encoun- 
ter during  the  two  years  he  then  resided  in  it,  have  been  already 
stated.  Ignorance,  immorality,  and  opposition  to  the  Gospel, 
prevailed  among  all  classes.  His  doctrine  was  unpalatable,  his 
manner  of  life  and  hostility  to  vice  and  irreligion,  in  every  form, 
still  more  so.  His  politics,  favoring  as  they  did  the  cause  of 
the  Parliament,  and  of  church  reform,  increased  the  dislike,  and 
produced  personal  violence.  The  conduct  of  the  common  peo- 
ple, influenced  by  all  these  things,  was  so  outrageous,  that  he 
was  finally  compelled  to  leave  them.  This  state  of  things  must 
be  connected  with  his  account  of  the  wonderful  change  in  the 
character  of  the  place,  which  he  was  honored  to  effect. 

After  a  long  account  of  some  remarkable  deliverances,  and 
of  his  bodily  weakness,  with  which  it  is  marvellous  that  he 
should  have  been  able  to  struggle,  he  thus  proceeds: — 

"I  shall  next  record  to  the  praise  of  my  Redeemer,  the  com- 
fortable employment  and  success  which  he  vouchsafed  me  during 
my  abode  at  Kidderminster,  under  all  these  weaknesses.  And, 
1st.  I  will  mention  my  employment.  2.  My  successes.  And, 
3.  Those  advantages  by  which,  under  God,  they  were  procured. 


(a)  Life.parti.pp.no,  111. 


OP     RICHAKl)  DAXTKR. 


109 


"Before  the  wars,  1  preached  twice  each  Lord's  day;  but 
after  the  war,  but  once,  and  once  every  Thursday,  beside  occa- 
sional sermons.  Every  Thursday  evening,  my  neighbors  who 
were  most  desirous,  and  liad  opportunity,  met  at  my  house,  and 
diere  one  of  tiicm  repeated  the  sermon;  afterwards  tiiey  pro- 
posed what  floubts  any  of  them  had  about  the  sermon,  or  any 
oilier  case  of  conscience;  and  I  resolved  their  doubts.  Last  of 
all,  I  caused  sometimes  one  and  sometimes  another  of  them  to 
pray,  to  exercise  them;  and  sometimes  I  prayed  with  them  my- 
self: which,  beside  singing  a  psalm,  was  all  they  did.  Once  a 
week,  also,  some  of  the  younger  sort,  who  were  not  fit  to  pray 
in  so  great  an  assembly,  met  among  a  few  more  privately,  where 
they  spent  three  hours  in  prayer  together.  Every  Saturday 
night,  they  met  at  some  of  their  houses,  to  repeat  the  sermon  of 
the  former  Lord's  day,  and  to  pray  and  prepare  themselves  for  the 
following  day.  Once  in  a  few  weeks,  we  had  a  day  of  humilia- 
tion on  one  occasion  or  other.  Every  religious  woman  that  was 
safely  delivered,  instead  of  the  old  feastings  and  gossippings,  if 
she  was  able,  did  keep  a  day  of  thanksgiving  with  some  of  her 
neighbors,  with  them  praising  God,  and  singing  psalms,  and 
soberly  feasting  together.  Two  days  every  week,  my  assistant 
and  myself  took  fourteen  families  between  us,  for  private  cate- 
chising and  conference;  he  going  through  the  parish,  and  the 
town  coming  to  me.  I  first  heard  them  recite  the  words  of  the 
catechism,  and  then  examined  them  about  the  sense;  and,  lastly, 
urged  them,  with  all  possible  engaging  reason  and  vehemency, 
to  answerable  affection  and  practice.  If  any  of  them  were 
stalled  through  ignorance  or  bashfulness,  I  forbore  to  press  them 
any  further  to  answers,  but  made  diem  hearers,  and  either  exam- 
ined others,  or  turned  all  into  instruction  and  exhortation.  I 
spent  about  an  hour  widi  each  famil}^,  and  admitted  no  others  to 
be  present;  lest  bashfulness  should  make  it  burthensome,  or  any 
should  talk  of  the  weaknesses  of  others:  so  that  aU  the  after- 
noons on  Mondays  and  Tuesdays  I  spent  in  this  way,  after  I  had 
begun  it,  (for  it  was  many  years  before  I  did  attempt  it,)  and 
my  assistant  spent  the  morning  of  the  same  day  in  the  same  em- 
ployment. Before  that,  I  only  catechised  them  in  the  church, 
and  conferred  occasionally  with  an  individual. 

"Beside  all  this,  I  was  forced,  five  or  six  years,  by  the  peo- 
ple's necessity,  to  practise  physic.  A  common  pleurisy  happen- 
ing one  year,  and  no  physician  being  near,  I  was  forced  to  advise 
them  to  save  their  lives;  and  I  could  not  afterwards  avoid  the 
importunity  of  the  town  and  country  round  about.  Because 
I  never  once  took  a  penny  of  any  one,  I  was  crowded  with 
patients;  so  that  almost  twenty  would  be  at  my  door  at  once: 
and  though  God,  by  more  success  than  I  expected,  so  long  en- 
couraged me,  yet,  at  last,  I  could  endure  it  no  longer;  partly 


no 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


because  it  hindered  my  other  studies,  and  partly  because  the 
very  fear  of  miscuring  and  doing  any  one  harm,  did  make  it  an 
intolerable  burden  to  me.  So  that,  after  some  years'  practice, 
I  procured  a  godly  diligent  physician  to  come  and  live  in  the 
town,  and  bound  myself,  by  promise,  to  practise  no  more,  unless 
in  consultation  with  him,  in  case  of  any  seeming  necessity;  and 
so  with  that  answer  I  turned  them  all  off,  and  never  meddled 
with  it  again. 

"But  all  these  my  labors  (except  my  private  conference  with 
the  families,)  even  preaching  and  preparing  for  it,  were  but  my 
recreation,  and,  as  it  were,  the  work  of  my  spare  hours;  for  my 
writings  were  my  chief  daily  labor;  which  yet  went  the  more 
slowly  on,  that  I  never  one  hour  had  an  amanuensis  to  dictate  to, 
and  especially  because  my  weakness  took  up  so  much  of  my 
time.  All  the  pains  that  my  infirmities  ever  brought  upon  me, 
were  never  half  so  grievous  an  affliction  as  the  unavoidable  loss 
of  time  which  they  occasioned.  I  could  not  bear,  through  the 
weakness  of  my  stomach,  to  rise  before  seven  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  afterwards  not  till  much  later;  and  some  infirmities  I 
labored  under,  made  it  above  an  hour  before  I  could  be  dressed. 
An  hour,  I  must  of  necessity  have  to  walk  before  dinner,  and 
another  before  supper;  and  after  supper  I  could  seldom  study: 
all  which,  beside  times  of  family  duties,  and  prayer,  and  eating, 
&.C.,  left  me  but  little  time  to  study:  which  hath  been  the  great- 
est external  personal  affliction  of  all  my  life. 

"Every  first  Wednesday  in  the  month  was  our  monthly- 
meeting  for  parish  discipline;  and  every  first  Thursday  of  the 
month,  was  the  ministers'  meeting  for  discipline  and  disputation. 
In  those  disputations  it  fell  to  my  lot  to  be  almost  constant  mod- 
erator; and  for  every  such  day,  I  usually  prepared  a  written  de- 
termination; all  which  I  mention  as  my  mercies  and  delights, 
and  not  as  my  burdens.  Every  Thursday,  besides,  I  had  the 
company  of  divers  godly  ministers  at  my  house,  after  the  lecture, 
with  whom  I  spent  that  afternoon  in  the  truest  recreation,  till 
my  neighbors  came  to  meet  for  their  exercise  of  repetition  and 
prayer. 

"For  ever  blessed  be  the  God  of  my  mercies,  who  brought 
me  from  the  grave,  and  gave  me,  after  wars  and  sickness,  four- 
teen years'  liberty  in  such  sweet  employment!  How  strange  that, 
in  times  of  usurpation,  I  had  all  this  mercy  and  happy  freedom; 
when  under  our  rightful  king  and  governor,  I,  and  many  hun- 
dreds more,  are  silenced  and  laid  by  as  broken  vessels,  and  sus- 
pected and  vilified  as  scarce  to  be  tolerated  to  live  privately  and 
quiedy  in  the  land!  How  mysterious,  that  God  should  make 
days  of  licentiousness  and  disorder  under  an  usurper  so  great  a 
mercy  to  me,  and  many  a  thousand  more,  who  under  the  lawful 
governors  which  they  desired,  and  in  the  days  when  order  is 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


Ill 


said  to  bo  restored,  do  sit  in  obscurity  and  unprofitable  silence, 
or  lie  in  prisons;  while  all  of  us  are  accounted  as  the  scum  and 
sweepings,  or  ofiscourings  of  the  earth.'* 

"I  have  mentioned  my  secret  and  acceptable  employment; 
let  me,  to  the  praise  of  my  gracious  Lord,  acqnaint  you  with 
some  of  my  success;  and  I  will  not  suppress  it,  though  I  fore- 
know that  the  malignant  will  impute  tlie  mention  of  it  to  pride 
and  ostentation.  For  it  is  the  sacrifice  of  thanksgiving  which  I 
owe  to  my  most  gracious  God,  which  I  will  not  deny  him,  for 
fear  of  being  censured  as  proud;  lest  I  prove  myself  proud,  in- 
deed, while  I  cannot  undergo  the  imputation  of  pride  in  the  per- 
formance of  my  thanks  for  such  undeserved  mercies. 

"My  public  preaching  met  with  an  attentive,  diligent  auditory. 
Having  broke  over  the  brunt  of  the  opposition  of  the  rabble  be- 
fore the  wars,  I  found  them  afterwards  tractable  and  unprejudic- 
ed. Before  I  entered  into  the  ministry,  God  blessed  my  pri- 
vate conference  to  the  conversion  of  some,  who  remain  firm  and 
eminent  in  holiness  to  this  day:  but  then,  and  in  the  beginning 
of  my  ministry,  I  was  wont  to  number  them  as  jewels;  but  since 
then  1  could  not  keep  any  number  of  them.  The  congregation 
was  usually  full,  so  that  we  were  fain  to  build  five  galleries  after 
my  coming  thither;  the  church  itself  being  very  capacious,  and 
the  most  commodious  and  convenient  that  ever  I  was  in.  Our 
private  meetings,  also,  were  full.  On  the  Lord's  days  there  was 
no  disorder  to  be  seen  in  the  streets;  but  you  might  hear  a  hun- 
dred families  singing  psalms  and  repeating  sermons  as  you  passed 
through  them.  In  a  word,  when  I  came  thither  first,  there  was 
about  one  family  in  a  street  that  worshipped  God  and  called  on 
his  name,  and  when  I  came  away,  there  were  some  streets  where 
there  was  not  one  poor  family  in  the  side  that  did  not  so;  and 
that  did  not,  by  professing  serious  godliness,  give  us  hopes  of 
their  sincerity.  And  in  those  families  which  were  the  worst, 
being  inns  and  alehouses,  usually  some  persons  in  each  house 
did  seem  to  be  religious. 

"Though  our  administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  was  so  or- 
dered as  displeased  many,  and  the  far  greater  part  kept  away, 
we  had  six  hundred  that  were  communicants;  of  whom  there 
were  not  twelve  that  I  had  not  good  hopes  of  as  to  their  sincer- 
ity; those  few  who  consented  to  our  communion,  and  yet  lived 
scandalously,  were  exconimunicnted  afterwards.    I  hope  there 

(li)  [Baxter's  'Reformed  Pastor'  mny  be  considered  as  a  full  illiislralion  of  tlie  prac- 
lioe  wliich  he  here  describes  as  liis  own,  connected  with  the  principles  by  which  it  is 
recommended  and  enforced.  Of  that  work  I  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  in  another 
place;  it  is  only  necessary  to  remark,  at  present,  the  consistency  between  the  views 
which  IJaxter  maintained  with  so  much  ardor,  and  the  conduct  which  he  himself  pur- 
sued. Those  who  regard  his  views  of  the  ministry  as  impracticable,  have  only  to  re- 
member that  Baxter,  diseased,  emaciated,  and  in  deaths  oft,  exemplified  the  conduct 
which  he  so  admirably  describes. 


113 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


were  also  many  who  had  the  fear  of  God,  that  came  not  to  our 
communion  in  the  sacrament,  some  of  them  being  kept  off  by 
husbands,  by  parents,  by  masters,  and  some  dissuaded  by  men 
that  differed  from  us.  Those  many  that  kept  away,  yet  took  it 
patiently,  and  did  not  revile  us  as  doing  them  wrong:  and  those 
unruly  young  men  who  were  excommunicated,  bore  it  patiently 
as  to  their  outward  behavior,  though  their  hearts  were  full  of 
bitterness. 

"When  I  set  upon  personal  conference  with  each  family,  and 
catechising  them,  there  were  very  few  families  in  all  the  tovra 
that  refused  to  come;  and  those  few  were  beggars  at  the  town's 
ends,  who  were  so  ignorant,  that  they  were  ashamed  it  should 
be  manifest.  Few  families  went  from  me  without  some  tears,  or 
seemingly  serious  promises  for  a  godly  life.  Yet  many  ignorant 
and  ungodly  persons  there  were  still  among  us:  but  most  of  them 
were  in  the  parish,  and  not  in  the  town,  and  in  those  parts  of  the 
parish  which  were  farthest  from  the  town.  And  whereas  one 
part  of  the  parish  was  impropriate,  and  paid  tithes  to  laymen,  and 
the  other  part  maintained  the  church,  a  brook  dividing  them,  it 
fell  out  that  almost  all  that  side  of  the  parish  which  paid  tithes  to 
the  church,  were  godly,  honest  people,  and  did  it  willingly,  with- 
out contestation,  and  most  of  the  bad  people  of  the  parish  lived 
on  the  other  side.  Some  of  the  poor  men  did  competently  un- 
derstand the  body  of  divinity,  and  were  able  to  judge  in  difficult 
controversies.  Some  of  them  were  so  able  in  prayer,  diat  very 
few  ministers  did  match  them  in  order  and  fulness,  and  apt  ex- 
pressions, and  holy  oratory,  with  fervency.  Abundance  of  them 
were  able  to  pray  very  laudably  with  their  families,  or  with 
others.  The  temper  of  their  minds,  and  the  innocency  of  theu* 
lives,  were  much  more  laudable  than  their  parts.  The  profes- 
sors of  serious  godliness  were  generally  of  very  humble  minds 
and  carriage;  of  meek  and  quiet  behavior  unto  others;  and  of 
blamelessness  and  innocency  in  their  conversation. 

"God  was  pleased  also  to  give  me  abundant  encouragement  in 
the  lectures  I  preached  about  in  other  places;  as  at  Worcester, 
Cleobury,  &,c.,  but  especially  at  Dudley  and  Sheffnal.  At  the 
former  of  which,  being  the  first  place  diat  ever  I  preached  in, 
the  poor  nailers,  and  other  laborers,  would  not  only  crowd  the 
church  as  full  as  ever  I  saw  any  in  London,  but  also  hang  upon 
the  windows  and  the  leads  without. 

"In  my  poor  endeavors  with  my  brethren  in  the  ministry,  my 
labors  were  not  lost;  our  disputations  proved  not  unprofitable. 
Our  meetings  were  never  contentious,  but  always  comfortable;  we 
took  great  delight  in  the  company  of  each  other;  so  that  I  know 
that  the  remembrance  of  those  days  is  pleasant  both  to  them  and 
me.  When  discouragements  had  long  kept  me  from  motioning 
a  way  of  church  order  and  discipline,  which  all  might  agree  in, 


OP  RlCHAnO  BAXTER. 


113 


that  \vc  might  neither  have  churches  uniovoriuul,  nor  fall  into 
divisions  among  ourselves,  at  the  first  mcnlioning  of  it,  I  found  a 
readier  consent  than  I  could  have  expected,  and  all  went  on  with- 
out any  great  obstructing  difficulties.  When  I  attempted  also  to 
[)ring  them  all  conjointly  to  the  work  of  catechising  and  instruct- 
ing every  ianiily  by  itself,  1  found  a  ready  consent  in  most,  and 
perforatance  in  niany. 

"I  must  here,  then,  to  the  praise  of  my  dear  Redeemer,  set 
up  this  pillar  of  remembrance,  even  to  his  praise  who  hath  em- 
ployed me  so  many  years  in  so  comfortable  a  work,  with  such 
encouraging  success.  O  what  am  I,  a  worthless  worm,  not  only 
wanting  academical  honors,  but  much  of  that  furnhure  which  is 
needful  to  so  high  a  work,  that  God  sliould  thus  abundantly  en- 
courage me,  when  the  reverend  instructors  of  my  youth  did 
labor  fifty  years  togedier  in  one  place,  and  could  scarcely  say 
they  had  converted  one  or  two  in  their  parishes!  and  the  greater 
was  the  mercy,  because  I  was  naturally  of  a  discouraged  spirit; 
so  that  if  I  had  preached  one  year,  and  seen  no  fruits  of  it,  I 
should  hardly  have  forborne  running  away,  like  Jonah;  but 
should  have  thought  that  God  called  me  not  to  that  place. 

"Having  related  my  comfortable  success  in  this  place,  I  shall 
next  tell  you  by  what  and  how  many  advantages  this  was  eflected, 
under  that  grace  which  worketh  by  means,  though  with  a  free 
diversity.  I  do  it  chiefly  for  their  sakes  who  would  know  Uic 
means  of  other  men's  experiments  in  managing  ignorant  and  sin- 
ful parishes. 

"One  advantage  was,  that  I  came  to  a  people  who  never  had 
any  awakening  ministry  before,  but  a  few  formal  cold  sermons 
from  the  curate;  for  if  they  had  been  hardened  under  a  power- 
ful ministry,  and  been  sermon  proof,  I  should  have  expected 
less. 

"I  was  then,  also,  in  the  vigor  of  my  spirits,  and  had  natur- 
ally a  familiar  moving  voice,  (which  is  a  great  matter  with  the 
common  hearers,)  and  doing  all  in  bodily  weakness  as  a  dying 
man,  my  soul  was  the  more  easily  brought  to  seriousness,  and 
to  preach  as  a  dying  man  to  dying  men.  For  drowsy  formality 
and  customariness  doth  but  stupify  the  hearers,  and  rock  them 
asleep.  It  must  be  serious  preaching,  which  will  make  men 
serious  in  hearing  and  obeying  it. 

"Anodier  advantage  was,  that  most  of  the  bilter  enemies  of 
godliness  in  the  town,  who  ruse  in  ttmiults  againat  me  before,  in 
their  hatred  of  Puritans,  had  gone  out  into  the  wars,  into  the 
king's  armies,  and  were  quickly  killed,  and  few  of  them  ever 
returned  again;  and  so  djere  wore  few  to  make  any  great  oppo- 
sition to  godliness. 

"The  change  that  was  made  in  the  public  affairs  also  by  the 
success  of  the  wars,  which,  however  it  was  done,  and  though 

VOL.  T.  15 


114 


THE   HFK   AND  TIMES 


much  corrupted  by  the  usurpers,  was  such  as  removed  manj'' 
and  j^reat  impediments  to  men's  salvation.  Before,  the  rabble 
had  boldness  enou2;h  to  make  serious  godliness  a  common  scorn^ 
and  call  them  all  Puritans  and  Precisians  who  cared  not  little 
lor  God,  and  heaven,  and  their  souls,  as  they  did;  especially  if 
a  man  was  not  fully  satisfied  wiUi  their  undisciplined,  disordered 
churches,  or  lay-chancellor's  excommunications,  8>ic.  Then,  no 
name  was  bad  enough  for  him;  and  the  bishops'  articles  inquir- 
ing after  such,  and  their  courts,  and  the  high-conmiission  griev- 
ously afllicling  those  who  did  but  fast  and  pray  together,  or  go 
fioiu  an  ignorant,  drunken  reader,  to  hear  a  godly,  able  preacher 
at  the  next  parish,  kept  religion  among  the  vulgar  under  either 
continual  reproach  or  terror;  encouraging  the  rabble  to  despise 
and  revile  it,  and  discouraging  those  that  else  would  own  it. 
Experience  telleth  us  that  it  is  a  lamentable  impediment  to 
men's  conversion  when  it  is  a  'way  everywhere  spoken  against,' 
nnd  persecuted  by  superiors,  which  they  must  embrace;  and 
when  at  their  first  approaches,  they  must  go  through  such  dan- 
gers and  obloquy  as  is  fitter  for  confirmed  Christians  to  be  ex-i 
ercised  with,  than  unconverted  sinners  or  young  beginners.* 
Though  Cromwell  gave  liberty  to  all  sects  among  us,  and  did  not 
set  up  any  party  alone  by  force,  yet  this  much  gave  abundant 
advantage  to  the  Gospel,  removing  the  prejudices  and  the  ter- 
rors which  hindered  it; '  especially  considering  that  godliness  had 
countenance,  and  reputation  also,  as  well  as  liberty.  Whereas 
before,  if  it  did  not  appear  in  all  the  fetters  and  formalities 
of  the  times,  it  was  the  common  way  to  shame  and  ruin.  Hear- 
ing sermons  abroad,  when  there  were  none  or  worse  at  homej 
fasting  and  praying  together;  the  strict  observation  of  the  Lord's 
day,  and  such-like,  went  under  the  dangerous  name  of  Puritan- 
ism, as  much  as  o])posing  bishops  and  ceremonies. 

"I  know  you  may  now  meet  with  men  who  confidently  affirm 
that  all  religion  was  then  trodden  dowii,  and  heresy  and  schism 
were  the  only  piety;  but  I  give  warning  to  all  ages  by  the 
experience  of  this  incredible  age,  that  they  take  heed  how  they 
believe  any,  whoever  they  be,  while  they  are  speaking  for  the 
interest  of  their  factions  and  opinions,  against  those  that  were 
their  real  or  supposed  adversaries.'' 

"For  my  part  I  bless  God,  who  gave  me  even  under  an  usur- 
per whom  I  opposed,  such  liberty  and  advantage  to  preach  his 
Gospel  with  success,  as  I  cannot  have  under  a  king  to  whom 

(c)  Could  (lie  reader  vvisli  for  a  stronger  tesliitiony  in  favor  of  universal  liberty 
than  this?  Relig-ion  prospered  more  under  the  Usurper  than  under  the  legitimate 
sovereign. 

(d)  It  is  important  to  connect  this  statement  with  Tlaxter's  account  given  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter  of  the  sects  and  heresies  of  the  period.  They  are  not  at  variance 
with  each  other.  Bill  to  answer  certai)i  purposes,  it  is  not  uncommon  to  quote  the 
worst  representatiou  of  the  case  and  to  omit  the  other. 


OF  nicHAnn  haxtku. 


115 


I  have  sworn  and  performed  Iriio  suhjcrtioii  and  ohcdionco;  yea, 
sueh  as  no  ago,  since  llie  Gospel  came  into  this  land,  did  before 
possess,  as  lar  as  I  can  learn  froni  history.  1  shall  add  tins 
much  more  for  the  sake  of  posterity,  that  as  much  as  I  have 
said  and  written  against  liccntionsncss  in  religion,  and  for  die 
magistrates'  power  in  it;  and  though  1  tliink  that  land  most  hap- 
py whose  rulers  use  their  authority  for  Christ,  as  well  as  for  the 
civil  peace;  yet,  in  comparison  of  the  rest  of  the  world,  1  shall 
think  that  land  happy  wliich  hath  but  hare  liberty  to  be  as  good 
as  the  people  are  willing  to  be.  And  if  countenance  and  main- 
tenance be  but  added  to  liberty,  and  tolerated  errors  and  sects 
be  but  forced  to  keep  die  peace,  and  not  to  oppose  the  substan- 
tials  of  Christianity,  I  shall  not  hereafter  much  fear  such  tolera- 
tion, nor  despair  that  truth  will  bear  down  its  adversaries.'^ 

"Another  advantage  which  I  found,  was  the  acceptation  of 
my  person  among  the  people.  Though,  to  win  estimation  and 
love  to  ourselves  only,  be  an  end  that  none  but  proud  men  and 
hypocrites  intend,  yet  it  is  most  certain  that  die  gratefulness  of 
the  person  doth  ingratiate  the  message,  and  greatly  prepareth 
the  people  to  receive  the  truth.  Had  they  taken  me  to  be  ig- 
norant, erroneous,  scandalous,  worldly,  self-seeking,  or  such- 
like, I  could  have  expected  small  success  among  them. 

"Another  advantage  which  I  had,  was  the  zeal  and  diligence 
of  tlie  godly  people  of  the  place.  They  thirsted  after  the  sal- 
vation of  their  neighbors,  and  were  in  private  my  assistants,  and 
being  dispersed  through  the  town,  were  ready  in  almost  all  com- 
panies to  repress  seducing  words,  and  to  justify  godliness,  con- 
vmce,  reprove,  and  exhort  men  according  to  their  needs;  as 
also  to  teach  them  how  to  pray;  and  to  help  them  to  sanctify 
the  Lord's  day.  For  those  people  who  had  none  in  dieir  fam- 
ilies who  could  pray,  or  repeat  the  sermons,  went  to  their  next 
neighbor's  house  who  could  do  it,  and  joined  with  them;  so  diat 
some  of  the  houses  of  the  ablest  men  in  each  street,  were  filled 
with  them  that  could  do  nothing,  or  litde,  in  their  own. 

"Their  holy,  humble,  blameless  lives  were  also  a  great  advan- 
tage to  me.  The  malicious  people  could  not  say,  Your  pro- 
fessors here  are  as  proud  and  covetous  as  any;  but  the  blame- 
less lives  of  godly  people  did  shame  opposers,  and  put  to  silence 
the  ignorance  of  foolish  men,  and  many  were  won  by  their  good 
conversation. 

"Our  unity  and  concord  were  a  great  advantage  to  us;  and 
our  freedom  from  diose  sects  and  heresies,  with  which  many 
other  places  were  infected.  We  had  no  private  church,  and 
though  we  had  private  meetings  we  had  not  pastor  against  pastor, 

(e)  Here  the  good  sense  and  Christian  foeling-s  of  Baxter,  cvideiitlj'  get  the  better 
of  all  his  theoretical  notions  of  civil  govcniincnt  and  the  magistrates'  power  in  reli- 
gion. 


IIG 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


or  church  against  cluncli,  or  sect  against  sect,  or  Christian 
against  Christian. 

"Oui"  private  meetings  were  a  marvellous  help  to  the  propa- 
gating of  godliness,  lor  thereby,  truths  tliat  slip]3ed  away,  were 
recalled,  and  the  seriousness  of  the  people's  minds  renewed, 
and  good  desires  cherished.  Their  knowledge,  also,  was  much 
increased  by  them,  and  the  younger  sort  learned  to  pray  hy  fre- 
quently hearing  others,  i  had  also  the  opportunity  of  knowing 
their  case;  for  if  any  were  touched  and  awakened  in  public,  I 
should  frequently  see  them  drop  into  our  private  meetings.  Idle 
meetings  and  loss  of  time  were  greatly  prevented;  and  so  far 
were  we  from  being  by  this  in  danger  of  schism,  or  divisions,  that 
it  was  the  pnncipal  means  to  prevent  them:  for  here  I  was  usu- 
ally present  with  ihem,  answering  ti:oir  doubts,  silencing  objec- 
tions, and  moderating  them  in  all. 

"Another  thing  wiiich  advantaged  us,  was  some  public  dis- 
putations which  we  had  with  gainsayers,  which  very  much  con- 
firmed the  people.  The  Quakers  would  fain  have  got  enter- 
tainment, and  set  up  a  meeting  in  tlie  town,  and  frequently  railed 
at  me  in  the  congregation;  but  when  I  had  once  given  them 
leave  to  meet  in  the  church  for  a  dispute,  and,  before  the  peo- 
ple, liad  opened  their  deceits  and  shame,  none  would  entertain 
them  more,  nor  did  they  get  one  proselyte  among  us. 

"Another  advantage,  was  the  great  honesty  and  diligence  of 
my  assistants.  Another  was  the  presence  and  countenance  of 
honest  justices  of  peace,  who  ordinarily  were  godly  men,  and 
always  such  as  would  be  thought  so,  and  were  ready  to  use 
their  autliority  to  suppress  sin  and  promote  goodness. 

"Another  help  to  ray  success,  was  the  small  relief  which  my 
low  estate  enabled  me  to  afford  the  poor;  though  the  place  was' 
reckoned  at  near  two  hundred  pounds  per  anninn,  there  came  but 
ninety  pounds,  and  sometimes  only  eighty  pounds  to  me.  Beside 
which,  some  years  1  had  sixty,  or  eighty  pounds  a  year  of  the 
booksellers  for  my  books:  which  little  disjiersed  among  them, 
much  reconciled  them  to  the  doctrine  that  I  taught.  I  took  the 
aptest  of  their  children  from  the  school,  and  sent  divers  of  thein 
to  the  universities;  where  for  eight  pounds  a  year,  or  ten,  at 
most,  by  the  help  of  my  friends,  I  maintained  them.  Some  of 
these  are  honest,  able  ministers,  now  cast  out  with  their  breth- 
ren; but,  two  or  three,  having  no  other  way  to  live,  turned  great 
Conformists,  and  are  preachers  now.  In  giving  the  litde  I  had, 
I  did  not  inquire  whether  they  were  good  or  bad,  if  they  asked 
relief;  for  the  bad  had  souls  and  bodies  that  needed  charity 
most.  And  this  truth  I  will  speak  to  the  encouragement  of  the 
charitable,  that  what  little  money  I  have  now  by  me,  I  got  it 
almost  all,  I  scarce  know  how,  at  that  tiine  when  I  gave  most, 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTKR. 


117 


and  since  I  have  had  less  ojiporUmily  of  giving,  1  iiavc  had  less 
increase. 

"Anotlicr  furtherance  of  my  work,  was  tlie  books  whicl)  I 
wiolc^  and  gave  away  among  them.  Of  some  small  books  I 
gave  each  family  one,  which  came  to  about  eight  hundred; 
and  of  the  bigger,  1  gave  fewer:  and  every  family  that  was 
poor,  and  had  not  a  liible,  I  gave  a  Bible  to.  I  had  found  my- 
self die  benefit  of  reachug  to  be  so  great,  that  I  could  not  but 
think  it  would  be  profitable  to  others. 

"It  was  a  great  advantage  to  me,  that  my  neighbors  were  of 
such  a  trade,  as  allowed  them  time  enough  to  read  or  talk  of 
holy  things.  For  the  town  livcth  ujion  the  weaving  of  Kidder- 
minster stuffs;  and,  as  tiicy  stand  in  their  looms,  the  men  can  set 
a  book  before  them,  or  eilify  one  another;  whereas,  ploughmen, 
and  many  others,  are  so  wearied,  or  continually  employed,  either 
in  the  labors,  or  the  cares  of  their  callings,  that  it  is  a  great  im- 
pediment to  their  salvation.  Freeholders  and  tradesmen  are 
the  strength  of  religion  and  civility  in  the  land;  and  gentlemen, 
and  beggars,  and  servile  tenants,  are  the  strength  of  iniquity. 
Though  among  these  sorts,  there  are  some  also  that  are  good 
and  just,  as  among  the  other  there  are  many  bad.  And  their 
constant  converse  and  traffic  with  London,  doth  much  promote 
civilhy  and  piety  among  tradesmen. 

"I  found  also  that  my  single  life  afforded  me  much  advan- 
tage: for  I  could  the  easier  take  my  people  for  my  children,  and 
think  all  that  I  had  too  little  for  them,  in  that  I  had  no  children 
of  my  own  to  tempt  me  to  another  way  of  using  it.  Being  dis- 
charged from  most  of  family  cares,  and  keeping  but  one  servant,. 
I  had  the  greater  vacancy  and  liberty  for  the  labors  of  my  call-- 
ing. 

"God  made  use  of  my  practice  of  physic  among  them  also  as 
a  very  great  advantage  to  my  ministry;  for  they  that  cared  not 
for  their  souls,  did  love  their  lives,  and  care  for  their  bodies; 
and,  by  this,  they  were  made  almost  as  observant,  as  a  tenant 
is  of  his  landlord.  Somethnes  I  could  see  before  rae  in  the 
church,  a  very  considerable  part  of  the  congregation,  whose  lives 
God  had  made  me  a  means  to  save,  or  to  recover  their  health; 
and  doing  it  for  nothing  so  obliged  them,  that  they  would  readily 
hear  me. 

"It  was  a  great  advantage  to  me,  that  there  were  at  last  few 
that  were  bad,  but  some  of  their  own  relations  were  converted: 
many  children  did  God  work  upon,  at  fourteen,  fifteen,  or  six- 
teen years  of  age;  and  this  did  marvellously  reconcile  the  minds 
of  the  parents  and  elder  sort  to  godliness.  They  that  would  not 
hear  me,  would  hear  their  own  children.  They  that  before 
could  have  talked  against  godliness,  would  not  hear  it  spoken 
against,  when  it  was  their  children's  case.    Many  who  would 


118 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


not  be  brought  to  it  tlicinselvcs,  were  proutl  that  they  had  un- 
derstanding, rehgious  children;  and  we  had  some  old  persons  ol 
eighty  years  of  age,  who  are,  I  hope,  in  heaven,  and  the  con- 
version of  their  own  children,  was  the  chief  means  to  overcome 
their  prejudice,  and  old  customs,  and  conceits. 

"Another  great  help  t£)  my  success  at  last,  was  die  formerly 
described  work  of  personal  conference  with  every  family  apart, 
with  catechising  and  instructing  them.  That  which  was  spoken 
to  them  personally,  and  which  put  them  sometimes  upon  an- 
swers, awakened  their  attention,  and  was  easier  applied  than  pub- 
lic preaching,  and  seemed  to  do  much  more  upon  them. 

"The  exercise  of  church  discipline  was  no  small  furtherance 
of  the  people's  good:  for  I  found  plainly,  that  without  it,  I 
could  not  have  kept  the  religious  sort  from  separation  and  divis- 
ions.*" There  is  something  generally  in  their  dispositions,  which 
inclineth  them  to  dissociate  from  open  ungodly  sinners,  as  men 
of  another  nature  and  society;  and  if  they  had  not  seen  me  do 
something  reasonable  for  a  regular  separation  of  the  notorious, 
obstinate  sinners  from  die  rest,  they  would  irregularly  have  with- 
drawn themselves.  It  had  not  been  in  my  power  with  bare 
words  to  satisfy  them,  when  they  saw  we  had  liberty  to  do  what 
we  would.  And  so,  for  fear  of  discipline,  all  the  parish  kept  off 
except  about  six  hundred,  when  there  were  in  all  above  sixteen 
hundred  at  an  age  to  be  communicants.  Yet  because  it  was 
their  own  doing,  and  they  knew  they  might  come  in  when  they 
would,  they  were  quiet  in  their  separation;  for  we  took  them  for 
the  Separatists.  Those  that  scrupled  our  gesture  at  the  sacrament, 
I  openly  told  that  they  should  have  it  in  dieir  own.  Yet  did  I 
baptize  all  their  children,  but  made  them  first,  as  I  would  have 
done  by  strangers,  give  me  privately,  or  publicly  if  they  had 

(f)  The  entire  want  of  disci|)liiie  which  lias  always  characterised  the  Established 
Church,  is  one  of  its  greatest  blots.  There  is  no  separation  whatever  between  the 
precious  and  the  vile.  The  purity  of  Christian  fellowship,  or  the  distinction  be- 
tween the  church  and  the  world,  can  neither,  therefore,  be  understood  nor  practised. 
On  this  subject,  Baxter  sa^  s,  referring  to  the  rise  of  the  Puritans: — ''I'licre  was 
scarcely  any  such  a  thing  as  church  government  or  discijiline  known  in  the  land,  but 
only  the  harassing  of  those  who  dissented  from  them.  In  all  my  life,  1  never  lived 
in  the  parish  where  one  person  was  publicly  admonished,  or  brought  to  public  pen- 
itence, or  excommunicated,  though  there  were  never  so  many  obstinate  drunkards, 
whoremongers,  or  vilest  otfenders.  Only  I  have  known  now  and  then  one  for  getting 
a  bastard,  that  went  to  the  bishop's  court  and  paid  his  fees;  and  I  heard  of  two  or 
three  in  all  the  country,  in  all  my  life,  that  stood  in  a  white  sheet  an  hour  in  the  church; 
but  the  ancient  discipline  of  the  church  wa^  unknown.  And,  indeed,  it  was  made  by 
them  impossible,  when  one  man  that  lived  at  a  distance  from  them,  and  knew  not  one 
of  many  hundreds  of  the  flock,  did  take  upon  him  the  sole  jurisdiction,  and  executed 
it  not  by  himself,  but  by  a  lay  chancellor,  excluding  the  pastors  of  the  several  congre- 
gations, who  were  but  to  join  with  the  churcliwarilens  and  the  apparitors  in  present- 
ing men,  and  bringing  them  into  their  courts;  and  an  impossible  task  must  needs 
be  unperformed.  And  so  the  controversy,  as  to  the  letter  and  outside,  was,  Wlio 
.shall  be  thi- governors  of  oil  Ihr  particular  cliurchex/  ]!ut  to  the  sense  and  inside  of  it, 
ii  was,  Wlielher  there  should  tie  ami  r/fectnal  church  ffovnrnmeitt,  or  not!  Whereupon, 
those  that  pleaded  for  discipline,  were  called  by  the  new  name  of  the  disciplinarians; 
as  if  it  had  been  a  kind  of  heresy  to  desire  discipline  in  the  church." — lleforined  I'ns- 
tor,  \\'or/cs,  vol.  xiv.  p.  l-l.'j. 


OF  iUCHAIlU  BAXTER. 


119 


rather,  an  account  of  tlicir  faiili;  and  if  any  father  was  a  scanda- 
lous simier,  I  made  him  confess  his  sin  openly,  vvitii  seeming 
penitence,  hefore  I  would  haplisc  his  child.  If  he  refused  it,  I 
ibrhore  till  the  mother  came  to  present  it;  for  I  rarely,  if  ever, 
found  hoth  fatlier  and  moUicr  so  destitute  of  knowledge  and 
faiUi,  as  in  a  church  sense  to  be  incapable  hereof.  ^ 

"Another  advantage  which  I  found  to  my  success,  was,  by 
ordering  my  doctrine  to  them  in  a  suitableness  to  die  main  end, 
and  yet  so  as  might  suit  their  dispositions  and  diseases.  The 
things  which  I  daily  opened  to  tJicm,  and  with  greatest  impor- 
tunity labored  to  imprint  npoa  their  minds,  were  the  great  fun- 
tlaniental  princi])les  of  Christianity  contained  in  their  baptismal 
covenant,  even  a  right  knowledge  and  belief  of,  and  subjection 
and  love  to,  God  the  FaUier,  the  Son,  and  die  Holy  Ghost; 
lo\e  to  all  men,  and  concord  with  the  church  and  one  anoUier. 
1  did  so  daily  inculcate  a  knowledge  of  God  our  Creator,  Re- 
deemer, and  Sanctifier,  love  and  obedience  to  God,  unity  with 
the  church  catholic,  and  love  to  men  and  the  hope  of  life  eter- 
nal, that  these  were  the  matter  of  their  daily  cogitations  and  dis- 
courses, and,  indeed,  their  religion. 

"Yet,  I  did  usually  put  in  something  in  my  sermon,  which 
was  above  their  own  discovery,  and  which  they  had  not  known 
before;  and  this  I  did  that  they  might  be  kept  humble,  and  still 
perceive  their  ignorance,  and  be  willing  to  keep  in  a  learning 
state.  For  when  preachers  tell  their  people  of  no  more  than 
they  know,  and  do  not  show  that  they  excel  them  in  knowledge, 
and  scarcely  overtop  them  in  abilities,  the  people  will  be  tempt- 
ed to  turn  preachers  themselves,  and  think  that  they  have  learned 
all  that  the  ministers  can  teach  diem,  and  are  as  wise  as  the)". 

(g)  Baxter  appears  to  have  maintained  a  most  vigilant  and  effective  discipline  in 
liis  congiegalion.  Of  liis  fidelity  to  individuals,  many  proofs  remain  in  the  pointc(f 
loiters  which  he  wrote  to  ihcm.  The  following'  is  a  specimen  from  the  Baxter  MSS. 
in  Redcross  street  Library,  which  I  select  chiefly  on  account  of  its  brevity.  It  shows 
Imw  much  of  Congregationalism  was  in  Baxter's  system  of  church  polity. 
"George  INichols, 

"Because  you  shall  have  no  pretence  to  say  that  we  deal  hardly  with  you,  I  shall 
not  meddle  with  that  which  is  commonly  called  excommunication  against  you.  But 
because  you  have  disclaimed  your  membership,  and  denied  to  express  repentance  of 
it,  even  in  private,  which  you  should  have  done  in  public,  I  shall  this  day  acquaint  the 
church  of  your  sin  and  scparaiion,  (in  which  you  have  broken  your  covenant  to  God 
and  us.)  and  that  you  are  no  more  a  member  of  this  chin  ch  or  of  my  pastoral  charge. 
1  shall  do  no  more,  but  shall  leave  the  rest  to  God,  who  will  do  more,  only  I  shall  de- 
sire the  church  to  pray  for  your  repentance  and  forgiveness;  and,  therefore,  desire 
you  this  day  to  be  there  and  join  with  us  in  those  prayers.  And  then,  except  you 
openly  lament  your  sin,  you  shall  be  troubled  with  my  admonitions  no  more.  From 
this  lime  forward  I  have  done  with  you,  till  cither  God  correct  you,  or  I  and  my  warn- 
ings and  label's  be  brought  in  as  a  witness  against  you  to  your  confusion. 

•V'our  compassionate  friend, 

"Jan.  28,  1G58."  RICHARD  BAXTER. 

The  answer  to  this,  is  on  the  same  sheet  in  another  hand. 
"Sir, 

"E.icept  Pearshall,  your  Constable,  will  come  to  church,  and  there  acknowledge 
that  he  has  done  nie  wrong  in  saying  I  was  drunk,  I  shall  not  appear  there.  Sol 
rest,         Vour  Servant^  (JKORGE  NICHOLS." 


120 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


They  will  be  apt  to  contemn  their  teachers,  and  wrangle  with 
all  their  doctrines,  and  set  their  wits  against  them,  and  hear  them 
as  censurers,  and  not  as  disciples,  to  their  own  undoing,  and  to 
the  disturbance  of  the  church;  and  thus  they  will  easily  draw 
disci])les  alter  them.  The  bare  authority  of  the  clergy  will  not 
serve  the  turn,  without  overtopping  ministerial  abilities.  I  did 
this,  also,  to  increase  their  knowledge,  and  to  make  religion 
pleasant  to  them,  by  a  daily  addition  to  their  former  light,  and 
to  draw  them  on  with  desire  and  delight.  But  these  tilings 
which  they  did  not  know  before,  were  not  unprofitable  contro- 
versies which  tended  not  to  edification,  or  novelties  in  doctrine 
contrary  to  the  universal  church:  but  either  such  points  as  tend- 
ed to  illustrate  the  great  doctrines  before  mentioned,  or  usually 
about  the  right  methodizing  of  them.  The  opening  of  the  true 
and  profitable  method  of  the  creed  or  doctrine  of  faith;  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  or  matter  of  our  desires;  and  the  ten  command- 
ments, or  the  law  of  practice. 

"Another  thing  that  helped  me,  was,  my  not  meddling  with 
tithes  or  worldly  business,  whereby  I  had  my  whole  time,  except 
what  sickness  deprived  me  of,  for  my  duty,  and  my  mind  more 
free  from  entanglements  than  else  it  would  have  been;  and,  also, 
I.  escaped  the  offending  of  the  people,  and  contending  by  any 
law-suits  with  them.  Three  or  four  of  my  neighbors  managed 
all  those  kind  of  businesses,  of  whom  I  never  took  account;  and 
if  any  one  refused  to  pay  his  tithes,  if  he  was  poor,  I  ordered 
them  to  forgive  it  him.  After  that,  I  was  constrained  to  let  the 
tithes  be  gathered,  as  by  my  title,  to  save  the  gatherers  from 
law-suits.  But  if  the  parties  were  able,  I  ordered  them  to  seek 
it  by  the  magistrate,  with  the  damage,  and  give  bodi  my  part 
and  the  damages  to  the  poor;  for  I  resolved  to  have  none  of  it 
myself  that  was  recovered  by  law,  and  yet  I  could  not  tolerate 
the  sacrilege  and  fraud  of  covetous  men.  When  they  knew 
that  this  was  the  rule  I  went  by,  none  of  them  that  were  able 
would  do  the  poor  so  great  a  kindness  as  to  deny  the  payment 
of  their  tithes.  In  my  own  family,  I  had  the  help  of  ray  father 
and  stepmother,  and  the  benefit  of  a  godly,  understanding,  faith- 
ful servant,  an  ancient  woman,  near  sixty  years'  old,  who  eased 
me  of  all  care,  and  laid  out  all  m}^  money  for  housekeeping;  so 
that  I  never  had  one  hour's  trouble  about  it,  nor  ever  took  one 
day's  account  of  her  for  fourteen  years  together,  as  being  cer- 
tain of  her  fidelity,  providence,  and  skill. 

"Finally,  it  much  furthered  my  success,  that  I  staid  still  in 
this  one  place,  near  two  years  before  the  wars,  and  above  four- 
teen years  after;  for  he  diat  removeth  oft  from  place  to  place, 
may  sow  good  seed  in  many  places,  but  is  not  likely  to  see 
much  fruit  in  any,  unless  some  other  skilful  hand  shall  follow 
him  to  water  it.    It  was  a  great  advantage  to*hie  to  have  almost 


OF   KtCIIAUI)  ItAXTKIl. 


121 


all  the  religious  people  of  the  place,  of  my  own  iiistriicliiig  and 
informing;  and  that  they  were  not  formed  into  erroneous  and 
factious  principles  before;  and  that  I  staid  to  see  them  grow  up 
to  some  conlirmedness  and  maturity. 

"Oin-  successes  were  enlarged  beyond  our  own  congregations, 
by  the  lectures  kept  up  round  about.  To  divers  of  them  1  went 
as  oft  as  I  was  able;  and  the  neighboring  ministers,  oftener  than 
I;  especially  Mr.  Oasland,  of  Bewdley,  who,  having  a  strong 
body,  a  zealous  spirit,  and  an  earnest  utterance,  went  up  and 
down  preaching  from  place  to  place,  with  great  acce[)tance  and 
success.  But  this  business,  also,  we  contrived  to  be  universally 
and  orderly  managed.  For,  beside  the  fixed  lectures  set  up  on 
week  days,  in  several  places,  we  studied  how  to  have  them 
extend  to  every  place  in  the  county  that  had  need.  For  when 
the  parliament  purged  the  ministry,  they  cast  out  the  grosser 
sort  of  insufficient  and  scandalous  ones,  such  as  gross  drunkards 
and  the  like;  and  also  some  few  civil  men  that  had  assisted  in 
the  wars  against  the  parliament,  or  set  up  bowing  to  altars,  or 
such  innovations;  but  they  had  left  in  nearly  one  half  the  minis- 
ters, that  were  not  good  enough  to  do  much  service,  or  bad 
enough  to  be  cast  out  as  utterly  intolerable.  There  were  many 
poor,  weak  preachers  who  had  no  great  skill  in  divinity,  or  zeal 
for  godliness;  but  preached  weakly  that  which  is  true,  and  lived 
in  no  gross,  notorious  sin.  These  men  were  not  cast  out,  but 
yet  their  people  greatly  needed  help;  for  their  dark,  sleepy 
preaching  did  but  little  good.  We,  therefore,  resolved  that  some 
of  the  abler  ministers  should  often  voluntarily  help  them;  but  all 
the  care  was  how  to  do  it  without  offending  them. 

"It  fell  out  seasonably  that  the  Londoners  of  that  county,  at 
their  yearly  feast,  collected  about  thirty  pounds,  and  sent  it  me 
by  that  worthy  man,  Mr.  Thomas  Stanley,  of  Bread-street,  to 
set  up  a  lecture  for  that  year.  We,  therefore,  covered  all  our 
designs  under  the  name  of  the  Londoners'  Lecture,  which  took 
off  the  offence.  We  chose  four  worthy  men,  Mr.  Andrew  Tris- 
tram, Mr.  Henry  Oasland,  Mr.  Thomas  Baldwin,  and  Mr. 
Joseph  Treble,  who  undertook  to  go,  each  man  his  day,  once  a 
month,  which  was  every  Lord's  day  among  the  foiu',  and  to 
preach  at  those  places  which  had  most  need  twice  on  the  Lord's 
day.  To  avoid  all  ill  consequences  and  offence,  they  were 
sometimes  to  go  to  abler  men's  congregations;  and  wherever 
ihey  came,  to  say  something  always  to  draw  the  people  to  the 
honor  and  special  regard  of  their  own  pastors,  that,  how  weak 
soever  they  were,  they  might  see  that  we  came  not  to  draw  away 
the  people's  hearts  from  them,  but  to  strengthen  their  hands, 
and  help  them  in  their  work. 

"This  lecture  did  a  great  deal  of  good;  and  though  the  Lon- 
doners gave  their  money  but  that  one  year,  when  it  was  once 

VOL.   I.  16 


122 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


set  on  foot,  we  continued  it  voluntarily,  till  the  ministers  were 
turned  out  and  all  these  works  went  down  together. 

"So  much  of  the  way  and  helps  of  those  successes,  which  1 
mention,  because  many  have  inquired  after  them,  as  willing,  with 
their  own  flocks,  to  take  that  course  which  other  men  have  by 
experience  found  to  be  effectual.'"' 

I  have  thus  given  an  abridged  but  faithful  statement  of  Bax- 
ter's labors  and  success,  during  the  most  important  period  of  his 
public  ministry,  and  of  the  principal  means  which  promoted  that 
success.  In  few  instances  have  the  ministers  of  Christ  been 
honored  to  be  so  extensively  useful  to  the  souls  of  their  hearers; 
and  where  eminent  success  has  occurred  we  have  not  always 
been  sufficiently  informed  of  the  means  by  which  it  has  been 
promoted.  The  secret  of  his  success,  Baxter  has  disclosed  to 
us  in  the  most  faithful  and  interesting  manner.  While  we  admire 
the  grace  of  God  which  so  abundantly  rested  upon  his  labors, 
we  cannot  but  notice  at  the  same  time,  the  extraordinary  suita- 
bleness and  adaptation,  both  of  the  instrument  himself,  and  of 
the  means  which  he  employed  in  the  work  he  was  honored  to 
accomplish.  To  a  few  points  in  the  preceding  statement,  I 
hope  I  shall  be  forgiven  for  turning  the  attention  of  the  Christian 
minister. 

Abstracting  all  the  temporary  and  local  circumstances  to 
which  Baxter  adverts  as  favorable  to  his  success,  the  simplicity 
and  intense  ardor  of  his  preaching  demand  our  notice.  It  was 
admirably  adapted  to  instruct  the  ignorant,  to  rouse  the  careless, 
and  to  build  up  the  faithful.  He  sought  out  acceptable  words, 
but  he  had  neither  time  nor  taste  for  making  what  are  called 
fine  sermons:  he  studied  point,  not  brilliancy.  His  object  was 
not  to  dazzle,  but  to  convince;  not  to  excite  admiration  of  him- 
self, but  to  procure  the  reception  of  his  message.  He  never 
aimed  at  drawing  attention  to  the  preacher,  but  always  at  fixing 
it  at  home,  or  guiding  it  to  Christ.  He  never  "courted  a  grin," 
when  he  might  have  "wooed  a  soul;"  or  played  with  the  fancy, 
when  he  should  have  been  dissecting  the  heart.  His  subjects 
were  always  the  most  important  which  can  engage  the  attention 
of  man, — the  creed,  the  commandments,  and  the  Lord's  prayer; 
or,  according  to  his  own  simple  definition  of  them — the  things 
to  be  believed,  the  things  to  be  done,  and  the  things  to  be  de- 
sired. These  were  the  leading,  indeed,  the  only  topics  of  his 
ministry.  Into  these  he  entered  with  all  the  intense  ardor  of  his 
acute  and  deeply  impressible  mind.  He  never  spoke  like  a 
man  who  was  indifferent  whether  his  audience  felt  what  he  said, 
or  considered  him  in  earnest  on  the  subject.  His  eye,  his  action, 
his  every  word,  were  expressive  of  deep  and  impassioned  earn- 

(h)  Lifp,part  i.,  pp.  f33— %. 


OP    IIICHARD  UAXTEH. 


123 


estness,  that  his  hearers  might  be  saved.  His  was  eloquence  of 
the  highest  order;  not  the  eloquence  of  nicely-selected  words 
— or  the  felicitous  combination  of  terms  and  ])hrascs — or  the 
music  of  ex(iuisitoiy-halanced  periods,  (though  these  properties 
are  frequently  to  be  found  in  Baxter's  discourses:)  but  die  elo- 
quence of  the  most  important  truths,  vividly  apprehended,  and 
energetically  delivered.  It  was  the  eloquence  of  a  soul  burning 
with  ardent  devotion  to  God,  and  inspired  widi  the  deepest 
compassion  for  men;  on  whom  the  powers  of  the  worlds  of  dark- 
ness, and  of  light,  exercised  their  mighty  influence;  and  spoke 
through  his  utterances,  all  that  was  tremendous  in  warning,  and 
all  diat  was  delightful  in  invitation  and  love.  He  was  conde- 
scending to  the  ignorant,  faithful  to  the  self-rigliteous  and  care- 
less, tender  to  the  timid  and  afflicted;  in  a  word,  as  a  preacher, 
he  became  all  diings  to  all  men,  if  by  any  means  he  might  save 
some.    It  was  impossible  diat  such  a  man  should  labor  in  vain. 

Another  thing  which  strikes  us  in  the  ministerial  conduct  of 
Baxter,  was  his  careful  avoidance  of  everything  which  nught 
prejudice  his  hearers  against  him,  and  his  diligent  cultivation  of 
whatever  was  likely  to  gain  their  favor,  or  secure  dieir  impartial 
attention.  No  one  could  be  less  of  a  man-pleaser  than  he  was; 
for,  apart  from  promoting  the  object  of  his  ministry,  he  was  re- 
gardless of  human  frown  or  favor.  But  he  considered  nothing 
unimportant,  which  either  stood  in  the  way  of  his  success,  or 
was  likely  to  promote  it.  His  conduct,  in  regard  to  his  tithes; 
his  remaining  unmarried;  his  practising  physic;  his  liberality  to 
the  poor;  his  distribution  of  books,  &c.,  were  all  intended  to  be 
subservient  to  his  great  work.  The  gaining  of  souls  to  Christ 
was  the  only  object  for  which  he  lived.  Hence,  amidst  the 
seeming  variety  of  his  pursuits  and  engagements,  there  was  a 
perfect  harmony  of  design.  His  ruling  and  controlling  princi- 
ple, was  the  love  of  his  Master,  producing  the  desire  of  a  full 
and  faithful  discharge  of  his  duty  as  his  approved  minister. 
This  was  the  centre  around  which  every  thing  moved,  and  by 
which  every  thing  in  his  circumstances  and  character  was  at- 
tracted or  repelled.  This  gave  unity  to  all  his  plans,  and  con- 
stituted the  moral  force  of  all  his  actions.  It  gave  enlightened 
energy  to  his  zeal,  exquisite  tenderness  to  his  persuasions, 
warmth  and  fervency  to  his  admonitions.  It  poured  over  all  his 
public  and  private  ministrations  that  holy  unction,  which  diffused 
its  fragrance,  spreading  its  bland  and  refreshing  influences  all 
around. 

A  third  point  worthy  of  observation  in  his  ministry,  is,  that  it 
was  not  limited  to  the  pulpit,  or  considered  as  discharged  in  the 
parlor.  The  blow  which  he  aimed  at  the  mass  in  public,  was 
followed  by  successive  strokes  addressed  to  the  individuals  in 
private.    The  congregation  w'as  not  permitted  to  forget,  during 


124 


THE   \AVK   ANIl  TIMES 


the  week,  what  they  had  been  taught  on  the  sabbath.  The  man 
who  would  have  been  lost  in  the  crowd,  or  who  might  have 
sheltered  himself  under  tlie  exceptions  which  belong  to  a  general 
address,  was  singled  out,  convicted,  and  shut  up  to  the  faith,  or 
left  to  bear  the  stings  of  an  instructed  and  alarmed  conscience. 
The  young  were  interested,  and  led  on;  the  wavering  were  ad- 
monished, and  established;  the  strong  were  taught  to  minister 
to  the  weak;  and  the  prayers  of  many  a  holy  band,  at  once, 
strengthened  the  hands  of  their  minister,  and  "girded  each  other 
for  the  race  divine."  This  was  truly  making  full  proof  of  his 
ministry,  and  promoting  in  his  congregation  the  grand  objects 
and  aims  of  the  fellowship  of  Christianity. 

When  we  thus  connect  the  public  talents,  and  private  charac- 
ter of  Baxter;  the  energy  and  point  of  his  pulpit  addresses  with 
the  assiduousness,  the  perseverance,  and  the  variety,  of  his  other 
labors;  his  devotion  to  God,  his  disinterested  love  to  men;  what 
he  was  as  a  pastor,  with  all  that  he  was  as  a  preacher;  we  cease 
to  wonder  at  the  effects  which  he  produced.  No  place  could 
long  resist  such  a  train  and  style  of  aggression.  All  people 
must  feel  the  force  of  such  a  moral  warfare  as  that  which  he 
waged.  There  are  few  individuals,  who  could  escape  without 
being  wounded,  or  conquered,  by  such  an  assailant.  In  compar- 
ison with  him,  how  few  are  there  even  among  the  faithful  minis- 
ters of  Christ,  who  can  think  of  themselves,  or  their  labors  with 
satisfaction!  Yet,  was  there  nothing  in  Baxter,  but  what  the 
grace  and  power  of  God  can  do  for  others.  There  was  some- 
thing in  his  exertions,  almost  super-human;  yet  he  seemed  to 
accomplish  all  with  a  considerable  degree  of  ease  and  comfort  to 
himself.  He  never  seems  to  have  been  bustled,  but  he  was  al- 
ways busy;  and  thus  he  found  time  for  all  he  had  to  do,  while  he 
employed  that  time  in  the  most  profitable  manner.  We  have 
only  to  find  an  increase  of  such  ministers  in  the  church  of  Christ, 
and  who  will  employ  the  same  kind  of  means,  in  order  to  the 
accomplishment,  in  any  place,  of  effects  that  will  not  shrink  from 
a  compai  ison  with  Kidderminster  itself  in  all  its  glory. 

The  effects  of  Baxter's  labors,  in  Kidderminster,  were  lasting, 
as  well  as  extensive.  He  frequently  refers  to  his  beloved  flock, 
long  after  he  had  left  them,  in  terms  of  the  warmest  affection. 
Many  of  them  continued  to  adorn  the  doctrine  of  God,  their 
Saviour,  till  they  finished  their  mortal  course;  and,  doubtless, 
now  constitute  their  pastor's  crown  of  rejoicing  in  the  presence 
of  their  Redeemer.  Nor  did  the  effects  of  his  exertions  expire 
with  that  generation.  Mr.  Fawcett,  who  abridged  the  'Saint's 
Rest,'  in  1759,  says,  "that  the  rehgious  spirit  thus  happily  intro- 
duced by  Baxter,  is  yet  to  be  traced,  in  the  town  and  neighbor- 
^    hood  in  some  degree." '    He  represents  the  professors  of  that 

(i)  Prefaee. 


OF    RICIIAUn  HAXTKK. 


135 


place,  as  "possessing;  an  unusual  degree  of  candor,  and  friend- 
ship, for  each  other."  Thus  evincing,  "diat  Kidderminster  had 
not  totallj  lost  the  amiable  spirit  it  had  imbibed  more  than  a 
century  before."  ' 

When  the  Gospel  was  removed  from  the  Church,  it  was  car- 
ried to  the  Mooting;  though  at  wii;U  time  a  separate  congrega- 
tion was  regularly  ostablishod,  cannot  now  be  satisfactorily  ascer- 
tained. Baxter  was  not  friendly  to  an  entire  separation  from 
the  church,  and  carried  his  opposition  to  it  so  far,  as  seriously  to 
offend  some  of  his  old  congregation,  who  could  not  endure  the 
teaching  of  his  successors.  A  separation  accordingly  took  place, 
which  laid  the  foundation  of  a  large  dissenting  congregation. 

On  Baxter's  removal  from  Kidderminster,  he  recommended 
to  the  people  to  be  guided  by  Mr.  Serjeant,  then  minister  of 
Stone,  who  had  formerly  assisted  him;  and  Mr.  Thomas  Bald- 
win, who  had  acted  as  schoolmaster  in  Kidderminster,  and  was 
both  a  good  scholar  and  possessed  of  respectable  ministerial  qual- 
ifications. ]Mr.  Baldwin  was  minister  of  the  parish  of  Chaddesly 
till  the  Bartholomew  ejoctment:  he  then  removed  to  Kiddermin- 
ster, and  setdcd  with  the  Nonconformists  who  left  the  church. 
His  ministry  was  repeatedly  interrupted;  but  he  died  in  Kidder- 
minster, in  1693.  After  his  death,  Mr.  White,  the  vicar  of  the 
parish,  preached  and  published  his  funeral  sermon;  in  which  he 
speaks  in  the  highest  terms  of  his  piety,  his  talents,  and  his  mod- 
eration. He  was,  in  all  respects,  worthy  to  be  the  successor  of 
Baxter.  The  sermon  is  honorable  alike  to  the  preacher  and  to 
the  deceased.*^ 

He  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Francis  Spilsbury,  son  of  the  Rev. 
John  Spilsbury,  the  ejected  minister  of  Bromsgrove,  and  nephew 
to  Dr.  Hall,  IjJishop  of  Bristol.  He  was  ordained  in  the  year 
1693,  and  ^fter  a  useful  ministry  of  thirty-four  years,  died  in 
1727.  His  uncle,  the  Bishop,  who  was  also  Master  of  Pem- 
broke College,  Oxford,  and  Margaret  Professor,  used  to  visit 
him,  and  reside  in  his  family,  where  he  was  attended  by  his 
clergy,  while  his  nephew  preached  in  the  meeting.  He  was 
succeeded  by  the  Rev.  Matthew  Bradshaw,  who  married  his 
daughter.  He  was  a  man  of  similar  sentiments  and  spirit,  and 
labored  in  the  congregation  till  the  year  1745,  when  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Benjamin  Fawcett,  a  favorite  pupil  of  Dr.  Doddridge, 
and  who  abridged  several  of  Baxter's  works.  His  death  took 
place  in  1780.'  After  that  event  a  division  occurred,  which  led 
to  the  erection  of  another  meeting,  of  which  the  Rev.  Robert 

(j)  Dedication. 

(k)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  92;  Noncon.  Mem.  iii.  pp.  389,  390;  Wliite's  Sermon. 

(1)  Many  parlieulars  respecting  lliose  parties  may  he  seen  in  Mr.  Hanbury's  "En- 
larged Diary,  &,e..  of  Mr.  Joseph  Williams,  of  Kidderminster."  See  also,  "Orion's 
Letters  to  Dissenting  Ministers;"  in  the  second  volume  of  which  there  is  a  short  me- 
moir of  Mr.  Fawcett. 


126 


THE    LIFE   AND  TIMES 


Gentleman,  who  edited  Orton's  Exposition  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, became  tlie  first  minister. 

In  the  original  congregation,  Mr.  Barrett  became  the  succes- 
sor of  Fawcett;  he  was  a  man  of  respectable  talents.  He  was 
followed  by  Mr.  Steill,  now  of  Wigan,  in  Lancashire;  on  whose 
removal,  Mr.  Thomas  Helmore,  educated  at  Gosport,  was  or- 
dained to  the  pastoral  office  in  1810.  He  was  followed  by  Mr. 
Joseph  John  Freeman,  now  a  missionary  in  Madagascar;  whose 
place  has  been  supplied  by  Dr.  James  Ross,  formerly  a  mission- 
ary at  Karass,  in  Russian  Tartary.™ 


CHAPTER  VI.  1646—1660. 

The  Commonwealth — Cromwell's  treatment  of  his  Parliaments — The  Triers — Committee  of 
Fundamentals — Principles  on  which  Baxter  acted  towards  Cromwell — Preaches  hefore 
him— Interviews  with  him — Admission  of  the  Benefits  of  Cromwell's  Government- 
Character  of  Cromwell — Remarks  on  that  character — Richard's  Succession  and  Retire- 
ment— The  Restoration — Baxter  goes  to  London — Preaches  before  Parliament — Preaches 
before  the  Lord  Mayor — The  King's  Arrival  in  London — Reception  by  tlie  London  Min- 
isters— Notices  of  various  labors  of  Baxter  during  his  second  residence  in  Kidderminster — 
Numerous  works  written  during  this  period — Extensive  Correspondence — Concluding 
Observations. 

Having,  in  the  preceding  chapter,  given  a  full  view  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  Baxter  acted  in  his  ministerial  capacity,  during  the 
period  of  his  second  residence  in  Kidderminster,  comprehend- 
ing fourteen  years  of  th^  most  active  and  hitcresting  period  of  his 
life,  we  shall  now  collect  some  of  his  views  respecting  the  polit- 
ical events  and  characters  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  notice 
certain  parts  of  his  conduct  in  relation  to  the  parties  in  power. 

To  give  a  full  detail  of  the  rapidly-shifting  scenes  which  then 
passed  along  the  stage,  or  of  the  principles  and  conduct  of  all 
the  actors,  is  impracticable;  but  a  view  of  the  times  of  Baxter 
would  be  imperfect,  without  some  notice  of  them;  I  can  only 
make  a  selection,  and  that  selection  shall  be  chiefly  in  Baxter's 
own  words. 

His  former  connexion  with  the  army  of  the  Commonwealth, 
had  furnished  him  with  opportunities  of  knowing  the  characters 
of  not  a  few  of  the  leading  men,  in  many  respects  favorable  to 

(m)  The  pulpit  in  which  Baxter  preached  is  still  preserved.  About  forty  years 
ago  it  was  sold,  together  with  the  pewing  of  the  parish  church,  for  a  trifling  sum.  A 
gentleman,  anxious  to  preserve  it  from  destruction,  bought  it  from  the  first  purchaser 
for  five  pounds,  and  placed  it  in  the  vestry  of  the  new  meeting.  It  is  rather  a  hand- 
some production  of  its  kind.  It  is  of  an  octagon  form.  The  pannels  have  long 
carved  flowers  on  them,  which  are  painted  different  colors,  and  sonic  of  the  gilding 
still  remains.  There  is  a  large  sounding-board  surmounted  by  a  crown  upon  a  cush- 
ion. Around  the  top  is  inscribed,  "And  call  upon  his  name,  declare  his  works  among 
the  people."  (Psalm  cV.)  It  was  not  built  for  Baxter,  but  appears  to  have  been  tlie 
gift  of  Alice  Dawkx,  in  the  year  1621. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


127 


his  forming  a  correct  judgment  of  their  clinracters,  and  of  the 
priiiciplos  hy  which  they  were  actuated;  wiiile  liis  conscientious 
fidelity  led  him  to  speak,  hodi  to  diem  and  of  them,  so  plainly 
as  to  leave  no  ambiguity  whatever  as  to  die  eslimaUi  which  he 
formed. 

Every  thing  relative  to  Oliver  Cromwell  still  possesses  con- 
siderable interest;  and  as  Baxter  has  said  a  good  deal  respecting 
him,  it  would  be  unjustifiable  in  these  memoirs,  to  omit  the  sub- 
stance of  die  information  which  he  has  furnished.  The  follow- 
ing account  quite  harmonises  with  other  documents  vviiich  re- 
cord die  transactions  of  the  times.  Having  given  a  narrative  of 
the  final  defeat  of  the  royal  army,  of  the  flight  of  Charles  II.  to 
France,  and  of  die  policy  pursued  towards  Scodand,  he  thus  de- 
scribes the  measures  of  the  crafty  Protector,  in  the  treatment  of 
his  parliaments. 

"Cromwell  liaving  thus  far  seemed  to  be  a  servant  to  the  par- 
liament, and  to  work  for  his  masters,  the  Rump,  or  Common- 
wealth, did  next  begin  to  show  whom  he  served,  and  take  that 
impediment  also  out  of  the  way.  To  this  end,  he  first  did  by 
them  as  he  did  by  the  Presbyterians,  make  them  odious  by  hard 
speeches  against  them  throughout  his  army;  as  if  they  intended 
to  perpetuate  themselves,  and  would  not  be  accountable  for  the 
money  of  the  Commonwealth,  &lc.  He  also  treated  privately 
with  many  of  them,  to  appoint  a  time  when  they  would  dissolve 
themselves,  so  that  another  free  parliament  might  be  chosen. 
But  they  perceived  the  danger,  and  were  rather  for  filling  up 
their  number  by  new  elections,  which  he  was  utterly  against. 

"His  greatest  advantage  to  strengthen  himself  against  them 
by  the  sectaries,  was  their  owning  the  public  ministry  and  its 
maintenance;  for  though  Vane  and  his  party  set  themselves  to 
make  the  ministers  odious,  and  to  take  them  down  by  reproach- 
ful titles,  still  the  greater  part  of  the  House  did  carry  it  for  a 
sober  ministry  and  competent  maintenance.  When  the  Quakers 
and  others  openly  reproached  the  ministry,  and  the  soldiers 
favored  diem,  I  drew  uj)  a  petition  for  the  ministry,  got  many 
thousiind  hands  to  it  in  Worcestershire,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Foley 
and  Colonel  John  Bridges  presented  it.  The  House  gave  it  a 
kind  and  promising  answer,  which  increased  the  sectaries'  dis- 
pleasure against  the  House.  When  a  certain  Quaker  wrote  a 
reviling  censure  of  this  petition,  I  wrote  a  defence  of  it,  and 
caused  one  of  them  to  be  given  to  each  parliament-man  at  the 
door;  but  within  one  day  after  this,  they  were  dissolved.'  For 
Cromwell,  impatient  of  any  more  delay,  suddenly  took  Harrison 
and  some  soldiers  with  him,  as  if  God  had  impelled  him,  and, 

(1)  These  were  published  under  the  title  of  'Tlie  Worcestershire  Petition,"  and  the 
'Defence  of  it;'  an  account  of  which  will  lie  found  in  another  place. 


128 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


as  in  a  rapture,  went  into  the  House  and  reproved  the  members 
for  their  faults.  Pointing  to  Vane,  he  called  him  a  juggler;  and 
to  Henry  Martin,  called  him  a  whoremaster; and  having  two 
such  to  instance  in,  took  it  for  granted  that  they  were  all  unfit  to 
continue  in  the  government  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  out  he 
turned  them.  So  ended  the  government  of  the  Rump.  No 
sort  of  people  expressed  any  great  offence  that  they  were  cast 
out,  though  almost  all,  save  the  sectaries  and  the  army,  did  take 
him  to  be  a  traitor  who  did  it. 

"The  young  Commonwealth  being  already  headless,  you 
might  think  that  nothing  was  left  to  stand  between  Cromwell 
and  the  crown.  For  a  governor  there  must  be,  and  who  should 
be  thought  fitter?  But  yet  there  was  another  pageant  to  be 
played,  which  had  a  double  end:  first,  to  make  the  necessity  of 
his  government  undeniable:  and,  secondly,  to  put  his  own  sol- 
diers, at  last,  out  of  love  with  democracy;  or,  at  least,  to  make 
those  hateful  who  adhered  to  it.  A  parliament  must  be  called, 
but  the  ungodly  people  are  not  to  be  trusted  with  the  choice; 
therefore  the  soldiers,  as  more  rehgious,  must  be  the  choosers; 
and  two  out  of  a  county  are  chosen  by  the  officers,  upon  the 
advice  of  their  sectarian  friends  in  the  country.  This  was  called 
in  contempt,  the  Little  Parliament.^ 

"Harrison  became  the  head  of  the  sectaries,  and  Cromwell 
now  began  to  design  the  heading  of  a  soberer  party,  who  were 
for  learning  and  a  ministry;  but  yet  to  be  the  equal  protector  of 
all.  Hereupon,  in  the  little  sectarian  parliament,  it  was  put  to 
the  vote,  whether  all  the  parish  ministers  in  England  should  at 
once  be  put  down;  and  it  was  but  accidentally  carried  in  the 
negative  by  two  voices."    It  was  taken  for  granted  that  the 

(m)  A  very  curious  account  of  this  facetious,  but,  I  fear,  profligate  commoner,  is 

fiven  in  'Aubrey's  Miscellanies;'  vol.  ii.  pp.  4M— 437.  A  sarcasm  of  Charles  the 
irst,  upon  Martin,  is  there  alleged  to  have  cost  the  king  the  loss  of  the  county  of 
Berks.  Ho  was  one  of  the  king's  jurlges,  and  is  said  to  have  owed  his  life  to  the 
wit  of  Lord  Faulkland,  and  his  own  proHigac}'.  "Gentlemen,"  said  his  Lordship, 
"you  talk  of  making  a  sacrifice.  l?y  the  old  law,  all  sacrifices  were  required  to  be 
without  spot  or  blemish;  and  now  you  are  going  to  make  this  old  rotten  rascal  a 
sacrifice!"    'I'he  joke  took,  and  saved  Henry's  life. 

(n)  One  of  the  best  and  fullest  views  which  we  have  of  Cromwell's  parliaments 
has  been  recently  published  in  'Burton's  Diary,'  edited  by  Mr.  Towill  Run.  It  shows 
us  more  of  the  working  of  the  Proiector's  system  than  any  fornirr  publication  had 
done.  Certainly,  some  of  the  members  were  not  the  best  q'lohfied  of  all  men  to  be 
legislators,  if  we  may  judge  from  many  of  their  0[)inions  and  expressions,  as  they 
here  appear.  They  meddled  with  various  matters,  which  they  had  much  better  have 
let  alone;  though  it  is  clear  that  even  Old  Noll,  widi  all  his  power  and  sternness, 
could  not  make  them  do  what  he  pleased.  Scoliell's  acts  of  these  parliaments 
shows,  however,  that  some  of  their  enactments  were  both  wise  and  salutarj'. 

(o)  This  statement  is  incorrect;  no  such  question  as  the  abolition  of  the  ministry 
having  been  discussed  in  that  parliament.  ''On  the  150i  of  July,  lCo3,  the  question 
was  proposed  whether  the  inaintnutnce  of  imnistirs  l»j  lithes  i,\\on\i:\  be  continued  after 
the  third  day  of  November  next:  and  the  question  being  put,  that  that  question  be 
now  put,  it  passed  in  the  negative.  The  noes  tiS,  yeas  A^.'' — Journals  of  the  House 
of  Commom-.  This,  I  have  no  <loubt,  is  the  affair  to  which  Baxter  refers.  The 
reader  will  easily  distinguish  between  the  abolition  of  tithes,  and  the  abolition  of  the 


or    KRHAIU)  UAKTLK. 


129 


tithes  and  universities  would,  at  the  next  opportunity,  be  voted 
down;  and  so  Cromwell  must  be  their  savior,  or  they  must 
perisli;  when  he  had  purposely  cast  them  into  the  pit,  that  they 
might  be  beholden  to  him  to  pull  them  out.  But  his  game  was 
so  grossly  played,  that  it  made  him  the  more  loathed  by  men 
of  understanding  and  sincerity.  So  Sir  Charles  Wolsley,  and 
some  others,  took  their  time,  and  put  it  to  the  vote,  whether  the 
House,  as  incapable  of  serving  the  Commonwealth,  should  go 
and  deliver  up  their  power  to  Cromwell,  from  whom  they  had 
received  it;  which  was  carried  in  the  affirmative.  So  away  diey 
went,  and  solemnly  resigned  their  power  to  him;  and  now,  who 
but  Cromwell  and  his  army?'' 

"The  intelligent  sort,  by  this  time,  did  fully  see  that  Crom- 
well's design  was,  by  causing  and  permitting  destruction  to  hang 
over  us,  to  necessitate  the  nation,  whether  it  would  or  not,  to 
take  him  for  its  governor,  that  he  might  be  its  protector.  Being 
resolved  that  we  should  be  saved  by  him  or  perish,  he  made 
more  use  of  the  wild-headed  sectaries  than  barely  to  fight  for 
him.  They  now  served  him  as  much  by  their  heresies,  their 
enmity  to  learning  and  the  ministry,  and  their  pernicious  de- 
mands which  tended  to  confusion,  as  they  had  done  before  by 
their  valor  in  the  field.  He  could  now  conjure  up  at  pleasure 
some  terrible  apparition  of  agitators,  levellers,  or  such-like,  who, 
as  they  aftrighted  the  king  from  Hampton  Court,  affi  ighted  the 
people  to  fly  to  him  for  refuge;  that  the  hand  that  Avounded 
them,  might  heal  them.  Now  he  exclaimed  against  the  gid- 
diness of  these  unruly  men,  and  earnestly  pleaded  for  order  and 
government,  and  must  needs  become  the  patron  of  the  ministry; 

ministry.  Tiie  following  extract  from  a  report  of  the  conimiltee  on  titlies,  appointed 
by  this  parliament,  will  bliow  wlial  were  the  real  sentiments  entertained  by  them  ou 
that  subject.  I  am  much  deceived  if  they  will  not  be  thought  enlightened  even  at 
the  present  time.  ''Resolved,  tlial  it  be  presented  to  the  Parliament  that  all  such  as 
are  or  shall  be  approved  for  public  preachers  of  the  Gospel  in  the  public  meeting 
places,  shall  have  and  enjoy  the  maintenance  already  settled  by  law;  and  such  other 
encouragement  as  the  Parliament  hath  already  appointed,  or  hereafter  shall  appoint; 
and  that  where  any  scruple  paymeni  of  tithes,  the  three  next  justices  of  the  peace, 
or  two  of  them,  shall  upon  complaint  call  the  parlies  before  them;  and,  b)-  the  oaths  of 
lawful  witnesses,  shall  duly  apportion  the  value  of  the  said  tithes,  to  be  paid  either  in 
money  or  land  by  them,  to  be  set  out  according  to  the  said  value,  to  be  held  and  en- 
joyed by  him  that  was  to  have  had  the  said  tithes:  and  incase  such  apportioned  value 
be  not  duly  paid, or  enjoyed  according  to  the  orderof  the  said  justices,  the  tithes  shall 
be  paid  in  kind,  and  shall  he  recovered  in  any  court  of  record.  Upon  hearing  and 
considering  what  hath  been  offered  to  this  committee  touching  propriety  in  tithes  of 
incumbents,  rectors,  possessors  of  donatives,  or  propriate  tithes,  it  is  the  opinion  of 
this  committee,  and  resolved  to  be  reported  so  to  the  Parliament,  the  said  persons 
have  a  legal  propriety  in  tithes." — Journal,  Dec.  "Z,  1653.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
the  parliament  ever  intended  to  put  down  the  universities,  or  to  alienate  the  lands 
which  beloogeil  to  them,  from  the  purpose  to  which  they  were  originally  destined. 

(p)  Cromwell,  in  his  opening  speech  at  the  meeting  of  the  ensuing  parliament, 
solemnly  declared  that  he  knew  nothing  of  this  act  of  dissolution,  till  the  speaker  and 
the  members  came  and  put  it  into  his  hands.  It  is  strange  if  he  was  ignorant  of  it, 
and  equally  strange,  if  he  had  a  hand  in  it,  that  he  should  in  public  declare  his  ignor- 
ance.— Harris's  Life  of  Cromwdl,  p.  334. 

VOL.  I.  17 


130 


THE   LIFE    AND  TIMES 


yet,  SO  as  to  secure  all  others  their  liberty."  So  much  for  the 
address  and  policy  of  this  extraordinary  man. 

One  great  object  of  Cromwell's  government  was  the  purifica- 
tion of  the  ministry.  For  this  purpose,  after  the  Westminster 
Assembly  was  dissolved,  he  appointed  a  body  of  Triers,  consist- 
ing, partly  of  ministers,  partly  of  laymen,  who  examined  all  who 
were  able  to  come  to  London;  but  other  cases  they  referred  to 
a  committee  of  ministers  in  the  counties  in  which  they  lived. 
As  strange  accounts  have  been  given  of  this  body,  and  as  Baxter 
himself  disapproved  of  their  constitution  and  proceedings,  it  may 
be  well  to  hear  his  account  of  them. 

"Because  this  assembly  of  Triers  is  most  heartily  accused, 
and  reproached  by  some  men,  I  shall  speak  the  truth  of  them, 
and,  I  suppose,  my  word  will  be  rather  taken,  because  most  of 
them  took  me  for  one  of  their  boldest  adversaries,  as  to  their 
opinions,  and  because  I  was  known  to  disown  their  power:  inso- 
much, that  I  refused  to  try  any  under  them  upon  their  reference, 
except  very  few,  whose  importunity  and  necessity  moved  me, 
they  being  such,  as  for  their  episcopal  judgment,  or  some  such 
cause,  the  Triers  were  likely  to  have  rejected.  The  truth  is, 
that  though  their  authority  was  mild,  and  though  some  few  who 
were  over-busy,  and  over-rigid  Independents  among  them,  were 
too  severe  against  all  that  were  Arminians,  and  too  particular  in 
inquiring  after  evidences  of  sanctification  in  those  whom  they 
examined,  and  somewhat  too  lax  in  their  admission  of  unlearned 
and  erroneous  men,  who  favored  Antinomianism  or  Anabaptism; 
yet  to  give  them  their  due,  they  did  abundance  of  good  to  the 
church.  They  saved  many  a  congregation  from  ignorant,  un- 
godly, drunken  teachers;  that  sort  of  men,  who  intended  no 
more  in  the  ministry,  than  to  say  a  sermon,  as  readers  say  their 
common  prayers,  and  to  patch  up  a  few  good  words  together,  to 
talk  the  people  asleep  on  Sunday,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  week 
go  with  them  to  the  alehouse,  and  harden  them  in  their  sin:  and 
that  sort  of  ministers,  who  either  preached  against  a  holy  life,  or 
preached  as  men  that  never  were  acquainted  with  it.  All  those 
who  used  the  ministry  but  as  a  common  trade  to  live  by,  and 
were  never  likely  to  convert  a  soul,  they  usually  rejected,  and, 
in  their  stead  they  admitted  persons  of  any  denomination  who 
were  able,  serious,  preachers,  and  lived  a  godly  life.  So  that 
though  many  of  them  were  somewhat  partial  to  the  Independ- 
ents, Separatists,  Fifth-Monarchy  men,  and  Anabaptists,  and 
against  the  Prelatists  and  Arminians,  so  great  was  the  benefit 
above  the  hurt  which  they  brought  to  the  church,  that  many 
thousands  of  souls  blessed  God  for  the  faithful  ministers  whom 
they  let  in,  and  grieved  when  the  Prelatists  afterwards  cast  them 
out  again."'' 


(q)  Life,  pari  i.  pp.  fi9 — 71. 


(r)  Life,  part  i.  p.  72. 


or  RICHARD  UAXTK.R. 


131 


Whatever  objections  of  a  technical  nature  might  be  brought 
against  Cromwell's  Triers,  after  this  impartial  testimony  to  the 
general  character  of  their  proceedings,  no  person  acquainted 
with  tiie  principles  of  the  Gospel,  and  with  what  ought  to  con- 
stitute the  character  of  its  ministers,  will  object  to  the  ejection 
of  openly  ignorant  and  ungodly  teachers,  and  the  substitution  in 
their  place  of  those  who  feared  God,  and  were  likely  to  care 
for  the  souls  of  men.  It  is  evident,  the  Tiiers  were  not  mere 
partisans,  as  they  neither  ejected  men  on  account  of  their  sen- 
timents respecting  church  government,  nor  supplied  their  places 
by  persons  of  one  profession.  They  may  have  caused  occa- 
sional hardship  and  suffering,  but  it  seems  very  clear  from  Bax- 
ter, that  they  were  guided  by  sound  principles,  and  prosecuted 
through  good  report  and  through  bad  report,  the  best  interests 
of  religion. 

Reference  to  the  Triers  leads  me  to  notice  Baxter's  connec- 
tion with  the  committee  appointed  to  digest  and  report  respect- 
ing the  fundamentals  of  religion,  as  the  basis  of  a  system  of 
toleration,  or  religious  liberty,  to  be  adopted  by  the  Parliament 
of  the  Commonwealth.  He  has  given  a  long  and  curious 
account  of  the  proceedings  of  this  committee,  and  of  his  own 
conduct  in  it,  the  substance  of  which  I  have  given  in  another 
place.*  Baxter  was  appointed  one  of  them  by  Lord  Broghill, 
at  the  suggestion  of  Archbishop  Usher.  He  came  late,  and 
after  certain  points  had  been  determined,  which  they  refused  to 
alter.  His  interference,  however,  probably  checked  their  })ro- 
ceedings,  and  contributed  to  defeat  the  object  which  some  of 
them  had  in  view.  Not  that  he  understood  religious  liberty  bet- 
ter than  the  others,  but  he  excelled  them  all  in  finding  out  ob- 
jections to  whatever  was  proposed;  though  his  own  scheme 
would  not  have  greatly  improved  what  was  determined  by  the 
majority.  The  most  important  result  of  this  meeting  to  Bax- 
ter, was  its  being  the  means  of  introducing  him  to  Archbishop 
Usher,  with  whom  he  appears  to  have  had  much  friendly  inter- 
course, and  with  whose  views  of  church  government  he  nearly 
agreed.  Usher  was  one  of  the  most  amiable  of  men,  and  the 
most  moderate  of  bishops;  whose  enlightened  sentiments  and 
suggestions,  had  they  been  attended  to,  would  have  preserved 
the  country  from  many  of  the  evils  which  befel  it. 

The  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  country,  and  the  political 
management  of  Cromwell,  naturally  induced  a  great  diversity 
of  opinion  among  religious  people,  as  to  the  nature  and  extent 
of  the  submission  which  they  were  called  to  render  to  the  ex- 
isting government.  Some,  regarding  it  as  a  usurpation,  and  in- 
fluenced considerably  by  the  doctrine  of  divine  right,  opposed 


(t)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  197— 20G.    Owen's  Memoirs,  pp.  113— IIC, 


132 


THK   LIKE    AND  TIMES 


and  reviled  it.  Others  regarded  what  appeared  to  be  the 
arrangements  of  Providence,  as  the  will  of  God  that  they  should 
submit  to,  asking  no  questions  for  conscience'  sake.  A  third 
and  numerous  body,  in  theory  disputed  the  claims  of  Cromwell 
and  his  party,  but  in  practice  quietly  submitted  to  the  laws 
which  they  enacted.  Baxter  in  this,  as  in  many  other  matters, 
pursued  a  course  of  his  own. 

"I  did  seasonably  and  moderately,  by  preaching  and  printing, 
condemn  the  usurpation,  and  the  deceit  which  was  the  means 
to  bring  it  to  pass.  I  did  in  open  conference  declare  Cromwell 
and  his  adherents  to  be  guilty  of  treason  and  rebellion,  aggra- 
vated by  perfidiousness  and  hypocrisy."  But  yet  I  did  not 
think  it  my  duty  to  rave  against  him  in  the  pulpit,  or  to  do  this 
so  unseasonably  and  imprudently  as  might  irritate  him  to  mis- 
chief. And  the  rather  because,  as  he  kept  up  his  approbation 
of  a  godly  life  in  general,  and  of  all  that  was  good,  except  that 
which  the  interest  of  his  sinful  cause  engaged  him  to  be  against; 
so  I  perceived  that  it  was  his  design  to  do  good  in  the  main,  and 
to  promote  the  Gospel  and  the  interests  of  godliness,  more  than 
any  had  done  before  him;  except  in  those  particulars  which 
were  against  his  own  interest.  The  principal  means  that 
hence-forward  he  trusted  to  for  his  establishment,  was  doing 
good,  that  the  people  might  love  him,  or  at  least  be  willing  to 
have  his  government  for  that  good,  who  were  against  it  as  it  was 
usurpation.*  I  made  no  question  but  that  when  the  rightful  gov- 
ernor should  be  restored,  the  people  who  had  adhered  to  him, 
being  so  extremely  irritated,  would  cast  out  multitudes  of  the 
ministers,  and  undo  the  good  which  the  usurper  had  done,  be- 
cause he  did  it,  and  would  bring  abundance  of  calamity  upon 
the  land.  Some  men  thought  it  a  very  hard  question,  whether 
they  should  rather  wish  the  continuance  of  a  usurper  who  did 

(u)  Baxter  rhangcd  his  minfl  resperling  his  conduct  to  Cromwell  at  a  subsequent 
per-od.  In  his  'Penitent  Confessions,'  written  in  1691,  he  says;  "I  am  in  ^reat  doubt 
how  far  I  did  well  or  ill  in  my  opposition  to  Cromwell  and  his  army  at  last.  I  am 
satisfied  that  it  was  my  duty  to  disown,  and  as  I  said,  to  oppose  their  rebellion  and 
other  sins.  But  there  were  many  honest,  pious  men  among  them.  And  when  God 
chooseth  the  e.xecutioner  of  justice  as  he  pleaseth,  I  am  oft  in  doubt  whether  I  should 
not  have  been  more  passive  and  silent  than  I  was;  though  not  as  Jeremiah  to  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, to  persuade  men  lo  submit,  yet  to  have  Ibrborne  some  sharp  public 
preaching  and  writing  against  them, — when  they  set  themselves  too  late  to  promote 
piety  to  ingratiate  their  usurpation.  To  disturb  possessors  necdeth  a  clear  call,  when 
for  what  end  soever  they  do  tliat  good,  which  men  of  betler  title  will  destroy."  pp. 
24,  25.  From  a  letter  of  his  to  one  of  the  judges  among  his  MSS,  it  appears  he 
brought  himself  into  difficulty  by  preaching  against  Cromwell.  How  he  got  out  of  it, 
or  what  was  the  extent  of  his  danger,  does  not  clearly  appear.  Cromwell's  usual 
moderation  probably  induced  him  to  drop  proceedings. 

{v)  I  think  it  by  no  means  evident  that  Cromwell's  sole  motives  in  repressing  evil 
and  doing  good,  were  the  establishment  and  consolidation  of  his  own  power;  or  that 
he  stuck  at  nothing,  when  it  was  necessary  to  accomplish  his  own  interest.  That  he 
was  ambitious  in  the  latter  pari  of  his  life,  is  certain;  and  that  he  had  also  learnt  the 
royal  art  of  dissimulation,  is  undoubted:  but  that  there  was  a  great  preponderance  of 
good  in  his  character,  and  of  just  and  liberal  views  of  policy,  can  no  longer  be  mat- 
ter of  doubt  to  those  who  have  studied  his  history. 


OK  RICHARD  HAXTF.R. 


133 


good,  or  the  restitution  of  a  rightful  governor  whose  followers 
would  do  hurl.  For  my  part  I  thought  my  duty  was  clear,  to 
disown  the  usurper's  sin  what  good  soever  he  would  do;  and  to 
perform  all  my  engagements  to  a  rightful  governor,  leaving  the 
issue  of  all  to  God;  hut  yet  to  commend  the  good  which  a 
usurper  doth,  and  to  do  every  lawful  thing  which  might  provoke 
him  to  do  more;  and  to  approve  of  no  evil  which  is  done  by 
any,  whether  a  usurper  or  a  lawful  governor."  " 

With  Baxter,  to  hold  certain  sentiments,  and  to  act  upon 
them  in  the  face  of  every  danger  to  which  they  might  expose 
him,  were  the  same  thing.  The  following  anecdote  of  his 
personal  intercourse  with  Cromwell,  illustrates  the  preceding 
statement  and  the  character  of  Cromwell,  and  shows  how 
faithfully  he  acted  according  to  his  sentiments  and  convictions. 

"At  this  time  Lord  Broghill  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  ^ 
brought  me  to  preach  before  Cromwell,  the  protector;  which 
was  the  only  time  that  ever  I  preached  to  him,  save  once  long 
before,  when  he  was  an  inferior  man,  amongst  other  auditors. 
I  knew  not  which  way  to  provoke  him  better  to  his  duty  than  by 
preaching  on  1  Cor,  i.  10,  against  the  divisions  and  distrac- 
tions of  the  church,  and  showing  how  mischievous  a  thing  it  was 
for  politicians  to  maintain  such  divisions  for  their  own  ends,  that 
they  might  fish  in  troubled  waters,  and  keep  the  church  by  its 
divisions  in  a  state  of  weakness  lest  it  should  be  able  to  offend 
them;  and  showing  the  necessity  and  means  of  union.  My 
plainness  I  heard  was  displeasing  to  him  and  his  courtiers;  but 
they  put  it  up. 

"A  little  while  after,  Cromwell  sent  to  speak  with  me,  and 
when  I  came,  in  the  presence  of  only  three  of  his  chief  men,^ 

(x)  Life,  part  i.  p.  71. 

(y)  Robert  llioh,  the  second  Earl  of  Warwick,  was  at  an  early  period  of  his  life 
(lie  patron  and  friend  of  the  persecuted  Puritans.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the 
prosecution  of  Strafford  and  Laud;  and  was  made  by  the  Lonj^  Parliament,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  will  of  Charles,  admiral  of  the  fleet,  and  afterwards  lord  high  admiral  of 
England.  He  enjoyed  a  large  portion  of  the  confidence  of  Cromwell,  and  was  one 
of  the  few  old  nobility  who  sat  in  his  upper  house.  Clarendon  praises  his  "pleasant 
and  companionable  wit  and  conversation;"  and  speaks  of  ''his  great  authority  and 
credit  with  the  Puritans,"  which  he  represents  as  acquired  "by  making  his  house  the 
rendezvous  of  all  the  silenced  ministers,  and  spending  a  good  part  of  his  estate  upon 
them,  and  by  being  present  at  their  devotions,  and  making  himself  merry  with  them 
and  at  them,  which  they  dispensed  with."  He  intimates  that '  thus  he  became  the 
head  of  that  party,  and  got  the  style  of  a  godly  man;"  though  "he  was  of  universal 
jollity,  and  used  great  license  in  his  words  and  actions." — Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  210. 
This  I  believe  to  be  one  of  those  cases  in  which  Clarendon's  polities  completely  cor- 
rupted his  historical  integrity.  Dr.  Owen's  opinion  of  Warwick's  piety,  may  be  seen 
in  his  dedication  to  him  of  his  'Sains  Eleetorum,'  Owen's  Works,  v.  p.  207.  God- 
win's view  of  his  character  is  highly  advantageous  to  his  talents  and  respectability 
as  a  man,  and  conveys  no  impression  of  his  immorality,  which  is  strongly  implied  in 
Clarendon's  account,  Commonwealth,  i.  p.  192.  It  is  not  at  all  likely  ihat  a  profli- 
gate man  should  have  enjoyed  the  full  confidence  of  the  puritans.  His  grandson 
married  the  Protector's  favorite  daughter,  Lady  Frances.  He  died  before  Cromwell, 
in  1658,  and  his  funeral  sermon  was  preached  by  Calamy,  who  makes  honorable  men- 
tion of  his  religious  dispositions  and  habits. 

(z)  Lord  Broghill,  Lambert,  and  Thurlow,  were  the  individuals  present  on  this  oc- 
casion. Lambert  fell  asleep  during  Cromwell's  speech. — Baxter's  Penitent  Con- 
fessions,  p.  2-5. 


134 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


he  began  a  long  and  tedious  speech  to  me  of  God's  providence 
in  the  change  of  the  government,  and  how  God  had  owned  it, 
and  what  great  things  had  been  done  at  home  and  abroad,  in  the 
peace  with  Spain  and  Holland,  &ic.  When  he  had  wearied  us 
all  with  speaking  thus  slowly  about  an  hour,  I  told  him  it  was 
too  great  condescension  to  acquaint  me  so  fully  with  all  these 
matters,  which  were  above  me;  but  I  told  him  that  we  took  our 
ancient  monarchy  to  be  a  blessing,  and  not  an  evil  to  the  land; 
and  humbly  craved  his  patience  that  I  might  ask  him  how  Eng- 
land had  ever  forfeited  that  blessing,  and  unto  whom  that  forfeit- 
ure was  made?  I  was  fain  to  speak  of  the  form  of  government 
only,  for  it  had  lately  been  made  treason,  by  law,  to  speak  for 
the  person  of  the  king. 

"Upon  that  question,  he  was  awakened  into  some  passion,  and 
then  told  me  it  was  no  forfeiture,  but  God  had  changed  it  as 
pleased  him;  and  then  he  let  fly  at  the  parliament,  which  thwart- 
ed him;  and  especially  by  name  at  four  or  five  of  those  mem- 
bers who  were  my  chief  acquaintances,  whom  I  presumed  to  de- 
fend against  his  passion:  and  thus  four  or  five  hours  were  spent. 

"A  few  days  after  he  sent  for  me  again,  to  hear  my  judgment 
about  liberty  of  conscience,  which  he  pretended  to  be  most  zeal- 
ous for,  before  almost  all  his  privy  council;  where,  after  another 
slow  tedious  speech  of  his,  I  told  him  a  little  of  my  judgment. 
And  when  two  of  his  company  had  spun  out  a  great  deal  more  of 
the  time  in  such-like  tedious,  but  more  ignorant  speeches,  some 
four  or  five  hours  being  spent,  I  told  him,  that  if  he  would  be  at 
the  labor  to  read  it,  I  could  tell  him  more  of  my  mind  in  writing 
in  two  sheets,  than  in  that  way  of  speaking  in  many  days;  and 
that  I  had  a  paper  on  the  subject  by  me,  written  for  a  friend, 
which,  if  he  would  peruse,  and  allow  for  the  change  of  the  person, 
he  would  know  my  sense.  He  received  the  paper  afterwards, 
but  I  scarcely  believe  that  he  ever  read  it;  for  I  saw  that  what 
he  learned  must  be  from  himself;  being  more  disposed  to  speak 
many  hours,  than  to  hear  one;  and  little  heeding  what  another 
said,  when  he  had  spoken  himself." 

This  characteristic  account  of  Cromwell's  conversation  and 
speeches,  very  much  corresponds  with  the  accounts  given  by 
other  contemporaries,  bodi  friends  and  enemies.  It  was  natural 
for  such  a  man  to  attach  quite  as  much  importance  to  his  own 
opinions  as  to  those  of  his  friends;  and,  comparing  him  with  the 
generality  of  the  persons  by  whom  he  was  surrounded,  there 
were  certainly  very  few  more  capable  of  forming  an  enlightened 
opinion  than  himself.  It  is  probable  that  he  sent  for  Baxter  on 
the  present  occasion,  to  sound  him  about  his  own  views  and 
those  of  the  party  with  which  he  acted.    It  is  very  certain  he 


(a)  Life,  parti,  p.  205 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


135 


understood  the  doctrine  of  religious  liberty  imicli  better  than 
Baxter  did;  and  acted  upon  it  both  towards  Ej)iscoi)alians  and 
Presbyterians  in  a  different  way  from  what  tiioso  bodies  did 
when  in  possession  of  j)0wer. 

Whatever  personal  displeasure  Cromwell  might  have  felt  at 
the  conduct  and  plain  (healing  of  Baxter,  on  this  and  other  occa- 
sions, it  is  much  to  his  honor  that  he  had  greatness  of  mind 
enough  not  to  resent  it.  Had  Baxter  used  the  same  freedom 
with  the  royal  successors  of  Cromwell  which  he  used  with  him, 
he  would  most  probably  have  lost  his  head.  He  narrowly 
enough  escaped  as  it  was,  though  most  conscientious  in  respecting 
their  authority,  and  rendering  obedience  to  their  laws.  Baxter 
had  the  candor  to  acknowledge  how  much  the  country  was 
obliged  to  Oliver. 

"When  Cromwell  was  made  lord  protector,  he  had  the  pol- 
icy not  to  detect  and  exasperate  the  ministers  and  others  who 
consented  not  to  his  government.  Having  seen  what  a  stir  the 
engagement  had  before  made,  he  let  men  live  quietly  without 
putting  any  oaths  of  fidelity  upon  them,  except  members  of  his 
parliaments;  diese  he  would  not  allow  to  enter  the  House  till 
they  had  sworn  fidelity  to  him.  The  sectarian  party,  in  his  army 
and  elsewhere,  he  chiefly  trusted  to  and  pleased,  till,  by  the 
people's  submission  and  quietness,  he  thought  himself  well  set- 
tled; and  then  he  began  to  undermine  them,  and,  by  degrees,  to 
w^ork  them  out.  Though  he  had  so  often  spoken  for  the  Ana- 
baptists before,  he  now  found  them  so  heady,  and  so  much 
against  any  settled  government,  and  so  set  upon  the  promoting  of 
their  way  and  party,  that  he  not  only  began  to  blame  their  unru- 
liness,  but  also  to  design  to  settle  himself  in  the  people's  favor  by 
suppressing  them.  In  Ireland  they  were  grown  so  high,  that 
the  soldiers  were  many  of  them  re-baptised  as  the  way  to 
preferment;  and  those  who  opposed  them,  they  crushed  with 
much  uncharitable  fierceness.  To  suppress  these,  he  sent 
thither  his  son  Henry  Cromwell,  who  so  discoimtenanced  the 
Anabaptists,  as  yet  to  deal  civilly  with  them;  repressing  their  in- 
solencies,  but  not  abusing  them;  promoting  the  work  of  the 
Gospel,  and  setting  up  good  and  sober  ministers;  and  dealing 
civilly  with  the  Royalists,  and  obliging  all,  so  that  he  was  gener- 
ally beloved  and  well-spoken  of:  and  Major-General  Ludlow, 
who  headed  the  Anabaptists  in  Ireland,''  was  fain  to  draw  in  his 
head."' 

(b)  Ludlow  was  not  a  Baptist,  so  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  though  the  form  of  ex- 
pression employed  by  Baxter  might  lead  us  lo  suppose  it.  He  was  a  high-minded  re- 
publican soldier.  A  man  of  Roman  rather  than  Christian  virtue;  stern,  uncompro- 
mising, and  courageous;  who  haled  Cromwell  as  heartily  as  Charles;  and  would  as 
readily  have  sat  in  judgment  on  the  one  as  a  traitor,  as  he  passed  sentence  on  the 
other  as  a  tyrant.  lie  died,  after  an  exile  of  thirty  years,  in  Switzerland,  to  which  he 
retired  at  the  Restoration.  His  Memoirs  of  himself  possess  very  considerable  interest; 
but  their  accuracy  cannot  always  be  depen<led  on,  as  they  were  written  long  after 
many  of  the  events  which  they  describe. 

(c)  Life,  part  i.  p.  71. 


136 


TllK    LIVH   AND  Tl.MKy 


This  statement  reflects  great  honor  on  the  sagacity  and  dex- 
trous management  of  Cromwell.  He  was  surrounded  by  a  very 
strange  sort  of  people,  most  of  whom  thought  themselves  well 
qualified  to  govern  the  country,  and,  indeed,  to  rule  the  world. 
He  knew  that  great  mischief  would  result  from  pursuing  violent 
measures  against  such  persons;  and,  therefore,  like  a  skilful 
tactician,  he  gradually  deprived  them  of  power,  or  placed  them 
in  such  circumstances  that  they  could  do  litde  harm  to  them- 
selves or  to  others.  The  greatest  injury  that  could  have  been 
done  to  the  country,  would  have  been  to  place  his  own  power  in 
the  hands  of  any  of  the  dominant  factions.  Confusion  worse 
confounded  must  have  resulted  from  it.  This  appeared  as  soon 
as  the  Protector  was  removed.  Yet,  the  discrimination  and  wise 
policy  of  Cromwell  in  presiding  over  the  turbulent  elements  of 
the  Commonwealth,  are  thought  b}^  many  to  deserve  no  better 
names  than  cant,  dissimulation,  and  hypocrisy. 

To  narrate  the  various  transactions  of  a  civil  and  religious 
nature  which  belong  to  the  administration  of  Cromwell,  is  no 
part  of  the  design  of  this  work.  Enough  has  been  said  to  afford 
an  idea  of  the  state  of  things,  and  of  the  part  which  Baxter  act- 
ed under  it.  The  following  character  of  Cromwell  is  well  drawn, 
though  it  may  not  be  correct  in  every  particular. 

"1  come  now  to  the  end  of  Cromwell's  reign,  who  died  of  a 
fever  before  he  was  aware.  He  escaped  the  attempts  of  many, 
who  thought  to  have  despatched  him  sooner,  but  could  not  es- 
cape the  stroke  of  God  when  his  appointed  time  was  come. 

"Never  man  was  highlier  extolled,  and  never  man  was  base- 
Uer  reported  of,  and  reviled,  than  this  man.  No  mere  man  was 
better  and  worse  spoken  of  than  he,  according  as  men's  interests 
led  their  judgments.  The  soldiers  and  sectaries  most  highly 
magnified  him,  till  he  began  to  seek  the  crown  and  the  establish- 
ment of  his  family;  and  then  there  were  so  many  who  would  be 
half-kings  themselves,  that  a  king  did  seem  intolerable  to  them. 
The  Royalists  abhorred  him  as  a  most  perfidious  hypocrite;  and 
the  Presbyterians  thought  him  little  better,  in  his  management  of 
public  matters. 

"If,  after  so  many  others,  I  may  speak  my  opinion  of  him,  I 
think  that  having  been  a  prodigal  in  his  youth,  and  afterwards 
changed  to  a  zealous  rehgionist,  he  meant  honestly  in  the  main, 
and  was  pious  and  conscientious  in  the  chief  course  of  his  life, 
till  prosperity  and  success  corrupted  him.''  At  his  first  entrance 
into  the  wars,  being  but  a  captain  of  horse,  he  took  special  care 
to  get  religious  men  into  his  troop.  These  were  of  greater  un- 
derstanding than  common  soldiers,  and  therefore  were  mbre  ap- 

(d)  There  is  no  evidence  thai  Cromwell  was  a  proflij^ale  man  in  early  life;  and  to 
the  last  he  maintained  the  greatest  regard  for  justice,  morality,  and  the  public  inter- 
ests of  religion. 


(»K     KK'llAKI)  llAXTi:U. 


137 


preliensive  of  the  imporlance  and  coiiscqiieiicc  of  tlio  war;  and, 
making  not  money,  but  that  which  they  took  for  tlie  public  fe- 
licity, to  bo  their  end,  they  were  the  more  engaged  to  bo  valiant; 
for  he  that  maketh  money  his  end,  dotii  esteem  his  life  above 
his  pay,  and  therefore  is  likely  enongh  to  save  it  by  flight  when 
danger  comes,  if  possibly  he  can.  lint  he  that  maketh  the  fe- 
licity of  church  and  slate  his  end,  estcemcth  it  above  his  life, 
and  therefore  will  the  sooner  lay  down  his  life  for  it.  Men  of 
parts  and  understanding  know  how  to  manage  their  business. 
They  know  that  flying  is  the  surest  way  to  deatli,  and  that 
standing  to  it  is  the  likeliest  way  to  escape;  there  being  many 
diat  usually  fall  in  flight,  for  one  that  ialls  in  valiant  fighting. 

"These  things,  it  is  probable,  Cromwell  understood;  and  that 
none  could  be  engaged,  such  valiant  men  as  the  religious.  Yet, 
1  conjecture,  that,  at  his  first  choosing  such  men  into  his  troop, 
it  was  the  very  esteem  and  love  of  religious  men  that  principally 
moved  him;  and  the  avoiding  of  those  disorders,  mutinies,  plun- 
derings,  and  grievances  of  the  country,  which  debauched  men 
in  armies  are  commonly  guilty  of.  By  this  means  he  indeed 
sped  better  than  he  expected.  Aires,  Desborough,  Berry, 
Evanson,  and  the  rest  of  that  troop,  did  prove  so  valiant,  that,  as 
far  as  1  could  learn,  they  never  once  ran  away  before  an  enemy. 
Hereupon  he  got  a  commission  to  take  some  care  of  the  associ- 
ated counties,  where  he  formed  this  troop  into  a  double  regi- 
ment of  fourteen  troops;  and  all  these  as  full  of  religious  men  as 
he  could  get.  These  having  more  than  ordinary  wit  and  reso- 
lution, had  more  dian  ordinary  success;  first  in  Lincolnshire, 
and  afterwards  in  the  Earl  of  Manchester's  army  at  York  fight. 
With  their  successes,  the  hearts  both  of  captains  and  soldiers 
secretly  rose  both  in  pride  and  expectation:  and  tlie  familiarity 
of  many  honest,  erroneous  men,  as  Anabaptists,  Antinomians, 
&£C.  withal,  began  quickly  to  corrupt  their  judgments.  Here- 
upon Cromwell's  general  religious  zeal  gave  way  to  the  power 
of  that  ambition  which  increased  as  his  successes  increased. 
Both  piety  and  ambition  concurred  in  countenancing  all  whom 
he  thought  godly,  of  what  sect  soever;  piety  pleaded  for  them 
as  godly,  and  charity  as  men;  and  ambition  secredy  told  him 
what  use  he  might  make  of  them.  He  meant  well  in  all  this  at 
the  beginning,  and  thought  he  did  all  for  the  safety  of  the  godly, 
and  the  public  good;  but  not  without  an  eye  to  himself. 

"When  success  had  broken  down  all  considerable  opposition, 
he  was  then  in  the  face  of  his  strongest  temptations,  which 
conquered  him  when  he  had  conquered  others.  He  thought 
that  he  had  hitherto  done  well,  both  as  to  the  end  and  means; 
that  God,  by  the  wonderful  blessing  of  his  providence,  had 
owned  his  endeavors,  and  that  it  was  none  but  God  who  had 
made  him  great.    He  thought,  that  if  the  war  was  lawful,  the 

VOL.  I.  18 


138 


THK   LIFK     AND  TIMES 


victory  was  lawful;  and  that  if  it  were  lawful  to  fight  against 
the  king,  and  conquer  him,  it  was  lawful  to  use  him  as  a  con- 
quered enemy,  and  a  foolish  thing  to  trust  him  when  they  had 
so  provoked  him.  He  thought  that  the  heart  of  the  king  was 
deep,  that  he  had  resolved  upon  revenge,  and  that  if  he  were 
once  king,  he  would  easily,  at  one  time  or  other,  accomplish  it; 
that  it  was  a  dishonest  thing  of  the  parliament  to  set  men  to 
fight  for  them  against  the  king,  and  then  to  lay  their  heads  upon 
the  block,  and  be  at  his  mercy;  and  that  if  this  must  be  their 
case,  it  was  better  to  flatter  or  please  him  than  to  fight  against 
him.*^^ 

"He  saw  that  the  Scots  and  the  Presbyterians  in  the  parlia- 
ment, did,  by  the  covenant  and  the  oath  of  allegiance,  find  them- 
selves bound  to  the  person  and  family  of  the  king;  and  that  there 
was  no  hope  of  changing  their  minds  in  this.  Hereupon  he  join- 
ed with  that  party  in  the  parliament  who  were  for  the  cutting  off 
the  king  and  trusting  him  no  more;  and  consequently  he  joined 
with  them  in  raising  the  Independents  to  make  a  faction  in  the 
Synod  at  Westminster,  and  in  the  city;  in  strengthening  the  sec- 
taries in  the  army,  city,  and  country;  and  in  rendering  the  Scots 
and  ministers  as  odious  as  he  could,  to  disable  them  from  hinder- 
ing the  change  of  government.'" 

"In  the  doing  of  all  this,  which  distrust  and  ambition  per- 
suaded him  was  well  done,  he  thought  it  lawful  to  use  his  wits,  to 
choose  each  instrument  and  suit  each  means,  unto  its  end;  and 
accordingly  he  modelled  the  army,  and  disbanded  all  other  gar- 
risons, forces,  and  committees,  which  were  likely  to  have  hinder- 
ed his  design.  As  he  went  on,  diough  he  had  not  resolved  into 
what  form  the  new  Commonwealth  should  be  moulded,  he 
thought  it  but  reasonable  that  he  should  be  the  chief  person 
who  had  been  chief  in  their  deliverance;  for  the  lord  Fair- 
fax, he  knew,  had  but  the  name.  At  last,  as  he  thought  it 
lawful  to  cut  off  the  king,  because  he  thought  he  was  lawfully 
conquered,  so  he  thought  it  lawful  to  fight  against  the  Scots  that 
would  set  him  up,  and  to  pull  down  the  Presbyterian  major- 
ity in  the  parliament,  which  would  else,  by  restoring  the  king, 
undo  all  which  had  cost  them  so  much  blood  and  treasure.  He 
accordingly  conquered  Scodand,  and  pulled  down  the  parlia- 
ment: being  the  easier  persuaded  that  all  this  was  lawful,  because 
he  had  a  secret  bias  and  eye  towards  his  own  exaltation.  For  he 
and  his  officers  thought,  that  when  the  king  was  gone,  a  govern- 

(e)  The  conduct  of  Cliarles  fully  justified  this  view  of  his  character;  and  muclimore 
than  the  ambition  of  Croinwell  coiilribuled  to  his  unhappy  fate. 

(f )  What  is  here,  and  afterwards,  ascribed  entirely  to  Cromwell's  ambition,  more 
properly  belongs  to  the  desire  of  personal  preservation,  and  regard  for  the  safety  of 
the  country.  The  ruling  passion  of  Cromwell  was  zeal  for  what  he  regarded  as  the 
cause  of  GoA  and  his  country.  The  circumstances  made  the  man,  much  more  than 
the  man  the  circumstances. 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


139 


inent  there  must  be,  and  that  no  man  was  so  fit  for  it  as  he  him- 
self; yea,  they  thought  that  God  had  called  them  by  successes 
to  govern  and  take  care  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  of  the  inter- 
est of  all  his  people  in  the  land;  and  that  if  they  stood  by  and 
suffered  the  parliament  to  do  that  which  they  thought  was  dan- 
gerous, it  would  be  required  at  dieir  hands,  whom  they  thought 
God  had  made  the  guardians  of  the  land. 

"Having  thus  forced  his  conscience  to  justify  all  his  cause, 
cutting  off  the  king,  setting  up  himself  and  his  adherents,  putting 
down  the  parliament,  and  the  Scots;  he  thought  that  the  end 
being  good  and  necessary,  the  necessary  means  could  not  be  bad. 
He  accordingly  gave  his  interest  and  cause  leave  to  tell  him,  how 
far  sects  should  be  tolerated  and  commended,  and  how  far  not; 
how  far  the  ministry  should  be  owned  and  supported,  and  how 
far  not;  yea,  and  how  far  professions,  promises,  and  vows,  should 
be  kept  or  broken;  and  therefore  the  covenant  he  could  not  away 
with,  nor  the  ministers,  further  than  they  yielded  to  his  ends,  or 
did  not  openly  resist  them. 

"He  seemed  exceedingly  open-hearted,  by  a  familiar,  rustic, 
affected  carriage,  especially  to  his  soldiers,  in  sporting  with 
them;  but  he  thought  secrecy  a  virtue,  and  dissimulation  no 
vice;  and  simulation,  that  is,  in  plain  English,  a  lie,  or  perfidi- 
ousness,  to  be  a  tolerable  fault  in  a  case  of  necessity:  being  of 
the  same  opinion  with  the  lord  Bacon,  who  was  not  so  precise 
as  learned — 'that  the  best  composition  and  temperature  is  to 
have  openness  in  fame  and  opinion,  secrecy  in  habit,  dissimu- 
lation in  seasonable  use,  and  a  power  to  feign  if  there  be  no 
remedy.'  He  therefore  kept  fair  with  all,  saving  his  open  or 
irreconcilable  enemies.  He  carried  it  with  such  dissimulation, 
that  Anabaptists,  Independents,  and  Antinomians,  did  all  think 
he  was  one  of  them;  but  he  never  endeavored  to  persuade  the 
Presbyterians  that  he  was  one  of  them;  but  only  that  he  would 
do  them  justice,  and  preserve  them,  and  that  he  honored  their 
worth  and  piety:  for  he  knew  that  they  were  not  so  easily  de- 
ceived.In  a  word,  he  did  as  our  prelates  have  done,  begin 
low,  and  rise  higher  in  his  resolutions  as  his  condidon  rose. 
The  promises  which  he  made  in  his  lower  condition,  he  used  as 
the  interest  of  his  higher  following  condition  did  require,  and 
kept  up  as  much  honesty  and  godliness  in  the  main  as  his  cause 
and  interest  would  allow.  But  there  they  left  him,  and  his 
name  standeth  as  a  monitory  pillar  to  posterity,  to  tell  them  the 
instability  of  man  in  strong  temptations,  if  God  leave  him  to 
himself;  what  great  success  and  victories  can  do  to  lift  up  a 

(g)  Cromwell  could  not  profess  to  be  a  Presbyterian,  without  renouncing  tlie  lead- 
ing principle  of  his  life  and  government — religious  liberty.  It  was  not  the  difficulty 
of  deceiving  them,  therefore  (for  they  had  often  been  outw  itted  by  him,)  w  hich  kept 
him  aloof  from  them,  but  his  opposition  to  their  narrow  and  exclusive  spirit. 


140 


THE   LIFR   AND  TIMES 


mind  that  once  seemed  liumble:  what  pride  can  do  to  make 
men  selfish,  corrupt  the  judgment,  justify  the  greatest  errors  and 
sins,  and  set  against  the  clearest  truth  and  duty;  what  blood- 
shed and  enormities  of  life,  an  erring,  deluded  judgment  may 
execute.  An  erroneous  sectary,  or  a  proud  self-seeker,  is 
oftener  God's  instrument  than  an  humble,  lamb-like,  innocent 
saint.'"' 

In  this  lengthened  description  of  Cromwell,  and  of  the  princi- 
ples which  chiefly  directed  his  various  movements,  it  is  impossible 
not  to  recognize  the  broad  features  of  the  Protector's  character. 
They  were  too  strongly  marked  to  be  mistaken  by  such  a  man 
as  Baxter,  however  cautiously  Cromwell  endeavored  to  conceal 
them.  The  process,  too,  which  Baxter  describes  as  that  by 
which  Oliver  finally  arrived,  not  only  at  the  pinnacle  of  earthly 
power  and  glory,  but  by  which  he  justified  to  his  own  mind  the 
measures  that  conducted  him  to  it,  is  very  probably  that  which 
actually  took  place.  Yet,  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  Baxter 
ascribes  too  much  to  Cromwell's  selfishness  and  love  of  pei'sonal 
aggrandizement;  and  that  he  uses  too  strong  language  about  the 
violence  done  to  his  conscience,  to  reconcile  him  to  the  means 
which  he  employed.  Many  things  which  he  did,  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  justify;  but  even  these,  though  they  cannot  be  defended, 
admit  of  some  apology,  when  his  circumstances  are  considered; 
and  when  due  allowance  is  made  for  human  infirmity,  and  for 
the  influence  of  those  mistaken  principles,  by  which  it  is  evident 
both  he  and  many  of  the  men  of  his  party  were  influenced. 
Baxter  seems  not  to  do  sufficient  justice  to  the  real  influence  of 
religion  on  the  character  of  Cromwell;  without  which,  it  is  not 
possible  to  account  for  many  parts  of  his  conduct.  His  opposi- 
tion to  Presbyterianism,  his  friendship  for  the  sectaries,  and  his 
antimonarchial  principles  and  actions,  were  unpardonable  offen- 
ces in  the  estimation  of  Baxter.  Scarcely  any  degree  of  per- 
sonal excellence  or  public  virtue  could  compensate,  in  his  opin- 
ion, for  these  enormous  evils.  It  should  be  remembered,  how- 
ever, that  if  Cromwell  had  great  faults,  he  had  also  splendid  vir- 
tues; which,  in  any  other  character  than  an  usurper's,  would  have 
been  emblazoned  by  friends,  and  eulogized  by  enemies.' 

[h)  Life,  parti,  pp.  98— 100. 

(i)  Among  the  Baxter  MSS.  is  a  letter  from  John  Howe  to  Richard  Vines,  in  which 
his  circumstances,  as  chaplain  in  the  Protector's  family,  arc  described  as  so  uncom- 
fortable, that  he  was  determined  to  leave  it.  This  letter  conveys  a  stronger  reflec- 
tion on  the  character  of  Cromwell  than  any  thing  I  have  met  with.  "My  call  hither 
was  to  a  work  I  thought  very  considerable;  the  setting  up  (he  worship  and  discipline 
of  Christ  in  this  family,  wherein  I  was  to  be  joined  with  another,  called  in  upon  the 
same  account.  But  I  now  .see  the  designed  work  here  hopelessly  laid  aside.  We 
affect  here  to  live  in  so  loose  a  way,  that  a  man  cannot  fix  upon  any  certain  charge, 
lo  carry  towards  them  as  a  minister  of  Christ  should:  so  that  it  were  as  hopeful  a 
course  to  preach  in  a  market,  or  any  other  assembly  met  by  chance,  as  here.  The 
affected  disorderliness  of  this  family,  as  to  the  mailers  of  God's  worship,  whence  arises 
my  despair  of  doing  good  in  it,  I  desire  as  much  as  possible  to  conceal;  and  therefore 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


141 


Wliatevcr  may  be  said  or  thought  of  the  personal  religion  of 
Cromwell,  the  influence  of  his  measures  and  government  on  the 
state  of  religion  in  the  country,  was  highly  favorable.  1  have  quot- 
ed the  strong  language  of  Baxter,  respecting  the  sects  and  the 
divisions  of  the  period,  and  the  pointed  censures  which  he  pro- 
nounces on  many  of  the  leading  men.  It  is  right  I  should  quote 
what  he  says  about  the  improved  state  of  religion  (hn-ing  the 
Commonwealth.  What  a  contrast  does  the  following  picture 
present,  to  the  dismal  representation  of  the  condition  of  religion 
during  the  early  days  of  Baxter,  which  have  been  given  in  the 
first  part  of  this  work! 

"1  do  not  believe  that  ever  England  had  so  able  and  faithful 
a  ministry  since  it  was  a  nation,  as  it  hath  at  this  day;  and  1  fear 
that  few  nations  on  earth,  if  any,  have  the  like.  Sure  I  am  the 
change  is  so  great  within  these  twelve  years,  that  it  is  one  of  the 
greatest  joys  that  ever  I  had  in  the  world  to  behold  it.  O,  how 
many  congregations  are  now  plainly  and  frequently  taught,  that 
lived  then  in  great  obscurity!  How  many  able,  faithful  men 
are  there  now  in  a  county  in  comparison  of  what  were  then! 
How  graciously  hath  God  prospered  the  studies  of  many  young 
men  that  were  little  children  in  the  beginning  of  the  late  troubles, 
so  that  they  now  cloud  the  most  of  their  seniors!  How  many 
miles  would  I  have  gone  twenty  years  ago,  and  less,  to  have 
heard  one  of  those  ancient  reverend  divines,  whose  congrega- 
tions are  now  grown  thin,  and  their  parts  esteemed  mean  by 
reason  of  die  notable  improvements  of  their  juniors! 

"I  hope  I  shall  rejoice  in  God  while  I  have  a  being,  for  the 
common  change  in  other  parts  that  I  have  lived  to  see;  that  so 
many  hundred  faithful  men  are  so  hard  at  work  for  the  saving 
of  souls,  'frementibus  licet  et  fredentibus  inimicis;'  and  that  more 
are  springing  up  apace.  I  know  there  are  some  men  whose 
parts  I  reverence,  who,  being  in  point  of  government  of  another 
mind  from  them,  will  be  offended  at  my  very  mention  of  this 
happy  alteration;  but  I  must  profess  if  I  were  absolutely  prelat- 
ical,  if  I  knew  my  heart,  I  could  not  choose  for  all  that  but  re- 
joice. What,  not  rejoice  at  die  prosperity  of  the  church,  be- 
cause men  differ  in  opinion  about  its  order!  Should  I  shut  my 
eyes  against  the  mercies  of  the  Lord?  The  souls  of  men  are 
not  so  contemptible  to  me,  that  I  should  envy  them  the  bread 
of  life,  because  it  is  broken  to  them  by  a  hand  that  had  not  the 
prelatical  approbation.  O  that  every  congregation  were  thus 
supplied!  but  all  cannot  be  done  at  once.   They  had  a  long  time 

resolve  to  others  to  insist  upon  the  low  condition  of  the  place  I  left,  as  the  reason  of 
my  removal,  if  I  do  remove.  To  you  I  slate  the  case  more  fully,  but  desire  you  to  be 
very  sparine  in  making-  it  known,  as  it  is  here  represented." — Baxter  MSS.  Tliere 
are  several  Tetters  from  Howe  to  Baxter  amone  these  RISS.  It  is  curious  to  find 
Howe  speaking  of  himself  as  a  "raw  youth,  bashful,  pusillanimous,  and  solicitous  about 
the  flesh." 


142 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


to  settle  a  corrupted  ministry;  and  when  the  ignorant  and  scan- 
dalous are  cast  out,  we  cannot  create  abilities  in  others  for  their 
supply;  we  must  stay  the  time  of  their  preparation  and  growth; 
and  then  if  England  drive  not  away  the  Gospel  by  their  abuse, 
even  by  their  wilful  unreformedness  and  hatred  of  the  light,  they 
are  likely  to  be  the  happiest  nation  under  heaven.  For,  as  for  all 
the  sects  and  heresies  that  are  creeping  in  daily  and  troubling 
us,  I  doubt  not  but  the  free  Gospel,  managed  by  an  able,  self- 
denying  ministry,  will  effectually  disperse  and  shame  them  all."'' 

Cromwell  being  dead,  his  son  Richard,  by  his  will  and  testa- 
ment, and  by  the  army,  was  quietly  settled  in  his  place.  "He 
interred  his  father  with  great  pomp  and  solemnity.  He  called 
a  parliament,  and  that  without  any  such  restraints  as  his  father 
had  used.  The  members  took  the  oath  of  fidelity  or  allegiance 
to  him  at  the  door  of  the  house,  before  they  entered.  And  all 
men  wondered  to  see  every  thing  so  quiet  in  so  dangerous  a  time. 
Many  sober  men  that  called  his  father  no  better  than  a  traitorous 
hypocrite,  did  begin  to  think  that  they  owed  him  subjection; 
which  I  confess  was  the  case  with  myself. 

"The  army  set  up  Richard  Cromwell,  it  seemed,  upon  trial, 
resolving  to  use  him  as  he  behaved  himself:  for  though  they 
swore  fidelity  to  him,  they  meant  to  keep  it  no  longer  than  he 
pleased  them.  When  they  saw  that  he  began  to  favor  the  sober 
people  of  the  land,  to  honor  parliaments,  and  to  respect  the  min- 
isters, whom  they  called  Presbyterians,  they  presently  resolved 
to  make  him  know  his  masters,  and  that  it  was  they,  and  not  he, 
who  were  called  by  God  to  be  the  chief  protectors  of  the  inter- 
est of  the  nation.  He  was  not  so  formidable  to  them  as  his  fa- 
ther had  been,  and  therefore  every  one  boldly  spurned  at  him. 
The  fifth  monarchy-men  followed  Sir  Henry  Vane,  and  raised 
a  great,  violent,  and  clamorous  party  against  him,  among  the  sec- 
taries in  the  city:  Rogers,  Feake,  and  such-like  fire-brands, 
preached  them  into  fury,  and  blew  the  coals;  but  Dr.  Owen  and 
his  assistants  did  the  main  work.' 

"The  Wallingford-house  party,  consisting  of  the  active  officers 
of  the  army,  determined  that  Richard's  parliament  must  be  dis- 
solved; and  then  he  quickly  fell  himself.  Though  he  never 
abated  their  liberties,  or  their  greatness,  he  did  not  sufficiently 
befriend  them.  Though  Colonel  Ingolsby,  and  some  others, 
would  have  stuck  to  the  protector,  and  have  ventured  to  surprise 
the  leaders  of  the  faction,  and  the  parliament  would  have  been 
true  to  him;  Berry's  regiment  of  horse,  and  some  others,  were 
ready  to  begin  the  fray  against  him.  As  he  sought  not  the  gov- 
ernment, he  was  resolved  it  should  cost  no  blood  to  keep  him  in 
it;  but  if  they  would  venture  for  their  parts  to  new  confusions, 

(k)  Reformed  Pastor,  published  in  1658. — Works,  vol.  xiv.  pp.  152,  143. 
(1)  For  an  account  of  Owen's  conduct  in  this  affair,  sec  'Memoirs  of  Owen/  pp. 
213—215,  second  edition. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTEll. 


143 


he  would  venture  his  part  by  retiring  to  privacy.  And  so  to 
satisfy  these  proud,  distracted  tyrants,  who  thought  they  did  but 
pull  down  tyranny,  he  resigned  the  government,  by  a  writing 
under  his  hand,  and  left  iheni  to  govern  as  they  pleased. 

"His  good  brolhcr-in-lavv,  Fleetwood,  and  his  uncle,  Desbor- 
ough,  were  so  intoxicated  as  to  be  the  leaders  of  the  conspiracy; 
and  when  Uiey  had  pulled  hiui  down,  they  set  up  a  few  oi'  them- 
selves under  the  name  of  a  Council  of  State.  So  mad  were 
they  widi  pride,  as  to  think  the  nation  would  stand  by  and  rever- 
ence them,  and  obediently  wait  upon  them  m  their  drunken 
giddiness;  and  that  their  faction  in  the  army  was  made  by  God 
an  invincible  terror  to  all  that  did  but  hear  their  names.  The 
core  of  the  business  also  was,  that  Oliver  had  once  made  Fleet- 
wood believe,  that  he  should  be  his  successor,  and  had  drawn 
an  instrument  to  that  purpose;  but  his  last  will  disappointed  him. 
And  then  the  sectaries  flattered  him,  saying,  that  a  truly  godly 
man,  who  had  commanded  them  in  the  wars,  was  to  be  prefer- 
red before  such  a  one  as  they  censured  to  have  no  true  godli- 
ness."'" 

Richard  Cromwell  rose  to  the  Protectorate  without  effort,  and 
fell  from  it  without  much  regret  on  his  own  part,  and  with  none 
on  the  part  of  the  country.  The  formidable  difficuhies,  which 
had  tried  the  genius  and  courage  of  the  father,  and  had  greatly 
accumulated  before  his  death,  soon  overwhelmed  the  son.  His 
talents,  though  not  despicable,  were  not  of  the  first  order;  and 
never  having  been  bred  a  soldier,  he  was  litUe  qualified  for 
managing  the  daring  spirits  by  which  he  was  surrounded.  He 
was  a  lover  of  peace  and  a  friend  of  religion,  and  had  he  quietly 
succeeded  to  a  well-established  throne,  would  have  filled  it  with 
honor  to  himself,  and  advantage  to  his  country.  But  it  was  a 
difficult  affair  to  occupy  the  seat  of  a  protector,  and  to  maintain 
claims  which  were  still  regarded  as  those  of  a  usurper.  Sur- 
rounded by  cabals  of  enemies,  misled  by  the  advice  of  injudi- 
cious friends,  and  terrified  by  the  prospect  of  new  civil  convul- 
sions, he  had  the  wisdom  to  descend  from  the  seat  of  power, 
without  a  struggle,  which  would  only  have  been  attended  with  a 
useless  effusion  of  blood,  and  followed  with  certain  defeat.  "I 
have  no  doubt,"  says  Baxter,  "that  God  permitted  all  this  for 
good;  and  that,  as  it  was  the  treason  of  a  military  faction  to  set 
up  Oliver,  and  destroy  the  king,  so  it  was  their  duty  to  have  set 
up  the  present  king  instead  of  Richard.  Thus  God  made  them 
the  means,  to  their  own  destruction,  contrary  to  their  intentions, 
to  restore  the  monarchy  and  family  which  they  had  ruined.  But 
all  this  is  no  thanks  to  them;  but  that  which,  with  a  good  inten- 

(m)  Life,  part  i.  pp.  100,  101.  There  are  letters  from  Baxter  to  Sir  James  Neth- 
ersole,  and  Colonel  Harley.  about  the  affairs  of  the  country  during  "Richard's  usur- 
pation, when  men  were  raised  to  some  vain  hopes." — Baxter  MSS. 


144 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


tion,  had  been  a  duty,  as  done  by  them,  was  as  barbarous  per- 
fidiousness  as  most  history  ever  did  declare.  That  they  sliould 
so  suddenly,  so  scornfidly,  and  proudly  pull  down  him  whom 
they  had  so  lately  set  up  themselves,  and  sworn  allegiance  to; 
that  they  should  do  this  without  being  able  to  tell  themselves 
why  they  did  it;  that  they  should  do  it,  while  a  parliament  was 
sitting  which  had  so  many  wise  and  religious  members,  and  ac- 
complish it,  not  only  without  the  parliament's  advice,  but  in  spite 
of  it,  and  force  him  to  dissolve  it  first;  that  they  should  so 
proudly  despise,  not  merely  the  parliament,  but  all  the  ministers 
of  London  and  of  the  land;  yea,  and  act  against  the  judgments 
of  most  of  their  own  party  (the  Independents,)  is  altogether  very 
wonderful."" 

While  the  praise  or  blame  of  pulling  down  Richard  is  thus 
studiously  ascribed,  by  Baxter,  to  a  faction,  consisting  neither  of 
the  Presbyterians  nor  of  the  Independents,  it  is  very  evident, 
from  his  own  statements  afterwards,  that  the  Presbyterians  were 
more  deeply  concerned,  both  in  the  overdirow  of  the  Common- 
wealth, and  in  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy,  and  in  all  the 
plotting,  or,  as  he  would  have  called  it  in  others,  the  perfidious- 
ness  which  these  things  involved,  than  he  was  disposed  to  admit. 
That  party  threw  every  possible  difficulty  in  the  way  of  the 
Commonwealth  administration,  because  they  were  not  of  suffi- 
cient importance  under  it;  and  did  all  they  could  to  bring  back 
the  king,  whom  they  could  not  doubt  would  reward  their  fidel- 
ity, and  comprehend  them  in  the  new  establishment.  They 
were  taken  effectually  in  their  own  snare,  and  were  more 
severely  punished  and  disappointed  than  any  other. 

Shortly  after  this,  when  Sir  George  Booth's  rising  failed, 
"Major-General  Monk,  in  Scodand,  with  his  army,  grew  so  sen- 
sible of  the  insolence  of  Vane  and  Lambert,  and  the  fanatics  in 
England  and  Ireland,  who  set  up  and  pulled  down  governments 
as  boldly  as  if  they  were  making  a  lord  of  a  May  game,  and 
were  grasping  all  the  power  into  their  own  hands;  that  he  pres- 
ently secured  the  Anabaptists  of  his  army,  and  agreed  with  the 
rest  to  resist  those  usurpers,  who  would  have  made  England  the 
scorn  of  all  the  world.  At  first,  when  he  drew  near  to  England, 
he  declared  for  a  free  Commonwealth.  When  he  came  in,  Lam- 
bert marched  against  him,  but  his  soldiers  forsaking  him,  and  Sir 
Arthur  Haselrigge  getting  Portsmouth,  and  Colonel  Morley 
strengthening  him,  and  Major-General  Berry's  regiment  which 
went  to  block  it  up,  revolting  to  them,  the  clouds  rose  every- 
where at  once,  and  Lambert  could  make  no  resistance;  so  that 
instead  of  fighting,  they  were  fain  to  treat.  While  Monk  held 
them  treating,  his  reputation  increased,  and  theirs  abated;  their 


(n)  Life,  part  i.  p.  101. 


OP  RICHAUl)  lUXTER. 


145 


hearts  failed  tlicni,  their  soldiers  fell  ofl;  and  General  iVionk 
consulted  with  his  friends  what  to  do.  Many  connties  sent  let- 
ters of  thanks  and  encouragement  to  hini.  Mr.  Thomas  Hamp- 
field  was  sent  by  the  gentlemen  of  the  West,  and  odier  counties 
did  the  like;  so  that  Monk  came  on,  hut  still  declared  for  a 
Conunonwealth,  against  monarchy;  till  at  last,  when  he  saw  all 
ripened  thereto,  he  declared  for  the  king.  The  chief  men,  as 
far  as  I  can  learn,  who  turned  his  resolution  to  bring  in  the  king, 
were  Mr.  Clarges,"  and  Sir  William  Morris,  his  kinsman;  the 
petitions  and  affections  of  the  city  of  London,  principally  moved 
by  Mr.  Calamy  and  Mr.  Ash,  two  ancient  leading  able  minis- 
ters; with  Dr.  Bates,  Dr.  Manton,  Dr.  Jacomb,  and  other  minis- 
ters of  London  who  concurred.  These  were  encouraged  by 
the  Earl  of  Manchester,  the  Lord  Hollis,  the  late  Earl  of  An- 
glesey, and  many  of  the  then  council  of  state.  The  members 
of  the  old  parliament,  who  had-  formerly  been  ejected,  being 
recalled,  dissolved  diemselves,  and  appointed  the  convening  of 
a  parliament  which  might  recal  the  king.  When  General 
Monk  first  came  into  England,  most  men  rejoiced,  in  hope  to 
be  delivered  from  the  usurpation  of  the  fanatics.  Anabaptists, 
Seekers,  &c.  I  was  myself  so  much  affected  with  the  strange 
providence  of  God,  that  I  procured  the  ministers  to  agree  upon 
a  public  thanksgiving  to  God.  I  think  all  the  victories  which 
that  army  obtained,  were  not  more  wonderful  than  their  fall  was, 
when  pride  and  error  had  prepared  them  for  it.  It  seemed 
wonderful  to  me,  that  an  army  which  had  got  so  many  great  and 
marvellous  victories,  which  thought  themselves  unconquerable, 
and  talked  of  nothing  but  dominion  at  home,  and  marching  up  to 
tlie  walls  of  Rome,  should  all  be  broken,  brought  into  subjection, 
and  finally  disbanded,  widiout  one  blow  stricken,  or  one  drop  of 
blood  shed!  And  that  by  so  small  a  power  as  Monk's  army  in 
the  beginning  was.  So  eminent  was  the  hand  of  God  in  all  this 
change."  P 

Among  all  the  dissemblers  and  hypocrites  of  a  period  abound- 
ing in  the  display  of  these  qualities.  Monk  occupies  a  distin- 
guished place.  He  is  eulogised  by  Clarendon,  and  commended 
by  Hume;  and  for  his  successful  management  in  duping  the  army 
and  the  parliament,  and  restoring  the  exiled  monarch  on  his 
own  terms,  he  was  rewarded  with  a  dukedom. i    Baxter  had 

(o)  Clarges  was  originally  an  apothecary,  Imt  acting  as  pli3  sician  to  Monk's  army, 
became  M.  D.  He  was  afterwards  created  Sir  Thomas  Clargos,  by  Charles,  for  his 
services  at  the  restoration.  He  was  the  son  of  a  blacksmith,  and  brother  to  Nan 
Clarges,  better  known  by  that  appellation  than  by  her  future  title,  the  Duchess  of 
Albemarle,  a  situation  which  she  neither  deserved,  nor  was  qualiticd  to  fill. 

(p)  Life,  part  i.  p.  214. 

(q)  "Monk  no  more  intended  or  designed  the  king's  restoration  when  he  came 
into  England,  or  first  came  to  London,  than  his  horse  did;  but  shortly  after  finding 
himself  at  a  loss,  that  he  was  purposely  made  odious  to  the  city,  and  that  he  was  a 
lost  man,  by  the  parliament,  and  that  the  generality  of  the  city  and  country  were 

VOL.   I.  19 


14G 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


an  Interview  with  Monk  after  he  came  to  London;  which  laid 
the  foundation  of  a  charge  preferred  against  him  hy  L'Estrange, 
in  the  ninety-sixth  number  of  'The  Observator,'  that  he  had 
endeavored  to  influence  IMonk  not  to  bring  back  the  king.  In 
reply  to  which,  Baxter  says: 

"Dr.  Manton  (and  whether  any  other,  I  remember  not)  went 
once  with  me  to  General  Monk,  to  congratulate  him;  but  with 
the  request,  that  he  would  take  care  that  debauchery  and 
contempt  of  religion  might  not  be  let  loose,  upon  any  men's  pre- 
tence of  being  for  the  king,  as  it  already  began  with  some  to  be. 
But  there  was  not  one  word  by  me  spoken  (or  by  any  one,  to 
my  remembrance)  against  his  calling  back  the  king;  but  as  to 
me,  it  is  a  mere  fiction.  And  the  king  was  so  sensible  of  the 
same  that  I  said,  that  he  sent  over  a  proclamation  against  such 
men,  as  while  they  called  themselves  the  king's  party,  did  live  in 
debauchery  and  profaneness;  which  proclamation  so  rejoiced 
them  that  were  after  Nonconformists,  that  they  read  It  publicly 
in  the  churches." Baxter's  denial  Is  entitled  to  the  greatest 
confidence,  as  his  conduct  at  the  time  of  the  restoration  shows 
how  heartily  he  rejoiced  In  It.  But  it  Is  Impossible  not  to  mar- 
vel at  the  simplicity  which  gave  Charles  credit  for  wishing  to 
put  down  debauchery  and  profaneness. 

"As  for  myself,"  he  says,  "I  came  to  London  April  the  13th, 
1660,  where  I  was  no  sooner  arrived,  but  I  was  accosted  by  the 
Earl  of  Lauderdale,  who  was  just  then  released  from  his  tedious 
confinement  In  Windsor  Castle,  by  the  restored  parliament,  vi'ho 
having  heard  from  some  of  the  sectarian  party,  that  my  judgment 
was,  that  our  obligations  to  Richard  Cromwell  were  not  dissolv- 
ed, nor  could  be,  till  another  parliament,  or  a  fuller  renunciation 
of  the  government,  took  a  great  deal  of  pains  with  me,  to  satisfy 
me  In  that  point.'*  And  for  quieting  people's  minds,  which 
were  In  no  small  commotion  through  clandestine  rumors,  he,  by 
means  of  Sir  Robert  Murray,  and  the  Countess  of  Balcarras, 
then  hi  France,  procured  several  letters  to  be  written  from 
thence,  full  of  high  eulogiums  on  the  king,  and  assurances  of  his 

for  the  restoring  the  kins;,  lie  had  no  way  to  save  himself  but  to  close  '.vith  the  city." 
— Auhreij  ii.  p.  455.  The  grand  object  and  aim  of  Monk  in  all  he  did  was  his  own 
aggrandisement. 

(r)  Calamy's  Continuation,  vol.  iv.  p.  911. 

(s)  It  is  evident  from  what  Ba.Ktor  himself  says,  that  he  was  apprised  at  an  early 
period  of  the  attempt  which  was  likely  to  be  made  to  bring  back  the  king.  The  un- 
natural union  of  the  Cavaliers  and  the  Presbyterians  to  efiect  this  object,  appears  to 
iiave  met  with  his  approbation.  A  letter  of  his  to  Major  Beake  was  intercepted,  but 
being  written  with  caution,  nothing  could  be  made  of  it.  He  assigns  no  reason  for 
leaving  Kidderminster,  and  coming  to  London  at  this  time;  but  I  have  no  doubt  it 
was  to  be  present  to  aid  and  assist  his  Prcsbylerian  brethren  as  circumstances  might 
require.  Sir  Ralph  Clare  informed  him  of  some  things  that  were  going  on,  and  thai  if 
the  restoration  look  place,  a  very  moderate  episcopacy  would  satisfy  that  party. 
This  led  Baxter  to  propose  terms  of  union  to  Dr.  Hammond,  in  consequence  of  which 
a  correspondence  took  place,  but  which,  like  all  such  schemes,  came  to  nothing. — 
Life,  part  ii.  pp.  207—214. 


OF   RICHAUD  KAXTF.R. 


147 


firmness  in  the  Protestant  reli^ion,  which  he  got  translated  and 
puhhshed.  Among  others,  one  was  sent  to  me  from  Monsieur 
Gaches,  a  fanmus,  pious  pieaclicr  at  Charenton;  wherein,  after 
a  high  strain  of  coniplinient  to  myself,  he  gave  a  pompous  char- 
acter of  the  king,  and  assured  me,  that  during  his  exile,  he  never 
forehore  the  public  profession  of  the  Protestant  religion,  no,  not 
even  in  those  places  where  it  seemed  prejudicial  to  his  affairs. 
That  he  was  present  at  divine  worship  in  the  French  churches, 
at  Ronen  and  Rochcllc,  diough  not  at  Charenton,  during  his 
stay  at  Paris;  and  earnestly  pressed  me  to  use  my  utmost  inter- 
est, that  the  king  might  be  restored  by  means  of  the  Presbyte- 
rians. 

"When  I  was  in  London,  the  new  parliament  being  called, 
they  presently  appointed  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  for  them- 
selves. The  House  of  Commons  chose  Mr.  Calamy,  Dr.  Gau- 
den,  and  myself,  to  preach  and  pray  with  them,  at  St.  Marga- 
ret's, Westminster.  In  that  sermon,  I  uttered  some  passages 
which  were  afterwards  matter  of  some  discourse.  Speaking  of 
our  differences,  and  the  way  to  heal  them,  I  told  them  that, 
whether  we  should  be  loyal  to  our  king  was  none  of  our  differ- 
ences. In  that,  we  were  all  agreed;  it  being  as  impossible  that 
a  man  should  be  true  to  the  Protestant  principles  and  not  be 
loyal;  as  it  was  impossible  to  be  true  to  the  Papist  principles, 
and  to  be  loyal.  And  for  the  concord  now  wished  in  matters  of 
church  government,  I  told  them  it  was  easy  for  moderate  men 
to  come  to  a  fair  agreement,  and  that  the  late  reverend  Primate 
of  Ireland  and  myself  had  agreed  in  half  an  hour.  I  remember 
not  the  very  words,  but  you  may  read  them  in  the  sermon,  which 
was  printed  by  order  of  the  House  of  Commons.*  The  next 
morning  after  this  day  of  fasting,  the  parliament  unanimously 
voted  home  the  king;  doing  that  which  former  actions  had  but 
prepared  for. 

"The  city  of  London,  about  that  time,  was  to  keep  a  day  of 
solemn  thanksgiving  for  General  Monk's  success;  and  the  lord- 
mayor  and  alderman  desired  me  to  preach  before  them  at  St. 
Paul's  church;  wherein  I  so  endeavored  to  show  the  value  of 
that  mercy,  as  to  show  also,  how  sin  and  men's  abuse  might  turn 
it  into  matter  of  calamity,  and  what  should  be  right  bounds  and 
qualifications  of  that  joy.  The  moderate  were  pleased  with  it; 
the  fanatics  were  offended  with  me  for  keeping  such  a  thanks- 
It)  Tliis  sermon  was  preached  on  the  oOlh  of  April,  \GC>0,  and  is  printed  in  vol. 
xvii.  of  his  Works.  The  subject  is  Repentance,  the  text  Ezek.  xxxvi.  31.  He  dedi- 
cates it  to  the  House  of  Commons,  and  speaks  of  the  honor  which  he  considered  it,  to 
conclude  by  preaching  and  prayer,  the  service  which  immediately  preceded  the  vote 
of  the  House  to  recal  his  majesty.  It  is  distinguished  by  his  usual  plainness  and  fidel- 
ity, and  contains  some  eloquent  passages.  Few  sucli  sermons,  1  fear,  have  been 
preached  in  that  house  since  then.  His  advice  and  requests  to  them  as  legislators 
were  both  sound  and  moderate. 


148 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


giving;  and  the  diocesan  party  thought  I  did  suppress  their  joy. 
The  words  may  be  seen  in  the  sermon  ordered  to  be  printed." 

"When  the  king  was  sent  for  by  the  parliament,  certain  di- 
vines, with  others,  were  also  sent  by  the  parliament  and  city  lo 
him  into  Holland:  viz.  Mr.  Calamy,  Dr.  Manton,  Mr.  Bowles, 
and  divers  others;  and  some  went  voluntarily;  to  whom  his  maj- 
esty gave  such  encouraging  promises  of  peace,  as  raised  some  of 
ihem  to  high  expectations.^  And  when  he  came  in,  as  lie  pass- 
ed through  the  city  towards  Westminster,  the  London  ministers 
in  their  places  attended  him  with  acclamations,^'  and  by  the 
hands  of  old  Mr.  Arthur  Jackson,  presented  him  with  a  richly 
adorned  Bible,  which  he  received,  and  told  them,  it  should  be 
the  rule  of  his  actions."^ 

Thus  terminated  the  rule  of  the  Commonwealth  and  the  dy- 
nasty of  the  Cromwell's,  and  recommenced  the  reign  of  the  le- 
gitimate Stuarts.  Baxter's  narrative  notices  some  of  the  causes 
and  instruments  of  the  extraordinary  revolution  which  now  took 
place,  with  a  rapidit)^  and  unexpectedness  that  appear  like  mag- 
ical rather  than  real  events.  But  the  true  causes  were  more 
deeply  seated  than  his  account  would  lead  us  to  suppose.  Nei- 
ther the  conduct  of  the  fanatical  sectaries,  nor  the  weakness  of 
Richard,  at  all  explains  the  downfall  of  the  Commonwealth,  and 
the  restoration  of  the  royal  family.  That  family  had  always  a 
powerful  and  influential  party  in  the  country,  consisting  of  the 

(ii)  This  sermon  was  preacliecl  on  the  10th  of  May,  1G60,  and  appears  in  vol.  xvii, 
of  his  Works,  under  Ihe  title  of  "Right  Rejoicing,"  founded  on  Luke  x.  20.  There  is 
much  admirable  personal  address  in  tiiis  discourse,  and  the  allusions  to  political  mat- 
ters are  brief  and  moderate. 

(x)  Charles  duped  the  Presbyterian  ministers  by  causing-  them  to  be  placed  within 
liearing  of  his  secret  devotions.  The  base  hypocrisy  of  this  man  is  a  thousand  times 
more  revolting  than  any  thing  of  the  kind  which  belonged  to  Cromwell,  and  yet  in 
Charles  it  is  passed  over  with  Mule  reprobation. 

(y)  A  very  amusing  account,  if  it  were  not  for  the  melancholy  issue,  is  given  by 
Aubrey,  of  the  intoxication  of  the  people  in  the  prospect  of  the  king's  return.  On  its 
being  intimated  by  Monk,  that  there  should  be  a  free  parliament,  "Immediately  a 
loud  holla  and  shout  was  given,  all  the  bells  in  the  city  ringing,  and  the  whole  city 
looked  as  if  it  had  been  in  a  flame  by  the  bonfires,  which  were  prodigiously  great  and 
frequent,  and  ran  like  a  train  over  the  city.  They  made  little  gibbets  and  roasted 
runipes  of  mutton,  iiaye  I  sawe  some  very  good  rumpes  of  beef.  Health  lo  King 
Charles  IT.  was  dranke  in  the  streets,  by  Ihe  bonfires,  even  on  their  knees.  This  hu- 
mor ran  by  the  next  night  to  Salisbury,  where  was  the  like  joy;  so  lo  Chaike,  where 
they  made  a  great  bonfire  on  the  top  of  the  hill;  from  thence  to  Blandford  and  Shaftes- 
bury, and  so  lo  the  Land's  End.  Well!  a  free  parliament  was  chosen,  and  Sir  Har- 
boltle  Grimston  was  chosen  Speaker.  The  first  thing  he  put  to  the  question  was, 
Whether  Charles  Stuart  should  be  sent  for,  or  no?  Yea,  yea,  nem.  con.  Sir  Thomas 
Greenhill  was  then  in  towne,  and  posted  away  lo  Brussells,  found  the  king  at  dinner, 
little  dreaming  of  so  good  news,  rises  presently  from  dinner,  had  his  coach  immedi- 
ately made  ready,  and  that  night  got  out  of  the  King  of  Spain's  dominions,  into  the 
Prince  of  Orange's  country.  Now,  as  the  morn  grows  lighter  and  lighter,  and  more 
glorious  till  it  is  perfect  day,  so  it  was  with  the  joy  of  the  people.    May-poles,  which 

m  the  hypocritical  times  'twas  to  set  up,  now  were  set  up  in  every  cross-way; 

and  at  Ihe  Strand  near  Drury  Lane,  was  set  up  Ihe  most  prodigious  one  for  height, 
that,  perhaps,  ever  was  seen;  ihej'  were  fain,  I  remember,  lo  have  the  seaman's  art  lo 
elevate  it.  The  juvenile  and  rustic  folks  at  that  time  had  so  much  of  desire  of  this 
kind,  that  I  think  there  have  been  very  few  set  up  since." — Aubrey's  Miscel.  vol.  ii. 
pp.  454, 46'). 

(z)  Life,  part  i.  pp.  214—210. 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


14* 


old  iiobilily  and  tlieir  retainers;  the  cliurcli  had  never  entirely 
lost  its  hold  of  a  considerable  body  of  the  population;  Presbyte- 
rianisni  was  too  rigid  a  system  to  suit  the  temper  and  genius  of 
the  multitude;  the  ambition  of  Cromwell  had  lost  him  the  affec- 
tion of  his  republican  associates,  and  destroyed  the  confidence 
and  respect  of  the  Indejjendents  and  minor  sects.  Tired  of  the 
versatility  and  duplicity  of  a  man,  who  was  great,  but  never  dig- 
nified; feared,  but  not  loved  or  respected;  and  possessed  by  a 
blind  attachment  to  the  exiled  monarchy,  it  required  only  the 
favorable  opportunity  of  the  old  Protector's  death,  and  the  con- 
currence of  a  few  other  circumstances,  to  produce  the  marvel- 
lous change  which  occurred. 

Charles  began  by  playing  the  hypocrite  with  those  who  had  been 
deceived  with  their  eyes  open;  but  he  soon  threw  off  the  vizor, 
to  their  terrible  dismay.  Nothing  more  strikingly  illustrates  the 
strength  of  attachment  to  monarchy,  which  seems  to  be  inherent 
in  the  English  character,  than  the  facts  which  have  been  briefly 
glanced  at.  All  that  the  people,  the  religious  and  well-informed 
people,  had  suffered  from  the  cruel  oppressions  of  the  Stuart 
family  was  forgotten;  not  because  Cromwell  had  used  them 
worse  (for  they  had  enjoyed  great  quietness  and  security  under 
his  administration,)  but  because  there  was  no  royal  blood  in  his 
reins,  and  the  absence  of  the  port  and  high  bearing  of  a  mon- 
arch by  divine  right.  The  impatience  to  recall  the  exiled  fam- 
il)',  the  readiness  to  be  duped  by  the  oaths  and  promises  of  a 
profligate  prince  who  had  learned  nothing  from  his  banishment 
but  the  vices  of  the  people  among  whom  he  sojourned,  are  evi- 
dences of  infatuation  of  the  most  extraordinary  kind;  which 
show  that  the  people  of  England  had  not  yet  been  sufficiently 
disciplined  and  prepared  for  the  enjoyment  of  freedom. 

The  leading  instruments  in  effecting  the  restoration,  may  be 
entitled  to  respect  for  their  royalty,  but  deserve  little  credit  for 
their  patriotism,  their  disinterestedness,  or  their  wisdom.  The 
hypocrisy  and  dissimulation  of  Monk,  the  murmuring  of  the 
Royalists,  and  the  infatuation  of  the  Presbyterian  ministers, 
were  all  part  of  the  machinery  by  which  Providence  accom- 
plished its  purposes.  While  we  mark  the  hand  of  God,  and 
adore  the  justice  of  his  Providence  in  punishing  a  nation's  sins, 
the  parties  who  were  instrumental  in  this  punishment,  and  the 
principles  which  actuated  them,  have  no  claim  to  our  gratitude 
or  respect. 

Baxter's  conduct  during  the  several  changes  which  have 
been  noticed,  does  credit  to  his  conscientiousness  rather  than  to 
his  wisdom.  He  acted  v.'ith  the  Parliament,  but  maintained  the 
rights  of  the  King;  he  enjoyed  the  benefits  of  the  Protectorate, 
but  spoke  and  reasoned  against  the  Protector;  he  hailed  the 
return  of  Charles,  but  doubted  whether  he  was  freed  from  alle- 


150 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


giance  to  Richard.  The  craft  and  diipHcity  of  Cromwell,  he 
detected  and  exposed;  but  the  gross  dissimulation  and  heartless 
indifference  of  Charles  to  every  thing  except  his  own  gratifica- 
tion, it  was  long  before  he  could  be  persuaded  to  believe.  Ab- 
stract principles  and  refined  distinctions,  in  these  as  in  some 
other  matters,  influenced  his  judgment  more  than  plain  matters 
of  fact.  Speculations,  de  jure  and  de  facto,  often  occupied  and 
distracted  his  mind,  and  fettered  his  conduct,  while  another 
man  would  have  formed  his  opinions  on  a  few  obvious  princi- 
ples and  facts,  and  have  done  both  as  a  subject  and  a  Christian 
all  that  circumstances  and  the  Scriptures  required. 

Before  taking  our  leave  of  Kidderminster,  to  which  place 
Baxter  never  returned  with  a  view  to  fixed  residence  or  minis- 
terial labor  after  the  restoration,  a  few  facts  remain  to  be  stated, 
to  complete  the  view  of  his  life  and  exertions  during  this  impor- 
tant and  active  period. 

The  statement  of  his  labors  contained  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter, by  no  means  includes  all  that  he  did  during  this  busy  inter- 
val of  his  life.  In  fact,  he  tells  us  that  the  labors  of  the  pulpit 
and  the  congregation  were  but  his  recreation;  and  that  his  chief 
labor  was  bestowed  on  his  writings.  A  bare  enumeration  of 
these,  of  which  a  full  account  will  be  given  in  a  subsequent 
part  of  this  work,  would  justify  this  declaration,  strong  as  it  may 
appear  to  be.  It  is,  indeed,  marvellous,  that  a  man  who  would 
seem  to  have  been  wholly  engaged  with  preaching  in  public  and 
in  private;  and  who  was  no  less  marked  for  the  number  and 
variety  of  his  bodily  infirmities,  than  for  the  multiplicity  of  his 
ministerial  avocations,  and  who  seemed  to  have  lived  only  in 
the  atmosphere  of  a  printing-office;  should,  under  all  these  dis- 
advantages, have  produced  volumes  with  the  ease  that  other 
men  issue  tracts. 

During  the  fourteen  years  of  his  second  residence  at  Kidder- 
minster, he  found  time  partly  to  write  and  publish  his  Aphor- 
isms, and  Saint's  Rest.  He  wrote  and  published,  beside  other 
things,  his  works  on  Infant  Baptism — On  Peace  of  Conscience 
— On  Perseverance — On  Christian  Concord — His  Apology — 
His  Confession  of  Faith — His  Unreasonableness  of  Infidelity — 
His  Reformed  Pastor — His  Disputations  on  right  to  the  Sacra- 
ments— Those  on  Church  Government — And  on  Justification — 
His  Safe  Religion — His  Call  to  the  Unconverted — On  the  Cru- 
cifying of  the  World — On  Saving  Faith — On  Confirmation— 
On  Sound  Conversion — On  Universal  Concord — His  Key  for 
Catholics — His  Christian  Religion — His  Holy  Commonwealth 
— His  Treatise  on  Death — And,  On  Self-denial,  Uc,  &c. 

When  it  is  reflected  on  that  many  of  these  books  are  consid- 
erable quarto  volumes,  and  that  they  make  a  large  proportion  of 
his  practical  works  now  republished,  beside  including  several  of 


OF  UICHARI)  BAXTER. 


151 


his  controversial  pieces,  I  must  leave  the  reader  to  form  his  own 
opinion  of  tlie  indefati2;able  application  and  untiring  zeal  of  tliis 
extraordinary  man.  The  reading  displayed  in  them,  the  cor- 
respondence to  which  they  frequently  led,  and  the  diversity  of 
subjects  which  they  embrace,  illustrate  at  once  the  indefatigable 
diligence  of  Baxter,  and  the  extraordinary  versatility  of  his 
mind. 

He  also  found  time,  during  this  period,  to  propose  and  to 
prosecute  several  schemes  of  union  and  concord  among  various 
classes  of  Christians,  which  led  to  an  extensive  correspondence, 
and  to  long  personal  conferences,  which  must  have  consumed 
no  small  portion  of  his  strength  and  leisure.  Beside  other 
plans  that  occupied  much  of  his  attention,  and  which  produced 
discussion  and  correspondence,  he  gives  an  account  of  three 
several  schemes  of  union  with  the  Independents;  all  of  which 
failed,  owing  to  the  difficulties  encumbering  the  subject,  but 
which  we  labored  to  remove.  One  of  these  schemes  had 
brought  on  a  long  correspondence  and  several  interviews  with 
Dr.  Owen.  But  the  Diocesans,  as  he  calls  them,  the  Presby- 
terians, and  the  Baptists,  also  engaged  his  attention  with  a  view 
to  union,  as  well  as  the  Independents,  and  with  the  same  suc- 
cess. 

One  of  his  most  useful  employments,  about  the  period  of  the 
king's  return,  w^as  a  negociation  respecting  the  propagation  of 
the  Gospel  among  the  American  Indians.  During  the  Com- 
monwealth, a  collection  by  order  of  Government,  had  been 
made  in  every  parish  in  England,  to  assist  Mr.  Elliot  (cele- 
brated as  the  apostle  of  the  Indians)  and  some  others  in  tliis 
most  benevolent  undertaking.  The  contributions  were  laid  out 
partly  in  stock,  and  partly  in  land,  to  tlie  amount  of  seven  or 
eight  hundred  pounds  per  annum,  and  were  vested  in  a  corpor- 
ate body,  to  be  employed  on  behalf  of  the  Indians.  After  the 
king's  return.  Colonel  Beddingfield,  from  whom  the  land  had 
been  purchased  at  its  proper  value,  seized  it  again;  on  the  un- 
just pretext,  that  all  that  was  done  in  Cromwell's  time,  was  null 
and  void  in  law,  and  that  the  corporation  formed,  had  no  longer 
any  legal  existence.  The  corporation,  of  which  Mr.  Ashurst 
was  treasurer,  consisted  of  excellent  persons.  They  were  ex- 
ceedingly grieved  that  the  object  for  which  the  money  had  been 
raised  should  thus  be  entu-ely  and  iniquitously  defeated.  Bax- 
ter being  requested  to  meet  them,  and  to  assist  by  his  counsel 
and  influence,  which  he  readily  did,  was  employed  to  procure 
if  possible  a  new  charter  of  corporation  from  the  king.  This, 
chiefly  through  the  influence  of  the  Lord  Chancellor,  he  hap- 
pily obtained.  His  lordship  also,  in  a  suit  in  chancery,  respect- 
ing the  property,  decided  against  the  claims  of  Beddingfield. 
Mr.  Ashurst  and  Baxter  had  the  nomination  of  the  new  mem- 


152 


THE  LIFK  AND  TIMKS 


bers;  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle,  at  their  recommendation,  was 
made  president  or  governor;  Mr.  Ashurst  was  re-appointed  as 
treasurer;  and  the  whole  matter  put  into  a  state  of  excellent 
and  efficient  operation. 

This  affair  brought  Baxter  into  intimate  correspondence  with 
Elliot,  Norton,  Governor  Endicott  of  Massachusetts,  and  some 
other  excellent  men  who  were  engaged  in  the  good  work,  or 
otherwise  interested  in  the  religious  affairs  of  New  England. 
The  correspondence  with  Elliot  continued  during  a  considera- 
ble portion  of  the  remainder  of  both  their  lives.  That  distin- 
guished man  was  honored  to  lead  many  poor  savages  of  the 
American  woods  to  the  knowledge  of  God;  and,  to  accomplish 
a  translation  of  the  entire  Scriptures  into  their  language,  one  of 
the  most  difficult  for  a  foreigner  to  acquire.  It  is  highly  grati- 
fying to  observe  how  fully  Baxter  entered  into  these  missionary 
labors;  and  that  at  a  period  when  the  subject  of  missions  was 
little  understood,  he  not  only  regarded  it  as  a  great  work,  in 
which  Christians  are  required  to  engage,  but  co-operated  with 
those  who  were  engaged  in  it  to  the  utmost  of  his  power.  I 
cannot  resist  introducing  an  extract  from  one  of  his  letters  to 
Elliot,  though  written  after  the  period  to  which  this  chapter 
properly  belongs. 

"Though  our  sins  have  separated  us  from  the  people  of  our 
love  and  care,  and  deprived  us  of  all  public  liberty  of  preaching 
the  Gospel  of  our  Lord,  I  greatly  rejoice  in  the  liberty,  help, 
and  success,  which  Christ  hath  so  long  vouchsafed  you  in  his 
work.  There  is  no  man  on  earth,  whose  work  I  think  more 
honorable  and  comfortable  than  yours:  to  propagate  the  Gos- 
pel and  kingdom  of  Christ  mto  those  dark  parts  of  the  world, 
is  a  better  work  than  our  devouring  and  hating  one  another. 
There  are  many  here,  who  would  be  ambitious  of  being  your 
fellow  laborers,  but  that  they  are  informed  you  have  access  to 
no  greater  number  of  the  Indians  than  you  yourself,  and  your 
present  assistants,  are  able  to  instruct.  An  honorable  gentleman, 
Mr.  Robert  Boyle,  the  governor  of  the  corporation  for  your 
work,  a  man  of  great  learning  and  worth,  and  of  a  very  public, 
universal  mind,  did  mention  to  me  a  public  collection  in  all  our 
churches,  for  the  maintaining  of  such  ministers  as  are  willing  to 
go  hence  to  you,  partly  while  they  are  learning  the  Indian  lan- 
guage, and  partly  while  they  labor  in  the  work,  as  also  to  trans- 
port them.  But  I  find  those  backward  that  I  have  spoken  to 
about  it,  partly  suspecting  it  a  design  of  such  as  would  be  rid  of 
them;  partly  fearing  that  when  the  money  is  gathered,  the  work 
may  be  frustrated  by  the  alienation  of  it;  partly  because  they 
think  there  will  be  nothing  considerable  gathered,  because  the 
people  that  are  unwillingly  divorced  from  their  teachers,  will 
give  nothing  to  send  them  further  from  them,  and  those  that  are- 


OF   RICHARD  BAXTER. 


153 


willingly  separated  IVom  tlieiu,  will  give  nothing  to  those  they  no 
more  respect;  but  specially,  because  they  think,  on  the  aforesaid 
grounds,  that  there  is  no  work  for  them  to  do  if  they  were  with 
you.    There  are  many  here,  1  conjecture,  who  would  be  glad 
to  go  anywhere,  to  the  Persians,  Tartarians,  Indians,  or  any  un- 
believing nation,  to  propagate  the  Gospel,  if  they  thought  they 
would  be  serviceable;  but  the  difhculty  of  their  languages  is 
their  greatest  discouragement.    The  universal  character  that 
you  speak  of,  many  have  talked  of,  and  one  hath  printed  his 
essay;  and  his  way  is  only  by  numerical  figures,  making  such 
and  such  figures  to  stand  for  the  words  of  the  same  significa- 
tion in  all  tongues,  but  nobod}^  regards  it.    I  shall  communicate 
your  motion  bere  about  the  Hebrew,  but  we  are  not  of  such 
large  and  public  minds  as  you  imagine;  every  one  looks  to  his 
own  concernment,  and  some  to  the  things  of  Christ  diat  are 
near  them  at  their  own  doors.    But  if  diere  be  one  Timothy 
that  naturally  careth  for  the  state  of  the  churches,  we  have  no 
man,  of  a  multitude  more,  like-minded;  but  all  seek  their  own 
things.    We  had  one  Dury  here,  that  hath  above  thirty  years 
labored  for  the  reconciling  of  the  churciies,  but  few  have  re- 
garded him,  and  now  he  is  glad  to  escape  from  us  into  other 
countries.    Good  men  who  are  wholly  devoted  to  God,  and  by 
long  experience  are  acquainted  with  the  interest  of  Christ,  are 
ready  to  think  all  others  should  be  like  them,  but  there  is  no 
hope  of  bringing  any  more  than  here  and  there  an  experienced, 
holy,  self-denying  person,  to  get  so  far  above  their  personal  con- 
cernments, and  narrowness  of  mind,  and  so  wholly  to  devote 
themselves  to  God.    The  industry  of  the  Jesuits  and  friars,  and 
their  successes  in  Congo,  Japan,  China,  fee,  shame  us  all  save 
you;  but  yet,  for  their  personal  labors  in  the  work  of  the  Gos- 
pel, here  are  many  that  would  be  willing  to  lay  out,  where  they 
have  liberty  and  a  call,  though  scarce  any  that  will  do  more  in 
furthering  great  and  public  works.    I  should  be  glad  to  learn 
from  you  how  far  your  Indian  tongue  extendeth:  how  large 
or  populous  the  country  is  that  useth  it,  if  it  be  known;  and 
whether  it  reach  only  to  a  few  scattered  neighbors,  who  cannot 
themselves  convey  their  knowledge  far,  because  of  other  lan- 
guages.   We  very  much  rejoice  in  your  happy  work,  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Bible  and  bless  God  that  strengthened  you  to  fin- 
ish it.    If  any  thing  of  mine  may  be  honored  to  contribute,  in 
the  least  measure,  to  your  blessed  work,  I  shall  have  great  cause 
to  be  thankful  to  God,  and  wholly  submit  the  alteration  and  use 
of  it  to  your  wisdom.    Methinks  the  Assemblies'  Catechism 
should  be,  next  the  holy  Scriptures,  most  worthy  of  your  labors." 

(a)  Life,  pari  ii.  p.  295.  There  are  many  letters  which  passed  between  Baxter 
and  Elliot,  still  preserved  among  the  Baxter  MSS.  in  the  Redcross  Street  Library. 

VOL.  I.  20 


154 


THE  LIFK  AND  TIMKS 


This  admirable  letter  shows  how  deeply  Baxter  entered  into 
the  philanthropic  views  which  were  then  so  rare,  but  which  have 
since  been  so  generally  adopted  by  Christians.  How  would  his 
noble  spirit  have  exulted  had  he  lived  to  witness,  even  with  all 
their  imperfections,  the  extended  exertions  of  modern  times. 
How  ardently  would  he  have  supported  every  scheme  of  send- 
ing the  Scriptures,  or  the  knowledge  of  salvation,  to  the  desti- 
tute parts  of  the  world!  If  there  is  joy  in  heaven,  over  the 
plans  of  earth  which  tend  to  the  furtherance  of  the  Gospel,  Bax- 
ter, though  removed  from  the  scene  of  labor  and  of  trial,  is  no 
doubt  exulting  in  much  that  is  now  going  forward. 

His  correspondence  during  his  residence  in  Kidderminster, 
must  have  been  exceedingly  extensive  and  laborious;  the  ex- 
isting remains  of  it  affording  decisive  proof  of  its  multifarious 
character,  and  of  the  application  which  it  must  have  required. 
He  was  employed  on  all  occasions  of  a  public  nature  where  the 
interests  of  his  brethren  in  the  ministry,  or  the  cause  of  religion 
among  them,  required  the  co-operation  or  counsel  of  others. 
As  the  agent  of  the  ministers  of  Worcestershire,  he  addressed 
the  Provincial  Assembly  of  London  in  1654,  calling  their  atten- 
tion to  the  state  of  the  Psalmody,  and  requesting  them  to  adopt 
measures  for  its  improvement.''  On  the  other  hand,  he  was 
requested  by  Calamy,  Whitfield,  Jenkyns,  Ash,  Cooper,  Wick- 
ens,  and  Poole,  to  assist  them  in  an  answer  which  they  were 
preparing  to  the  Independents."  What  aid  he  afforded  does  not 
appear.  We  cannot  doubt  his  disposition  to  assist  his  brethren, 
though  it  is  not  probable  he  and  they  would  have  agreed,  either 
in  their  mode  of  defending  Presbyterianism  or  of  attacking 
Independency. 

He  was  consulted  by  Manton,  in  1658,  about  a  scheme  for 
calling  a  general  assembly  of  the  ministers  of  England,  to  de- 
termine certain  matters,  and  arrange  their  ecclesiastical  affairs. 
To  this  he  returned  an  answer  expressive  of  doubts  of  its  prac- 
ticability and  expediency.  He  was  friendly  to  such  associations; 
but,  from  the  state  of  the  country  at  the  time,  he  probably  felt 
that  nothing  of  importance  could  be  effected.  Indeed  there  is 
no  reason  to  think  that  Cromwell  would  have  permitted  any  such 
general  assembly  of  the  Presbyterian  clergy  to  take  place  in 
England,  when  he  would  not  allow  them  to  hold  such  meetings 
in  Scotland. 

Both  Lord  Lauderdale  and  Major  Robert  Beake  introduced 
to  Baxter,  in  1657,  the  Rev.  James  Sharpe,  a  minister  of  the 
church  of  Scotland,  who  came  to  London  on  public  business  of 
that  church,  which  he  afterwards  vilely  betrayed.  He  was  re- 
warded for  his  treachery  at  a  future  period,  with  the  archbish- 


(b)  Baxler  MSS. 


(c)  Ibid. 


OF    RICHAHU  BAXTER. 


155 


opric  of  St.  Andrews,  where  at  last  he  lost  his  life  hy  the  hands 
of  a  few  individuals,  who  thus  chose  to  avenge  their  country's 
wrongs.  Of  his  piety,  Lauderdale  and  Beake  s[)eak  strongly; 
and  he  probably  was  at  this  time  a  very  different  man  from  what 
he  had  become  when  he  fell  before  the  wiles  of  a  court,  and  the 
lure  of  an  archbishop's  mitre.'' 

Beside  all  this,  Baxter  was  consulted  by  great  numbers  of  his 
brethren  in  the  ministry  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  respect- 
ing matters  in  which  they  were  concerned;  and  by  a  multitude 
of  private  individuals,  on  cases  of  conscience,  which  he  was 
requested  to  solve.  To  all  these  he  returned,  often,  long  and 
minute  letters,  the  manual  labor  of  which  must  have  been  very 
considerable,  especially  as  he  kept  copies  of  many  of  them." 

In  these  active  and  multifarious  labors,  Baxter  spent  fourteen 
of  the  happiest  and  most  useful  years  of  his  life.  Unceasingly 
engaged  in  some  useful  pursuit,  his  mind  found  sufficient  scope 
and  employment  for  that  energy  by  which  it  was  eminendy  dis- 
tinguished. There  were  many  evils  then,  indeed,  as  well  as  at 
other  limes,  which  he  greatly  deplored;  but  there  was  so  great 
a  preponderance  of  good  when  compared  with  the  period  which 
preceded,  and  with  that  which  followed  it,  that  often  he  lamented 
the  prosperous  days  he  had  enjoyed  during  the  usurpation,  when 
they  had  passed  away.  Instead,  therefore,  of  having  to  record 
his  various  plans  of  benevolence,  and  rejoicing  over  the  success 
attending  them,  we  must  henceforth  hear  chiefly  of  his  fruidess 
struggles  for  peace,  and  for  liberty  to  preach  the  Gospel;  of  the 
disappointment  which  followed  negotiations;  of  the  anguish  ex- 
perienced from  the  restriction  of  his  ministry;  of  confiscations, 
imprisonment,  and  being  unceasingly  harassed  for  conscience' 
sake. 

(d)  Baxter  MSS.  Sharpe  was  sent  to  London  again  immediately  before  the  Res- 
toration, with  a  view  to  negociale  the  inlerests  of  Ihe  church  of  Scotland.  He  re- 
turned after  the  king;  was  re-established,  with  a  plausible  letter  signed  by  Lauderdale, 
in  the  name  of  the  king.  He  was  afterwards  rewarded  for  his  treachery  and  apos- 
tacy  by  the  Primacy  of  Scotland.  It  is  impossible  to  justify  his  murder;  but  the 
poor  people  of  Scotland  had  been  driven  to  desperation  by  long-continued  oppression. 

(e)  There  are  some  hundreds  of  these  letters  among  the  Redcross  Street  MSS.; 
many  of  them  curious,  though  relating  to  individuals  and  subjects  which  would  not 
now  interest  the  public.  Baxter  had  a  long  correspondence  with  Gataker,  chiefly  on 
the  subjects  of  infant  baptism  and  original  sin.  Gataker  exceedingly  bewails  the  dif- 
ferences that  then  subsisted  among  Christians,  and  says  "they  may  well  be  lamented 
with  an  ocean  of  tears."  He  had  a  laborious  correspondence  with  Dr.  Hill,  about 
predestination,  a  subject  on  which  Baxter  wrote  a  great  deal.  Besides  what  he  pub- 
lished on  it,  there  is  enougli  remaining  among  his  unpublished  manuscripts  to  make  a 
volume  or  two.  Many  letters  also  passed  between  him  and  Tombes,  Poole,  Dury, 
Wadsworth,  Bales,  and  Howe.  There  are,  also,  many  letters  to  and  from  corres- 
pondents, both  male  and  female,  of  the  names  of  Allan  and  Lambe,  who  seem  to  have 
enjoyed  no  small  portion  of  his  attention.  Some  of  these  are  printed  in  his  Life  by 
Sylvester. 


156  THE   LIFE    AM)  TIMKS 


CHAPTER  VII.  1660—1662. 

The  Restnratioii — Views  of  tiie  Noncoiifcirmists — Ccndiict  of  tlie  ('ourt  towards  them — Bax- 
ter's desire  uf  ARveeineiU — Interview  with  tlie  King — Baxter's  Speech — The  Ministers 
lequcsted  to  draw  up  tlieir  Proposals — Meet  at  t-ion  Colleee  for  this  purpose — I'lesent  their 
paper  to  llie  King— .Many  Ministers  ejected  already— The  King's  Declaration— liaxter's 
Ohjections  to  it — Presented  to  the  Chancellor  in  the  form  of  a  Petition — Meeting  with  his 
Majesty  to  hear  the  Declaration — Declaration  altered — Baxter,  Calamy,  and  Reynolds,  of- 
fered Bisliopiics — Baxter  declines — Private  interview  with  the  King— The  Savoy  Coti- 
ference — Dehates  ahoul  the  mode  of  proccedmg — Baxter  draws  up  tlie  Reformed  Litur^'y 
— Petition  to  the  Bisliops — No  disposition  to  agreement  on  their  part — Answer  to  their  for- 
mer papers — Personal  debate — Character  of  the  leading  parties  on  both  sides — Issue  of  the 
Conference. 

Charles  II.  was  received  with  general  acclamation;  which 
can  only  be  accounted  for  from  tliat  love  of  change  which  is 
characteristic  of  nations,  as  well  as  of  individuals;  from  the  sick- 
ening influence  of  Cromwell's  ambition,  and  the  imbecility  of 
his  son;  from  the  disgust  felt  by  many  at  the  fanaticism  of  the 
times;  together  with  that  love  of  monarchy — its  pomp  and  cir- 
cumstance— which  constitutes  a  distinguishing  feature  in  the 
character  of  Englishmen.  That  Charles  deceived  the  people 
by  his  professions,  is  clear;  but  they  might  easily  have  obtained 
such  a  knowledge  of  his  principles,  habits,  and  sentiments,  had 
they  been  disposed  to  make  what  inquiry  the  nature  of  the  case 
seemed  to  demand,  as  might  have  prevented  the  deception  from 
taking  effect.  They  imagined  that  the  sufferings  endured  by 
the  royal  family  would  cure,  or  at  least  moderate,  that  heredi- 
tary love  of  arbitrary  power,  and  attachment  to  Popery,  which 
had  caused  most  of  those  sufferings;  that  Charles  was  perhaps 
too  much  a  man  of  the  world,  to  make  the  costly  sacrifices  for  a 
religious  party  which  his  father  had  made;  and  that  they  might 
easily  form  such  an  agreement  with  him  as  should  effectually 
limit  his  power,  and  secure  their  rights.  In  all  this  they  dis- 
covered their  own  weakness  and  simplicity.  In  fact,  Charles 
returned  on  his  own  terms,  and  was  left  as  unfettered  as  if 
he  had  come  in  by  conquest;  saving  a  few  oaths,  which  he 
swallowed  without  scruple,  and  broke  without  remorse.*"  The 
bitter  effects  of  this  misguided  zeal  and  imprudence,  none  had 
greater  reason  to  feel  and  to  deplore  than  the  Presbyterian  por- 
tion of  the  Puritans,  who  were  greatly  instrumental  in  promoting 
the  Restoi-ation. 

(f )  Charles  took  the  covenant  three  several  times;  once  at  the  completion  of  the 
treaty  abroad,  again  at  his  landing  in  Scotland,  and  a  third  time  when  he  was  crown- 
ed at  Scone;  while  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that  he  ever  had  the  least  serious  inten- 
tion to  observe  it.  Though  it  is  considered  that  Charles  was  a  Papist,  or  an  infidel, 
nothing  can  excuse  his  want  of  principle  in  taking  this  oath;  and  as  the  profligacy  of 
his  character  could  scarcely  be  unknown  to  the  party  which  required  the  oath,  it  is 
difficult  to  excuse  their  conduct  in  imposing  it,  or  in  being  satisfied  to  be  deceived  by 
Charles  submitting  himself"  to  it. 


or  RICHARD  ItAXTKH. 


157 


The  views  of  the  leading  men  of  their  party  were,  on  some 
points,  discordant;  but  they  all  agreed  in  welcoming  the  exiled 
monarch,  and  in  anticipating  from  the  re-establishment  of  mon- 
archy and  the  constitution,  the  enjoyment  not  only  of  protection 
and  liberty,  (for  diese  they  had  fully  enjoyed  under  the  usurpa- 
tion,) but  of  a  system  of  church  government  modified  to  meet 
their  views,  and  by  which  they  should  be  comprehended  in  the 
ecclesiastical  establishment  of  the  country. 

It  was  necessary,  in  the  circumstances  in  which  Charles  found 
hiinself  not  to  offend  these  men;  the  episcopal  party  also  being 
still  weak,  found  it  expedient  to  treat  them  with  apparent  re- 
spect. Several  of  the  ministers  were  accordingly  chosen  to  be 
king's  chaplains.*''  Calamy,  Reynolds,  Ash,  and  several  odiers, 
among  whom  was  Baxter,  had  this  honor;  and  Reynolds,  Cal- 
amy, Spurstow,  and  Baxter,  each  preached  once  before  his 
majesty.  Manchester and  Broghill  were  the  noblemen  who 
chiefly  managed  these  affairs  at  the  time.  In  conversation  with 
them,  Baxter  mentioned  tlie  importance,  and  what  he  regarded 
as  the  facility,  of  an  agreement  between  the  Episcopalians  and 
the  moderate  Presbyterians;  and  the  happy  consequences  to 
the  civil  and  religious  interests  of  the  country  which  would  re- 
sult from  such  a  union.  The  effect  of  this  conversation  he  has 
recorded. 

"Lord  Broghill'  was  pleased  to  come  to  me,  and  told  me, 
that  he  had  proposed  to  the  king  a  conference  for  an  agree- 

(g)  Raxlcr  says,  ■'Wlicn  I  was  invited  by  lord  Broghill,  afterwards  Earl  of  Orrery, 
to  ineet  liim  at  the  lord  Chamberlain's,  they  both  persuaded  me  to  accept  the  place. 
1  desired  to  know  whether  it  were  his  majesty's  desire,  or  only  the  eftecloflheir 
favorable  request  to  hiin.  They  told  iiie  that  it  was  his  majesty's  own  desire,  and  that 
lie  would  take  it  as  an  acceptable  furtherance  of  his  service.  Thereupoji  I  took  the 
oath  froiTi  the  lord  Chamberlain."  The  dale  of  his  certificate  is  June  2G,  l'j60.  Life, 
pan  ii.  p.  229.  Dr.  Peirce,  the  decided  adversary  of  Ba.xter,  thou-^lil  proper  to  dis- 
pute whether  he  was  king's  chaplain,  when  he  published  the  sermon  preached  before- 
his  majesty,  and  anne.xed  that  title  to  his  name.  The  certificate,  however,  speaks 
for  itself. 

(h)  Edward,  Earl  of  Manchester,  was  a  nobleman  of  many  great  and  amiable 
qualities.  He  was  a  zealous  and  able  friend  of  liberty.  During  the  civil  commotions 
he  was  one  of  the  avowed  patriots  in  the  House  of  Peers,  and  the  only  member  of 
that  house  who  was  accused,  by  Charles,  of  high  treason,  along  with  the  five  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Commons.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  wars  on  the  side  of 
the  Parliament,  and  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Presb}  terian  party.  After  the  bat- 
tle of  Newbury,  he  was  suspected  of  favoring  the  king's  interest.  He  was  a  decided 
friend  of  the  Restoration,  and  was  immediately  after  it  appointed  chamberlain  of  the 
household.  It  is  evident,  from  various  circumstances,  that  he  was  a  real  friend  of 
the  Nonconformists,  and  bore  to  Baxter,  in  particular,  a  ver3'  cordial  attachment.  An 
occurrence  once  happened  at  his  table,  when  Baxter  was  dining  with  him,  which  gave 
the  good  man  great  concern,  and  in  which  his  lordship,  as  soon  as  apprised  of  it,  acted 
with  great  propriety  and  kindness. — Life,  part  ii.  p.  289. 

(i)  Roger  Boyle,  Baron  of  Broghill,  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  third  son  of  the  first 
Earl  of  Cork,  and  brother  to  the  honorable  Robert  Boyle.  He  took  an  active  part  in 
the  civil  wars  on  the  parliamentary  side.  He  was  regarded  by  all  parties,  as  a  man 
of  very  considerable  ability  and  address.  He  enjoyed  a  large  share  of  the  Pro- 
tector's favor  and  confidence;  was  president  of  his  council  for  Scotland,  and  one 
of  the  lords  of  his  upper  house.  He  favored  the  Restoration,  however,  and  was  cre- 
ated Earl  of  Orrery  on  the  5th  of  September,  16G0.  He  was  also  nominated,  the  same 
year,  Lord  President  of  Munster.  for  life.   His  lordship  died  in  the  year  1679.  There 


158 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


ment,  and  that  the  king  took  it  very  well,  and  was  resolved  to 
further  it.  About  the  same  time,  the  Earl  of  Manchester  signi- 
fied as  much  to  Mr.  Calarny;  so  that  Mr.  Calamy,  Dr.  Rey- 
nolds, Mr.  Ash,  and  myself,  went  to  the  Earl  of  Manchester, 
then  lord  Chamberlain;  and  after  consulting  about  the  business 
with  him,  he  determined  on  a  day  to  bring  us  to  the  king.  Mr. 
Calamy  advised  that  all  of  us  who  were  the  king's  chaplains 
might  be  called  to  the  consultation;  so  that  we  four  might  not 
seem  to  take  too  much  upon  us  without  others.  So,  Dr.  Wallis, 
Dr.  Manton,  and  Dr.  Spurstow,  he,  went  with  us  to  the  king; 
who,  with  the  lord  Chancellor,  and  the  Earl  of  St.  Alban's,  came 
to  us  in  the  lord  Chamberlain's  lodgings. 

"We  exercised  more  boldness,  at  first,  than  afterwards  would 
have  been  borne.  When  some  of  the  rest  had  congratulated  his 
majesty's  happy  Restoration,  and  declared  the  large  hope  which 
they  had  of  a  cordial  union  among  all  dissenters  by  his  means 
I  presumed  to  speak  to  him  of  the  concernments  of  religion,  and 
how  far  we  were  from  desiring  the  continuance  of  any  factions 
or  parties  in  the  church,  and  how  much  a  happy  union  would 
conduce  to  the  good  of  the  land,  and  to  his  majesty's  satisfaction. 
I  assured  him  that  though  there  were  turbulent,  fanatic  per- 
sons in  his  dominions,  those  whose  peace  we  humbly  craved  of 
him  were  no  such  persons;  but  such  as  longed  after  concord,  and 
were  truly  loyal  to  him,  and  desired  no  more  than  to  live  un- 
der him  a  quiet  and  peaceable  life,  in  all  godliness  and  honesty. 
But  that  as  there  were  differences  between  them  and  their  breth- 
ren, about  some  ceremonies  or  discipline  of  the  church,  we 
humbly  craved  his  majesty's  favor  for  the  ending  of  those  differ- 
ences; it  being  easy  for  him  to  interpose,  that  so  the  people 
might  not  be  deprived  of  their  faithful  pastors,  and  ignorant, 
scandalous,  unworthy  ones  obtruded  on  them. 

"I  presumed  to  tell  him,  that  the  people  we  spoke  for  were 
such  as  were  contented  with  an  interest  in  heaven,  and  the  lib- 
erty and  advantages  of  the  gospel  to  promote  it;  and  that  if  these 
were  taken  from  them,  and  they  were  deprived  of  their  faithful 
pastors,  and  liberty  of  worshipping  God,  they  would  take  them- 
selves as  undone  in  this  world,  whatever  else  they  should  enjoy: 
that  thus  the  hearts  of  his  most  faithful  subjects,  who  hoped  for 
his  help,  would  even  be  broken;  and  that  we  doubted  not  but  his 
majesty  desired  to  govern  a  people  made  happy  by  him,  and  not 
a  broken-hearted  people.  I  presumed  to  tell  him,  that  the  late 
usurpers  so  well  understood  their  own  interest,  that  to  promote 
it,  they  had  found  the  way  of  doing  good  to  be  the  most  effect- 
seems  to  have  been  a  considerable  intimacy  between  him  and  Baxter.  It  was  in  his 
lordship's  house  Baxter  became  acquainted  with  Archbishop  Usher.  He  dedicates 
one  of  his  works  to  him,  and  often  refers  to  him  in  his  life,  generally  calling  him  by  his 
first  title,  lord  Broghill. 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


159 


ual  means;  aiul  had  placed  and  encouraged  many  thousand 
faithful  ministers  in  tiie  church,  even  such  as  detested  their  usur- 
pation; and  that  so  far  had  they  attained  their  ends  herehy,  that 
it  was  the  principal  means  of  Uieir  interest  in  the  people;  where- 
fore, I  humbly,  craved  his  majesty,  that  as  he  was  our  lawful 
king,  in  whom  all  his  people  were  prepared  to  centre,  so  he 
would  be  pleased  to  undertake  this  blessed  work  of  promoting 
their  holiness  and  concord;  and  that  he  would  never  suffer  him- 
self to  be  tempted  to  undo  the  good  which  Cromwell,  or  any 
other,  had  done,  because  they  were  usurpers  that  did  it;  or  dis- 
countenance a  faithful  ministry,  because  his  enemies  had  set 
them  up;  but  that  he  would  rather  outgo  them  in  doing  good, 
and  opposing  and  rejecting  the  iguorant  and  ungodly,  of  what 
opinion  or  party  soever;  that  the  people  whose  cause  we  rec- 
ommended to  him,  had  their  eyes  on  him  as  the  officer  of  God, 
to  defend  them  in  the  possession  of  the  helps  of  their  salvation; 
which  if  he  were  pleased  to  vouchsafe  them,  their  estates  and 
lives  would  be  cheerfully  offered  to  his  service. 

"I  humbly  besought  him  tliat  he  would  never  suffer  his  sub- 
jects to  be  tempted  to  have  favorable  thoughts  of  the  late  usur- 
pers, by  seeing  the  vice  indulged  which  they  suppressed;  or  the 
godly  ministers  or  people  discountenanced  whom  they  encour- 
aged; and  that  all  his  enemies'  conduct  could  not  teach  him  a 
more  effectual  way  to  restore  the  reputation  and  honor  of  the 
usurpers  than  to  do  worse  than  they,  and  destroy  the  good  which 
they  had  done.  And,  again,  I  humbly  craved  that  no  misrepre- 
sentations might  cause  him  to  believe,  that  because  some  fanatics 
have  been  factious  and  disloyal,  therefore  the  religious  people 
in  his  dominions,  who  are  most  careful  of  their  souls,  are  such, 
though  some  of  them  may  be  dissatisfied  about  some  forms  and 
ceremonies  in  God's  worship,  which  others  use:  and  that  none 
of  them  might  go  under  so  ill  a  character  with  him,  by  misre- 
ports  behind  their  backs,  till  it  were  proved  of  them  personal- 
ly, or  they  had  answered  for  themselves:  for  we,  that  better 
knew  them  than  those  that  were  likely  to  be  their  accusers,  did 
confidently  testify  to  his  majesty,  on  their  behalf,  that  they  are 
resolved  enemies  of  sedition,  rebellion,  disobedience,  and  divi- 
sions, which  the  world  should  see,  and  their  adversaries  be  con- 
vmced  of,  if  his  majesty's  wisdom  and  clemency  did  but  remove 
those  occasions  of  scruple  in  some  points  of  discipline  and 
worship. 

"I,  further,  humbly  craved,  that  the  fi-eedom  and  plainness  of 
these  expressions  to  his  majesty  might  be  pardoned,  as  being 
extorted  by  the  present  necessity,  and  encouraged  by  our  re- 
vived hopes.  I  told  him  also,  that  it  was  not  for  Presbyterians, 
or  any  party,  as  such,  that  we  were  speaking,  but  for  the  relig- 
ious part  of  his  subjects  in  general,  than  whom  no  prince  on  earth 


160 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


had  better.  I  also  represented  to  him  how  considerable  a  part 
of  that  kingdom  he  would  find  them  to  be;  and  of  what  great 
advantage  their  union  would  be  to  his  majesty,  to  the  people, 
and  to  the  bishops  themselves,  and  how  easily  it  might  be  pro- 
cured— by  making  only  things  necessary  to  be  the  terms  of 
union — by  the  true  exercise  of  church  discipline  against  sin, — 
and  by  not  casting  out  the  faithful  ministers  that  must  exercise 
it,  and  obtruding  unworthy  men  upon  the  people:  and  how  easy 
it  was  to  avoid  the  violating  of  men's  solemn  vows  and  cove- 
nants, without  hurt  to  any  others.  And  finally,  I  requested  that 
we  might  be  heard  speak  for  ourselves,  when  any  accusations 
were  brought  against  us."  '"^ 

In  this  long  address,  we  cannot  but  admire  the  good  sense  and 
honesty  of  Baxter,  who  could  thus  fully  and  delicately  instruct 
his  majesty  in  his  duty,  and  in  the  true  interests  of  his  govern- 
ment and  the  country.  Happy  would  it  have  been  for  Charles, 
had  he  listened  to  such  counsels;  but  from  his  well-known  char- 
acter, we  can  have  little  doubt  that  he  was  at  this  time  laughing 
at  the  simplicity  of  the  venerable  men  who  were  pleading  before 
him  the  rights  of  God  and  their  fellow  subjects.  A  better  illus- 
tration of  casting  pearls  before  swine,  could  not  easily  be  found 
than  what  this  address  presents.  It  was  quite  appropriate  to 
plead  with  Charles,  his  solemn  promises,  to  remind  him  of  his 
engagements,  to  place  before  him  the  circumstances  and  expec- 
tations of  his  subjects,  and  to  urge  upon  him  the  encouragement 
of  some,  and  the  protection  of  all  religious  people.  But  to  talk 
to  such  a  man  of  discountenancing  sin,  and  promoting  godliness, 
or  to  entertain  any  expectation  that  he  would  pay  the  least  atten- 
tion to  such  things,  shows  that  the  parties  thus  addressing  him 
were  better  Christians  than  politicians.  Pohcy  required,  how- 
ever, that  he  should  treat  them  decently  for  a  time;  and  hence 
he  deceived  them  by  an  appearance  of  candor  and  kindness, 
and  by  promises  never  intended  to  be  fulfilled. 

"The  king,"  says  Baxter,  "gave  us  not  only  a  free  audience, 
but  as  gracious  an  answer  as  we  could  expect;  professing  his 
gladness  to  hear  our  inclinations  to  agreement,  and  his  resolution 
to  do  his  part  to  bring  us  together;  and  that  it  must  not  be  by 
bringing  one  party  over  to  the  other,  but  by  abating  somewhat 
on  both  sides,  and  meeting  in  the  midway;  and  that  if  it  were 
not  accomplished,  it  should  be  owing  to  ourselves  and  not  to 
him.  Nay,  that  he  was  resolved  to  see  it  brought  to  pass,  and 
that  he  would  draw  us  together  himself,  with  some  more  to  that 
purpose.  Insomuch  that  old  Mr.  Ash  burst  out  into  tears  of  joy, 
and  could  not  forbear  expressing  what  gladness  this  promise  of 
his  majesty  had  put  into  his  heart."' 


(k)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  230,  231. 


(1)  Life,  pan  li.  p.  231 


OV   RICIIAIII)  BAXTER. 


IGl 


Whether  Charles  himself  really  wished,  at  this  time,  to  effect 
some  kind  of  union  between  the  parties,  but  was  diverted  from 
it  by  the  high-church  men  who  were  about  him,  it  is  difficult  to 
say.  The  jirobability  is,  he  would  have  cared  nothing  about  it 
if  lie  could  have  quieted  boUi  classes,  at  least  for  a  time,  and  thus 
got  himself  firmly  established  on  the  throne.  He,  no  doubt, 
bore  the  Puritans  a  deadly  grudge,  for  having,  as  he  conceived, 
destroyed  his  father,  and  driven  himself  into  exile.  But  there 
were  those  around  him  who  hated  them  quite  as  heartily,  and 
who  were  determined,  if  possible,  to  make  their  yoke  heavier 
than  before.  To  these  men  there  is  full  evidence  that  all  the 
obnoxious  measures  which  led  to  the  act  of  uniformity,  and  to 
the  unmerited  sufferings  which  arose  from  it,  properly  belong. 

Had  there  been  a  disposition  to  promote  peace  and  union, 
one  of  two  courses  might  have  been  pursued;  either  of  which 
would  have  accomplished  the  objects,  or  at  least,  have  prevented 
an  open  rupture.  The  adoption  of  such  a  liturgy  and  form  of 
church  government  as  the  moderate  men  of  both  parties  might 
approve:  this  was  most  ardently  desired  by  Baxter  and  man}^  of 
those  with  whom  he  acted;  and  was  not  by  any  means  imprac- 
ticable. Or  failing  that,  to  waive  enforcing  uniformity  of  wor- 
ship and  ecclesiastical  order  upon  the  then-incumbents  of  difier- 
ent  sentiments  on  these  points,  while  they  lived,  and  which  they 
were  entitled  to  expect  from  the  king's  declaration  at  Breda. 
The  court  had  this  measure  entirely  in  its  own  power.  On  this 
plan  a  prospective  act  of  uniformity  might  have  been  passed, 
which  would  have  gradually  effected  the  favorite  object,  without 
inflicting  tremendous  suffering  on  conscientious  men,  and  an 
incurable  wound  on  the  church  itself.  Every  principle  of  integ- 
rity and  good  policy  ought  to  have  secured  die  interests  of  the 
Nonconformists;  though  I  doubt  w^hether  the  interests  of  religion 
in  the  nation  would  ultimately  have  been  so  effectually  promoted, 
as  by  the  course  pursued.  The  hardest,  the  most  unjust,  the 
most  oppressive  measure  that  could  be  adopted,  was  the  rigor- 
ous enforcement  of  episcopacy  and  the  liturgy,  with  all  their 
concomitants,  on  pious  and  conscientious  men.  For  this,  who- 
ever was  the  party  chiefly  concerned  in  it,  no  apology  can  be 
found.    It  was  an  unnecessary  and  a  cruel  act  of  despotism. 

"Either  at  this  time  or  shortly  after,  the  king  required  us  to 
draw  up  and  offer  him  such  proposals  as  we  thought  meet,  in 
order  to  agreement  about  church  government,  for  that  was  the 
main  difference;  if  that  were  agreed  upon,  there  would  be  litde 
danger  of  differing  in  the  rest:  and  he  desired  us  to  set  down  the 
most  that  we  could  yield  to. 

"We  told  him,  that  we  were  but  few  men,  and  had  no  com- 
mission from  any  of  our  brethren  to  express  their  minds;  and 
therefore  desired  that  his  majesty  would  give  us  leave  to  acquaint 

VOL.    I.  21 


162 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


our  brethren  iu  the  country  with  it,  and  take  them  with  us. 
The  king  answered,  this  would  be  too  tedious,  and  make  too 
much  noise;  and  therefore  we  should  do  what  we  could  our- 
selves only,  with  those  of  the  city  we  could  take  with  us.  And 
when  we  then  pi-ofessed  that  we  presumed  not  to  give  the  sense 
of  others,  or  oblige  them;  and  that  what  we  did  must  signify 
but  the  minds  of  so  many  as  were  present;  he  answered,  that  it 
should  signify  no  more,  and  that  he  did  not  intend  to  call  an  as- 
sembly oi'  the  other  party,  but  would  bring  a  few,  such  as  he 
thought  meet;  and  that  if  he  tiiought  good  to  advise  with  a  few 
of  each  side,  for  his  own  satisfaction,  none  had  cause  to  be 
offended  at  it. 

"We  also  craved  that,  at  the  same  time,  when  we  offered  our 
concessions  to  the  king,  the  brethren  on  the  other  side  might 
bring  in  theirs,  containing  also  the  uttermost  that  they  could 
abate  and  yield  to  us  for  concord,  that  seeing  both  together,  we 
might  see  what  probability  of  success  we  had.  And  the  king 
promised  that  it  should  be  so. 

"We  hereupon  departed,  and  appointed  to  meet  from  day  to 
day  at  Sion  College,  and  to  consult  there  openly  with  any  of 
our  brethren  that  would  please  to  join  us,  that  none  might  say 
they  were  excluded.  Some  city  ministers  came  among  us,  and 
some  came  not;  and  divers  country  ministers,  who  were  in  the 
city,  came  also  to  us;  as  Dr.  Worth,  since  a  bishop  in  Ireland, 
Mr.  Fulwood,  since  archdeacon  of  Totness;  but  Mr.  Matthew 
Nevvcomen  was  most  constant  in  assisting  us. 

"In  these  debates,  we  found  the  great  inconvenience  of  too 
many  actors,  though  there  cannot  be  too  many  consenters  to  what 
is  well  done:  for  that  which  seemed  the  most  convenient  expres- 
sion to  one,  seemed  inconvenient  to  another;  and  we  who  all 
agreed  in  matter,  had  much  ado  to  agree  in  words.  But  after 
about  two  or  three  weeks'  time,  we  drew  up  a  paper  of  propo- 
sals, which,  with  Archbishop  Usher's  form  of  government,  called 
his  reduction,  we  should  offer  to  the  king.  Mr.  Calamy  and 
Dr.  Reynolds  drew  up  the  most  of  them;  Dr.  Worth  and  Dr. 
Reynolds  drew  up  what  was  against  the  ceremonies;  the  abstract 
which  was  laid  before  the  king  I  drew  up." 

It  is  evident  that  both  caution  and  good  sense  mark  all  these 
proceedings.  Nothing  could  be  fairer,  if  something  was  to  be 
conceded  by  both  parlies,  than  that  each  should  state  what  it 
was  ready  to  give  up  or  to  modify;  it  would  then  have  been  seen 
at  once,  whether  the  parties  were  likely  to  agree  on  any  common 
basis.  The  Nonconformists,  it  is  clear,  were  not  backward  to 
offer  concessions;  and  had  they  been  met  with  a  conciliatory 
spirit  by  the  church  party,  matters  would  not  have  proceeded 


(m)  Lile,  part  ii.  pp.  231,  232. 


OF     RICHARD  BAXTER. 


1G3 


to  the  extremity  which  they  did.  As  some  of  their  papers, 
even  those  against  ceremonies,  were  drawn  up  by  Reynolds  and 
Worth,  wlio  both  afterwards  conformed,  and  were  made  bishops, 
their  proposals  must  have  been  very  reasonable. 

The  paper  referred  to  by  Baxter,  drawn  up  in  the  most  re- 
spectful manner,  and  containing  very  moderate  propositions, 
was  laid  before  his  majesty.  It  embraced  the  leading  points  of 
difference  relating  to  church  government,  the  liturgy  and  cere- 
monies, on  which  such  extended  controversies  had  been  main- 
tained. Usher's  scheme  of  a  reduced  episcopacy  (a  kind  of 
presbyterian  episcopate,  in  which  the  bisliop  is  regarded  rather 
as  the  permanent  moderator  in  the  synods  or  councils  of  his 
brethren,  the  primus  inter  pares,  than  as  clothed  with  independ- 
ent authority,  and  exclusive  rights  and  privileges)  was  the  basis 
of  their  proposition  on  this  head.  They  agreed  on  the  lawful- 
ness of  the  liturgy,  bat  objected  to  its  rigorous  enforcement,  and 
to  several  parts  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  which  required 
amendment.  They  also  pointed  out  the  various  ceremonies  in 
divine  service  at  which  they  were  offended;  such  as  the  use  of 
the  surplice,  the  sign  of  the  cross  at  baptism,  bowing  at  the  name 
of  Jesus,  and  kneeling  at  the  altar.  All  these  particulars  and 
requests  they  humbly  laid  at  his  majesty's  feet.  They  also  pre- 
sented Usher's  own  model  as  drawn  up  in  1641 . 

"When  we  went,"  says  Baxter,  "with  these  foresaid  papers  to 
the  king,  and  expected  there  to  meet  the  divines  of  the  otlier 
party,  according  to  promise,  with  their  proposals  also,  containing 
the  lowest  terms  which  they  would  yield  to  for  peace,  we  saw 
not  a  man  of  them,  nor  any  papers  from  them  of  that  nature,  no, 
not  to  this  day;  but  it  was  not  fit  for  us  to  expostulate  or  com- 
plain. His  majesty  very  graciously  renewed  his  professions,  I 
must  not  call  them  promises,  that  he  would  bring  us  together, 
and  see  that  the  bishops  should  come  down  and  yield  on  their 
part;  and  when  he  heard  our  papers  read,  he  seemed  well  pleas- 
ed with  them,  and  told  us,  he  was  glad  that  we  were  for  a  liturgy 
and  yielded  to  the  essence  of  episcopacy,  and,  therefore,  he 
doubted  not  of  our  agreement;  with  much  more,  which  we 
thought  meet  to  recite  in  our  following  addresses,  by  way  of 
gratitude,  and  for  other  reasons  easy  to  be  conjectured. 

"Yet  was  not  Bishop  Usher's  model  the  same  in  all  points 
that  we  could  wish;  but  it  was  the  best  that  we  could  have  the 
least  hope,  I  say  not  to  obtain,  but  acceptably  to  make  them  any 
offers  of;  for  had  we  proposed  any  thing  below  archbishops  and 
bishops,  we  should  but  have  suddenly  furnished  them  with  plau- 
sible reasons  for  the  rejecting  of  all  further  attempts  of  concord, 
or  any  other  favor  from  them. 

"Before  this  time,  by  the  king's  return,  many  hundred  worthy 
ministers  were  displaced,  and  cast  out  of  their  charges;  because 


164 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


they  were  in  sequestrations  where  others  had  by  the  parliament 
been  cast  out.  Our  earnest  desires  had  been,  that  all  such 
should  be  cast  out  as  were  in  any  benefice  belonging  formerly  to 
a  man  that  was  not  grossly  insufficient  or  debauched;  but  that 
all  who  succeeded  such  as  these  scandalous  ones,  should  hold 
their  places. 

"These  wishes  being  vain,  and  all  the  old  ones  restored,  the 
king  promised  that  the  places  where  any  of  the  old  ones  were 
dead,  should  be  confirmed  to  the  possessors:  but  many  others 
got  the  broad  seal  for  them,  and  the  matter  was  not  great;  for 
we  were  all  of  us  to  be  endured  but  a  little  longer.  However, 
we  agreed  to  offer  five  requests  to  the  king,  which  he  received."" 

These  requests  related  to  a  speedy  answer  from  himself  to 
their  proposals  about  agreement,  to  a  suspension  of  proceedings 
upon  the  act  of  conformity  till  such  agreement  were  come  to  or 
refused,  and  some  other  matters  arising  out  of  the  unsettled  state 
of  affairs  in  the  church.  While  they  waited  for  the  promised 
condescension  of  the  episcopal  divines,  they  received  nothing 
but  a  paper  expressive  of  bitter  opposition  to  their  proposals. 
They  felt  that  they  were  treated  unworthily,  and  therefore  the 
brethren  requested  Baxter  to  answer  it.  He  did  so;  but  it  was 
never  used,  as  there  seemed  no  probability  of  its  having  any  good 
effect.  In  his  life,  however,  we  are  furnished  with  both  docu- 
ments at  large." 

A  short  time  after  this,  the  ministers  were  informed  that  the 
king  would  communicate  his  intentions  in  the  form  of  a  declar- 
ation; to  which  they  would  be  at  liberty  to  furnish  their  excep- 
tions. This  was  accordingly  done  on  the  4th  of  September, 
1660.  This  paper,  which  is  very  long,  is  full  of  pretensions  to 
zeal  for  righteousness,  peace,  and  union;  unfair  in  its  assump- 
tions, and  unkind  in  its  insinuations;  and  expresses  nothing  ex- 
plicitly but  the  determination  of  the  court  to  uphold  things  as 
they  were.  It  however  intimated  his  majesty's  approbation  of 
the  principles  and  conduct  of  the  Presbyterian  ministers  who 
waited  upon  him  at  Breda;  renews  the  declaration  made  there 
in  favor  of  liberty  of  conscience;  promises  that  none  shall  be 
molested  for  differing  from  the  forms  of  episcopacy;  waives  en- 
forcing the  sign  of  the  cross  at  baptism,  kneeling  at  the  sacra- 
ment, the  use  of  the  surplice,  the  subscription  of  canonical  obe- 
dience and  re-ordination,  where  these  were  conscientiously  ob- 
jected to.  It  renews  the  promise  to  appoint  a  meeting  to  review 
the  Liturgy;  engages  to  make  some  alterations  respecting  the 
extent  of  some  of  the  dioceses,  if  necessary,  and  to  modify  the 
authority  of  the  bishops,  if  requisite:  and  that  some  other  mat- 


In)  Life,  part  ii.  p.  241. 


(o)  Ibid,  pp.  242—258. 


OF    RICHARD  RAXTKR. 


105 


ters  of  reformation  should  be  attondcul  to.''  As  far  as  tlic  feel- 
ings and  wishes  of  the  Presbyterian  party  on  the  great  leading 
points  of  church  government  and  discipline  were  concerned,  it 
was  vox  ct preiercn  nihil. 

"When  we  received  this  copy  of  the  declaration,"  says  Bax- 
ter, "we  saw  that  it  would  not  serve  to  heal  our  differences;  we 
therefore  told  the  Lord  Chancellor,  with  whom  we  were  to  do 
all  our  business,  that  our  endeavors,  as  to  concord,  would  all  be 
frustrated,  if  much  were  not  altered  in  the  declaration.  I  pass 
over  all  our  conferences  with  him,  both  now  and  at  other  times. 
In  conclusion,  we  were  requested  to  draw  up  our  thoughts  of  it 
in  writing,  wiiich  the  brethren  imposed  on  me  to  do.  My  judg- 
ment was,  that  all  the  fruit  of  this  our  treaty,  beside  a  little  re- 
prival  from  intended  ejection,  would  be  but  the  satisfying  our 
consciences  and  posterity  that  we  had  done  our  duty,  and  that 
it  was  not  our  fault  that  we  came  not  to  the  desired  concord  or 
coalition;  and  therefore,  seeing  we  had  no  considerable  higher 
hopes,  we  should  speak  as  plainly  as  honesty^  and  conscience 
did  require  us.  But  when  Mr.  Calamy  and  Dr.  Reynolds  had 
read  my^  paper,  they  were  troubled  at  the  plainness  of  it,  and 
thought  it  never  would  be  endured,  and  therefore  desired  some 
alteration;  especially  that  I  might  leave  out  the  prediction  of  the 
evils  which  would  follow  our  non-agreement,  which  the  court 
would  interpret  as  a  threatening:  and  the  mentioning  the  aggra- 
vations of  covenant-breaking  and  perjury.  I  gave  them  ray 
reasons  for  letting  it  stand  as  it  was.  To  bring  me  more  effect- 
ually to  their  mind,  they  told  the  Earl  of  Manchester,  with 
whom,  as  our  sure  friend,  we  still  consulted,  and  through  whom 
the  court  used  to  communicate  to  us  what  it  desired.  He 
called  the  Earl  of  Anglesey'"  and  the  Lord  Hollis'  to  the  con- 

(p)  This  declaration  was  drawn  up  by  Lord  Clarendon;  but  tlie  evasive  claims 
which  render  it,  in  a  great  measure,  nugatory,  were  inserted  by  llie  secret  advisers  of 
the  king.  Sheldon,  Hinchman,  and  Morley,  were  deeply  engaged  in  the  whole  <i(- 
fair.— Secret  History  of  Charles  II.,  vol.  i.  p.  93. 

(q)  Life,  part  ii,  p.  259,  265. 

(r)  The  Earl  of  Anglesey  was  one  of  the  most  respectable  of  those  noblemen  who 
were  understood  to  be  attached  to  the  Nonconformists.  He  was  a  native  of  Ireland, 
and  son  of  Lord  Mount  Norris.  He  was  at  first  supposed  to  favor  the  royal  cause, 
but  afterwards  joined  that  of  the  parliament,  and  went  to  Ireland  in  its  service. 
Though  he  had  taken  no  part  in  the  events  which  led  immediately  to  the  death  of  the 
king,  his  lordship  did  not  increase  his  reputation  by  sitting  as  one  of  the  commission- 
ers on  the  trial  of  the  regicides.  He  was  made  an  earl  for  his  important  services  in 
promoting  the  restoration,  and  rose  to  some  of  the  highest  offices  in  the  slate  during 
the  reign  of  Charles  11,  He  was  a  man  of  very  considerable  learning,  and  indefati- 
gable in  business;  but  he  seems  to  have  been  more  attentive  to  his  fiUerests  than  to 
his  consistency,  or  to  what  was  due  to  the  religious  party  by  which  he  was  held  in 
estimation.— Bio^,  Brit,  vol,  i,  pp,  192— 2(J0;  Allien.  Ox.  vol.'iv.  pp.  181—186. 

(s)  Denzil,  Lord  Hollis,  second  son  of  the  first  Earl  of  Clare,  was  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  of  the  popular  leaders  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I.  He  was  courageous, 
patriotic,  honorable,  and  disinterested  in  all  his  conduct.  He  appears  to  have  taken  a 
decided  part  against  Charles  I.  (with  whom  he  had  lived  upon  terms  of  intimate 
friendship)  purely  from  the  love  of  his  country.  He  was  the  principal  leader  of  the 
Presbyterian  party,  which  placed  the  greatest  confidence  in  him;  he  was  consequent- 
ly disliked  by  Cromwell  and  the  Independents,  both  of  whom  he  opposed.  Even 


16G 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


siiltations  as  our  friends.  And  these  three  lords,  with  Mr, 
Calamy  and  Dr.  Reynolds,  perused  all  the  writing;  and  all, 
with  earnestness,  persuaded  me  to  the  said  alterations.  I  con- 
fess, I  thought  those  two  points  material  which  they  excepted 
against,  and  would  not  have  had  them  left  out,  and  thereby 
made  them  think  me  too  plain  and  unpleasing,  as  never  used  to 
the  language  or  converse  of  a  court.  But  it  was  not  my  un- 
skilfulness  in  a  more  pleasing  language,  but  my  reason  and  con- 
science upon  foresight  of  the  issue  which  were  the  cause. 
When  they  told  me,  however,  it  would  not  so  much  as  be  re- 
ceived, and  that  I  must  go  with  it  myself,  for  nobody  else 
would,  I  yielded  to  the  aherations."  * 

"A  little  before  this  petition  was  agreed  on,  the  bishop's  party 
appointed,  at  our  request,  a  meeting  witli  some  of  us,  to  try 
how  near  we  could  come  in  preparation  for  what  was  to  be  re- 
solved on.  Dr.  Morley,  Dr.  Hinchman,  and  Dr.  Cosins,  met 
Dr.  Reynolds,  Mr.  Calamy,  and  myself;  and  after  a  few  roving 
discourses,  we  parted,  without  bringing  them  to  any  particular 
concessions  or  abatement,  only  their  general  talk  was,  from  the 
beginning,  as  if  they  would  do  any  thing  for  peace  which  was  fit 
to  be  done.  They  being  then  newly  elected,  but  not  consecrated 
to  their  several  bishopricks,  we  called  them,  JMy  Lords,  which 
Dr.  Morley  once  returned,  saying,  'We  may  call  you  also,  I  sup- 
pose by  the  same  name.'  By  which  I  perceived  they  had  some 
purpose  to  try  that  way  with  us."  " 

The  petition,  as  altered,  was  finally  agreed  too.  It  expresses 
the  disappointment  which  the  ministers  experienced,  both  from 
the  contents  and  the  omissions  of  the  declaration;  the  pain 
which  was  caused  by  some  of  the  insinuations  contained  in  it; 
the  distinction  which  they  had  always  contended  for  between 
the  episcopal  form  of  church  government,  and  the  episcopacy 
established  in  England;  and  presents  a  very  plain  view  of  that 
modified  system  of  government  and  discipline  which  would  sat- 
isfy themselves,  and,  they  believed,  the  great  body  of  serious 
persons  of  their  persuasion  throughout  the  country.  "But  on 
being  delivered  to  the  lord  Chancellor,  it  was  so  ungrateful 
that  we  were  never  called  to  present  it  to  the  king;  but,  instead 
of  that,  it  was  offered  us,  that  we  should  make  such  alterations 
in  the  declaration  as  were  necessary  to  attain  its  ends;  with  these 
cautions,  that  we  put  in  nothing  but  what  we  judged  of  flat  ne- 
cessity; and  that  we  alter  not  the  preface  or  language  of  it:  for 
it  was  to  be  the  king's  declaration,  and  what  he  spake  as  ex- 
Clarendon  acknowledges  that  he  deserved  (he  high  reputation  which  he  enjoyed, 
"being  of  more  accomplished  parts  than  any  of  the  Presbyterian  leaders."  It  does 
not  appear,  however,  that  he  espoused  the  Presbyterian  interest  so  warmly  after  the 
restoration  as  he  had  done  before. 

(I)  Life,  part  ii.  p.  265.  (u)  Ibid.  274. 


OF  lUCUAKO  BAXTKll. 


1G7 


pressing  his  own  sense  was  nothing  to  us.  II"  we  thought  he 
imposed  any  thing  intolerable  upon  us,  we  had  leave  to  express 
our  desires  lor  the  altering  of  it.  Whereupon  we  agreed  to 
ofFer  another  [)aper  of  alterations,  letting  all  the  rest  of  the  de- 
claration alone;  hut  wilhal,  by  word,  to  tell  those  we  offered  it 
to,  which  was  the  lord  Chancellor,  that  this  was  not  the  model  of 
church  government  which  we  at  first  offered,  nor  which  we 
thought  most  expedient  for  the  healing  of  the  church;  hut  seeing 
tliat  cannot  be  attained,  we  shall  humbly  submit,  and  thankfully 
acknowledge  his  majesty's  condescension,  if  we  may  obtain  what 
now  we  offer,  and  shall  faithfully  endeavor  to  improve  it  to  the 
church's  peace,  to  the  utmost  of  our  power." 

Another  paper  of  alterations  was  accordingly  made  out  and 
sent  in.  "After  all  this,  a  day  was  appointed  for  his  majesty  to 
peruse  the  declaration,  as  it  was  drawn  up  by  the  lord  Chancel- 
lor,^ and  to  allow  what  he  liked,  and  alter  the  rest,  upon  the 
hearing  of  what  both  sides  should  say.  He  accordingly  came 
to  the  lord  Chancellor's  house,  and  with  him  the  Dukes  of  Al- 
bermarlc  and  Ormond,'  as  1  remember:  the  Earl  of  Manches- 
ter, the  Earl  of  Anglesey,  the  lord  Mollis,  he;  and  Dr.  Shel- 
don, then  bishop  of  London,  Dr.  Morley,  then  bishop  of  Wor- 
cester, Dr.  Hinchman,  then  bishop  of  Salisbury,  Dr.  Cosins, 
bishop  of  Durham,  Dr.  Gauden,  afterwards  bishop  of  Exeter 
and  W'orcester,  Dr.  Barwick,  afterwards  dean  of  St.  Paul's,  Dr. 
Hacket,  bishop  of  Coventry  and  Litchfield,  with  divers  others, 
among  whom  Dr.  Gunning  was  most  notable.  On  the  other 
part  stood  Dr.  Reynolds,  Mr.  Calamy,  Mr.  Ash,  Dr.  Wallis, 
Dr.  Manton,  Dr.  Spurstow,  myself,  and  who  else  I  remember 
not.  The  business  of  die  day  was  not  to  dispute,  but  as  the 
lord  Chancellor  read  over  the  declaration,  each  party  was  to 
speak  to  what  it  disliked,  and  the  king  to  determine  how  it 
should  be,  as  he  liked  himself.  While  the  lord  Chancellor  read 
over  the  preface,  there  was  no  interruption,  only  he  thought  it 
best  himself  to  blot  out  those  words  about  the  declaration  in  Scot- 

(x)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  271 — 27G. 

(y)  Hjcle,  eail  of  Clarendon,  now  lord  Chancellor,  was  in  various  respects  a  con- 
siderable man.  He  possessed  a  large  portion  of  that  kind  of  loyalty  which  made  him 
regard  the  glory  of  his  country  chiefly  as  it  contributed  lo  the  glory  of  the  king. 
He  was  narrow-minded,  and  ihe  subject  of  prejudices  of  the  most  violent  kind,  es- 
pecially against  the  friends  of  liberty  and  the  Nonconformists.  It  does  not  appear 
that  his  lordship  particularly  disliked  Raxler}  on  the  contrary,  he  seems  lo  have  done 
him,  occasionally,  some  little  kintlness;  but  to  Clarendon,  and  one  or  two  of  the 
bishops,  a  large  portion  of  the  suflerings  and  disappointment  of  the  Nonconformists, 
after  the  Restoration,  is  mainly  to  be  attributed.  He  could  be  merry  with  them,  how- 
ever, sometimes.  He  (old  Baxter,  after  the  Savoy  conference,  that  had  he  been 
but  as  fat  as  Dr.  Manton,  they  had  done  very  well.  Baxter  readily  replied,  that  if 
his  lordship  would  teach  him  the  art  of  growing  fat,  he  shoi.dd  tind  him  quite  ready  to 
learn. — I'i/i^,  part  ii.  p  3. 

(z)  The  Duke  of  Ormo:-'.d  was  lord  steward  of  the  household,  and  was  a  man  of 
great  integrity  and  benevolence.  He  had  always  been  a  royalist,  but  was  much  re- 
spected by  all  parties.  I  am  not  aware  that  he  look  much  pari  in  the  affairs  which 
related  to  the  Nonconformists. 


1G8  THK  LIFK  AND  TIMES 

land  for  the  covenant, — that  we  did,  from  tlie  moment  it  passed 
our  hand,  ask  God  forgiveness  for  our  part  in  it.  The  great  mat- 
ter which  we  stopped  at,  was  die  word  consent,  where  the  bishop 
is  to  confirm  by  the  consent  of  the  pastor  of  that  church;  and 
the  kbg  would  by  no  means  pass  the  word  consent,  either  there 
or  in  the  point  of  ordination  or  censures,  because  it  gave  the 
ministers  a  negative  voice.  We  urged  him  hard  with  a  passage 
in  his  fadier's  book  of  meditations,  where  he  expressly  granteth 
this  consent  of  the  presbyters; '  but  it  would  not  prevail.  The  most 
that  I  insisted  on  was  from  the  end  of  our  endeavors,  that  we 
came  not  hither  h'om  a  personal  agreement  only  with  our  breth- 
ren of  the  other  way,  but  to  procure  such  gracious  concessions 
from  his  majesty  as  would  unite  all  the  soberest  people  of  the 
land;  and  we  knew  that  on  lower  terms  it  could  not  be  done. 
Though  consent  be  but  a  little  word,  it  was  necessary  to  a  very 
desirable  end;  if  it  were  purposed  that  the  parties  and  divis- 
ions should  rather  continue  unhealed,  then  we  had  no  more  to 
say,  there  being  no  remedy:  but  we  were  sure  that  union  would 
not  be  attained,  if  no  consent  were  allowed  ministers  in  any 
part  of  the  government  of  their  flocks;  and  so  they  would  be 
only  teachers,  without  any  participation  in  the  ruling  of  the  peo- 
ple, whose  rectors  they  were  called.  When  I  perceived  some 
offence  at  what  I  said,  I  told  them  that  we  had  not  the  judg- 
ments of  men  at  our  command.  We  could  not,  in  reason, 
suppose  that  our  concessions,  or  any  thing  we  could  do,  would 
change  the  judgments  of  any  great  numbers;  and  therefore  we 
must  consider  what  will  unite  us,  in  case  their  judgments  be  not 
changed,  else  our  labor  would  be  to  no  purpose. 

"Bishop  Morley  told  them  how  great  our  power  was,  and 
what  we  might  do  if  we  were  willing.  He  told  the  king  also  that 
no  man  had  written  better  of  these  matters  than  I  had  done; 
and  there  (my  five  Disputations  of  Church  Government  lay, 
ready  to  be  produced.  All  this  was  to  intimate  as  if  I  now 
contradicted  what  I  had  there  written.  I  told  him  that  I  had 
the  best  reason  to  know  what  I  had  written,  and  that  I  was  still 

(a)  The  passage  in  the  'Eikon  Basilike,'  to  which  Baxter  refers,  as  that  in  which 
Charles  concedes  tlial  the  bishops  should  rule  with  the  consent  of  the  presbyters,  is, 
I  apprehend,  the  following:  "Not  that  I  am  against  the  managing  of  this  precedency 
and  authority  in  one  man,  by  i\vi  joinl  counsel  and  consent  of  mantj  presbtjters:  I  have 
ofilered  to  restore  that,  as  a  fit  means  to  avoid  those  errors,  corruptions,  and  partial- 
ities, which  are  incident  to  any  one  man;  also  to  avoid  tyranny,  which  becomes  no 
Christian,  least  of  all  churchmen.  Besides  it  will  be  a  means  to  take  away  that  bur- 
den and  odium  of  affairs  which  may  lie  too  heavy  on  one  man's  shoulders,  as  indeed 
I  think  it  formerly  did  on  the  bishops'  here."  (pp.  153,  154.)  This  was  the  opinion 
of  Charles  I.  in  solitude  and  suffering,  and  therefore  no  reason  why  it  should  bind 
Charles  II  ,  in  full  possession  of  royaf  power  and  authority.  He,  indeed,  must  have 
been  amused  at  the  quotation  of  his  father's  opinions  trom  this  book;  and  Dr.  Gau- 
den,  the  real  author  of  the  'Eikon,'  who  was  now  present,  must  have  been  not  a 
little  mortified  by  the  reference  to  such  a  passage.  The  king,  it  is  said,  when  the 
reference  was  made,  said  quietly,  "All  that  is  in  that  book  is  not  Gospel;"  a  remark 
which  meant  more  than  met  the  ear. — Bales'  Funeral  Sermon  for  Bajcler. 


Oi'    RICHARD  llAXTEH. 


169 


of  the  same  mind.  A  great  many  words  there  were  about  pre- 
lacy and  re-ordinution;  Dr.  Gunning  and  bishop  Morley  speak- 
ing ahnost  all  on  one  side,  and  Dr.  Hinchman  and  Dr.  Cosens 
sometimes;  and  ftlr.  Calamy  and  myself  most  on  the  other 
side;  but  I  think  neither  party  value  the  rambling  discourses  of 
that  day  so  much  as  to  think  them  worth  recording.  Mr.  Cal- 
amy answered  Dr.  Gunning  from  Scripture  very  well,  against 
the  divine  right  of  prelacy  as  a  distinct  order.  When  Dr.  Gun- 
ning told  them  diat  Dr.  Hammond  had  said  enough  against  the 
Presbyterian  cause  and  ordination,  and  was  yet  unanswered, 
1  thought  it  meet  to  tell  him,  that  I  had  answered  the  substance 
of  his  arguments,  and  said  enough,  moreover,  against  the  dioce- 
san frame  of  government;  and  to  prove  the  validity  of  the 
English  presbyters'  ordination,  which,  indeed,  was  unanswered, 
though  I  was  very  desirous  to  have  seen  an  answer  to  it.  I  said 
this,  because  they  had  got  the  book  by  them,  and  because  I 
thought  the  unreasonableness  of  their  dealing  might  be  evinced, 
who  force  so  many  hundreds  to  be  re-ordained;  and  will  not 
any  of  them  answer  one  book,  which  is  written  to  prove  the  va- 
lidity of  that  ordination  which  they  would  have  nullified,  though 
I  provoked  them  purposely  in  such  a  presence. 

The  most  of  the  time  being  spent  thus  in  speaking  to  particu- 
lars of  the  declaration,  as  it  was  read,  when  we  came  to  the 
end,  the  Lord  Chancellor  drew  out  another  paper,  and  told  us 
that  the  king  had  been  petitioned  also  by  the  Independents  and 
Anabaptists;  and  though  he  knew  not  what  to  think  of  it  him- 
self, and  did  not  very  well  lilvc  it,  yet  something  he  had  drawn  up 
which  he  would  read  to  us,  and  desire  us  also  to  give  our  advice 
about  it.  Thereupon  he  read,  as  an  addition  to  the  declara- 
tion, 'that  others  also  be  permitted  to  meet  for  religious  worship, 
so  be  it  they  do  it  not  to  the  disturbance  of  the  peace;  and  that 
no  justice  of  peace  or  officer  disturb  them.'  When  he  had 
read  it,  he  again  desired  them  all  to  think  on  it,  and  give  their 
advice;  but  all  were  silent.  The  Presbyterians  all  perceived, 
as  soon  as  they  heard  it,  that  it  would  secure  the  liberty  of  the 
Papists;  and  Dr.  Wallis  whispered  me  in  the  ear,  and  entreat- 
ed me  to  say  nothing,  for  it  was  an  odious  business,  but  to 
let  the  bishops  speak  to  it.  But  the  bishops  would  not  speak 
a  word,  nor  any  one  of  the  Presbyterians,  and  so  we  were 
like  to  have  ended  in  silence.  I  knew,  if  we  consented  to  it,  it 
would  be  charged  on  us,  that  we  spake  for  a  toleration  of 
Papists  and  sectaries:  yet  it  might  have  lengthened  out  our  own. 
And  if  we  spake  against  it,  all  sects  and  parties  would  be  set 
against  us  as  the  causers  of  their  sufferings,  and  as  a  partial  peo- 
ple that  would  have  liberty  ourselves,  but  would  have  no  others 
enjoy  it  with  us.  At  last,  seeing  the  silence  continue,  1  thought 
our  very  silence  would  be  charged  on  us  as  consent,  if  it  went 

VOL.  I.  22 


170 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


on,  and  therefore  I  only  said  this:  'That  this  reverend  brother, 
Dr.  Gunning,  even  now  spealving  against  the  sects,  had  named 
the  Papists  and  the  Socinians:  for  our  parts,  we  desired  not 
favor  to  ourselves  alone,  and  rigorous  severity  we  desired 
against  none.  As  we  humbly  thanked  his  majesty  for  his  indul- 
gence to  ourselves  so  we  distinguished  the  tolerable  parties  from 
the  intolerable.  For  the  former,  we  humbly  craved  just  lenity 
and  favor,  but  for  the  latter,  such  as  the  two  sorts  named  before 
by  that  reverend  brother,  for  our  parts,  we  could  not  make  their 
toleration  our  request.'  ^  To  which  his  majesty  said,  there  were 
laws  enough  against  the  Papists;  to  which  I  replied,  that  we 
understood  the  question  to  be,  whether  those  laws  should  be 
executed  on  them  or  not.  And  so  his  majesty  broke  up  the 
meeting  of  that  day. 

"Before  the  meeting  was  dissolved,  his  majesty  had  all 
along  told  what  he  would  have  stand  in  the  declaration;  and  he 
named  four  divines  to  determine  of  any  words  in  the  alteration, 
if  there  were  any  difference;  that  is.  Bishop  Morley,  Bishop 
Hinchman,  Dr.  Reynolds,  and  Mr.  Calamy;  and  if  they  dis- 
agreed, that  the  Earl  of  Anglesey  and  the  Lord  HoUis  should 
decide  it.  As  they  went  out  of  the  room,  I  told  the  Earl  of 
Anglesey,  that  we  had  no  other  business  there  but  the  church's 
peace  and  welfare,  and  I  would  not  have  been  the  man  that 
should  have  done  so  much  against  it  as  he  had  done  that  day 
for  far  more  than  he  was  like  to  get  by  it.  Though  called  a 
Presbyterian,  he  had  spoken  more  for  prelacy  than  we  expect- 
ed: and  1  think  by  the  consequent  that  this  saying  did  some 
good;  for  when  I  afterwards  found  the  declaration  amended,  and 
asked  how  it  came  to  pass,  he  intimated  to  me  that  it  was  his 
doing. 

"When  I  went  out  from  the  meeting,  I  went  dejected,  being 
fully  satisfied  that  the  form  of  government  in  that  declaration 
would  not  be  satisfactory,  nor  attain  that  concord  which  was 
our  end,  because  the  pastors  had  no  government  of  the  flocks; 
and  I  was  resolved  to  meddle  no  more  in  the  business,  but 
patiently  suffer  with  other  dissenters.  But  two  or  three  days 
after,  meeting  the  king's  declaration  cried  about  the  streets,  I 
presently  stepped  into  a  house  to  read  it;  and  seeing  the  word 
consent  put  in  about  confirmation  and  sacrament,  though  not  as 
to  jurisdiction,  and  seeing  the  pastoral  persuasive  power  of 
governing  left  to  all  the  ministers  with  the  rural  dean,  and  some 
more  amendments,  I  wondered  how  it  came  to  pass,  but  was 

(b)  Baxter's  honesty  is  always  evident  in  every  thing  he  did;  but  here  his  prejudices 
and  imperfect  views  of  religious  liberty  made  hiin  appear  in  a  very  disadvantageous 
light.  There  is  no  doubt  that  tlie  conduct  of  the  court  on  this  occasion  was  designed 
to  entrap  the  Mnnconformists.  If  iliey  said  yea  to  the  proposition,  they  would  be  re- 
garded as  the  friends  of  Popery,  if  they  said  nay.  they  would  be  considered  enemies 
to  the  liberties  of  olh.ri,  while  they  were  struggling  for  their  own. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


171 


exceeding  glad  of  it;  perceiving  that  now  llie  terms  were, 
though  not  sucli  as  we  desired,  such  as  any  sober,  honest  minis- 
ter might  submit  to.  I  presently  resolved  to  do  my  best  to  per- 
suade all,  according  to  my  interest  and  opportunity,  to  conform 
according  to  the  terms  of  this  declaration,  and  cheerfully  to 
promote  t])e  concord  of  the  church,  and  brotherly  love,  which 
this  concord  doth  bespeak. 

"Having  frequent  business  with  the  Lord  Clianccllor  about 
other  matters,  I  was  going  to  him  when  I  met  the  king's  declara- 
tion in  the  street;  and  I  was  so  much  pleased  with  it,  that  hav- 
ing told  him  why  1  was  so  earnest  to  have  had  it  suited  to  the 
desired  end,  I  gave  him  hearty  thanks  for  the  addition,  and  told 
him  that  if  the  liturgy  were  but  altered  as  the  declaration  prom- 
ised, and  this  settled  and  continued  to  us  by  law,  and  not  re- 
versed, I  should  take  it  to  be  my  duty  to  do  my  best  to  pro- 
cure the  full  consent  of  others,  and  promote  our  happy  concord 
on  these  terms;  and  should  rejoice  to  see  the  day  when  factions 
and  parties  may  all  be  swallowed  up  in  unity,  and  contentions 
turned  to  brotherly  love.  At  that  time  he  began  to  offer  me  a 
bishopric,  of  which  more  anon."*^ 

The  account  which  Clarendon  gives  us  of  the  transactions 
relating  to  the  declarations,  are  very  different  from  Baxter's; 
and  as  he  refers  to  the  conduct  of  the  ministers  on  this  occa- 
sion for  proof  of  the  necessity  of  a  rigorous  enforcement  of  the 
laws,  I  shall  give  his  version  of  it  in  his  own  words.  This  I 
should  not  have  thought  necessary,  had  not  Bishop  Heber,  in 
his  Life  of  Jeremy  Taylor,  introduced  it  as  a  proof  of  the 
"disingenuousness  of  some  of  the  Presbyterian  leaders,  and 
the  absurd  bigotry  of  others."** 

"Here,"  says  Clarendon,  "I  cannot  but  instance  two  acts  of 
the  Presbyterians,  by  which,  if  their  humor  and  spirit  were  not 
enough  discovered  and  known,  their  want  of  ingenuity  and  in- 
tegrity would  be  manifest;  and  how  impossible  it  is  for  men  who 
would  not  be  deceived,  to  depend  on  either.  When  the  de- 
claration had  been  delivered  to  the  ministers,  there  was  a  clause 
in  it,  in  which  the  king  declared  'his  own  constant  practice  of  the 
common  prayer,'  and  that  he  would  take  it  well  from  tliose  who 
used  it  in  their  churches,  that  the  common  people  might  be 
again  acquainted  with  the  piety,  gravity,  and  devotion  of  it, 
and  which  he  thought  would  facilitate  their  living  in  good  neigh- 
borhood together,  or  words  to  that  efiect.  When  they  had 
considered  the  whole  some  days,  Mr.  Calamy,  and  some  other 
ministers  deputed  by  the  rest,  came  to  the  Chancellor  to  re- 
deliver it  into  his  hands.  They  acknowledged  the  king  had 
been  very  gracious  to  them  in  his  concessions;  though  he  had 


(c)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  276,  279.         (d)  Heber's  Life  of  Taylor,  pp.  101,  341. 


172 


THE   LIFE  AND  TIMES 


not  granted  all  that  some  of  their  brethren  wished,  yet  they 
were  contented,  only  desiring  him  that  he  would  prevail  with 
the  king,  that  the  clause  mentioned  before  might  be  left  out, 
which,  they  protested,  was  moved  by  them  for  the  king's  own 
end,  and  that  they  might  show  their  obedience  to  him,  and 
resolution  to  do  him  service.    For  they  were  resolved  them- 
selves to  do  what  the  king  wished;  first  to  reconcile  the  people, 
who  for  near  twenty  years  had  not  been  acquainted  with  that 
form  by  informing  them  that  it  contained  much  piety  and  de- 
votion, and  might  be  lawfully  used;  and  then  that  they  would 
begin  to  use  it  themselves,  and  by  degrees  accustom  the  people 
to  it,  which  they  said  would  have  a  better  effect  than  if  the 
clause  were  in  the  declaration.    For  they  should  be  thought  in 
their  persuasions  to  comply  only  with  the  king's  declaration, 
and  to  merit  from  his  majesty,  and  not  to  be  moved  from  the 
conscience  of  the  duty,  and  so  they  should  take  that  occasion  to 
manifest  their  zeal  to  please  the  king.    And  they  feared  there 
would  be  other  ill  consequences  from  it  by  the  waywardness  of 
the  common  people,  who  were  to  be  treated  with  skill,  and 
would  not  be  prevailed  upon  all  at  once.    The  king  was  to  be 
present  the  next  morning,  to  hear  the  declaration  read  the  last 
time  before  both  parties,  and  then  the  Chancellor  told  him,  in 
the  presence  of  all  the  rest,  what  the  ministers  had  desired, 
which  they  again  enlarged  upon,  with  the  same  protestations  of 
their  resolutions,  in  such  a  manner  that  his  majesty  believed  they 
meant  honestly,  and  the  clause  was  left  out.    But  the  declara- 
tion was  no  sooner  published,  than,  observing  that  the  people 
were  generally  satisfied  with  it,  they  sent  their  emissaries 
abroad,  and  many  of  their  letters  were  intercepted,  and  particu- 
larly a  letter  from  Mr.  Calamy,  to  a  leading  minister  in  Somer- 
setshire, whereby  he  advised  and  intreated  him  that  he  and  his 
friends  would  continue  and  persist  in  the  use  of  the  Directory, 
and  by  no  means  admit  the  Common  Prayer  in  their  churches; 
for  thus  he  made  no  question  but  that  they  should  prevail  fur- 
ther with  the  king  than  he  had  yet  consented  to  in  his  declara- 
tion! 

"The  other  instance  was,  that  as  soon  as  the  declaration  was 
printed,  the  king  received  a  petition  in  the  name  of  the  minis- 
ters of  London,  and  many  others  of  the  same  opinion  with 
them,  who  had  subscribed  that  petition,  amongst  whom  none  of 
those  who  had  attended  the  king  in  those  conferences  had  their 
names.  They  gave  his  majesty  humble  thanks  for  the  grace 
he  had  vouchsafed  to  show  in  his  declaration,  which  they  re- 
ceived as  an  earnest  of  his  future  goodness  and  condescension, 
in  granting  all  those  other  concessions,  which  were  absolutely 
necessary  for  the  liberty  of  their  conscience,  and  desired,  with 
importunity  and  ill  manners,  that  the  wearing  the  surplice,  and 


OV   RICHAUO  HAXTER. 


173 


the  usins;  tlie  cross  in  baptism,  might  be  absolutely  abolished 
out  of  tlie  clnirch,  as  being  scandalous  to  all  men  of  tender 
consciences!  From  these  two  instances,  all  men  may  conclude 
that  nothing  but  a  severe  execution  of  the  law  can  prevail  upon 
that  class  of  men  to  conform  to  government."'-' 

On  this  account  of  Clarendon's  much  might  be  said  to  show 
its  inaccuracy  and  unfairness.  It  might  be  inferred  from  what 
he  says,  that  the  only  matter  of  difference  about  the  declaration, 
respected  the  king's  use  of  the  Liturgy  in  his  private  chapel, 
and  his  wish  that  tliose  who  used  it  might  recommend  it  to 
others.  Whereas  I  cannot  perceive  that  the  ministers  objected 
to  this  at  all,  or  preferred  any  request  that  the  clause  on  this 
subject  should  be  omitted.  Baxter,  it  is  certain,  could  have 
been  no  party  to  such  a  demand.  The  petition  drawn  up  by 
him  for  his  brethren,  at  first  sight  of  the  declaration,  but  which 
was  not  adopted,  contains  no  reference  to  any  such  thing;  which 
it  must  have  done  had  it  been  insisted  on,  as  Clarendon  asserts. 
And  in  fact  the  declaration,  as  published,  contains  the  king's 
request  that  the  ministers  would  recommend  the  Prayer-book. 

Instead  of  their  being  dissatisfied  with  the  king's  declaration, 
as  altered  in  conformity  with  some  of  their  wishes;  it  is  apparent 
from  Baxter's  narrative,  how  much  he  and  most  of  his  brethren 
rejoiced  in  it,  and  that  tbey  considered  little  more  necessary  for 
their  satisfaction  than  the  fulfilment  of  the  promises  contained  in 
it,  and  passing  it  into  a  law. 

The  duplicity  charged  on  Calamy  is  founded  on  the  evidence 
of  letters  pretended  to  be  intercepted;  the  most  convenient  sort 
of  proof  for  a  prime  minister,  but  the  most  villanous  of  all  kinds 
of  evidence.  The  conduct  charged  is  not  consistent  with  the 
general  character  of  Calamy,  with  the  motives  by  which  it  is 
conceivable  he  should  have  been  actuated  at  the  time;  or  with 
the  fact,  that  subsequent  to  this  discovery  of  his  treachery,  a 
bishopric  was  urged  upon  him,  by  Clarendon  himself. 

Tlie  reason  why  the  thanks  presented  by  the  London  minis- 
ters for  his  majesty's  declaration,  (which  abounds  with  expres- 
sions of  loyalty  and  gratitude  for  his  gracious  concessions,)  were 
not  subscribed  by  those  who  had  waited  upon  the  king,  was  not, 
as  Clarendon  insinuates,  disaffection  to  him,  and  disappointment 
that  the  declaration  was  generally  acceptable.  The  ministers 
of  London,  it  appears,  differed  among  themselves  as  to  the  pro- 
priety of  thanking  his  majesty  for  the  declaration,  on  the  ground 
that  it  implied  their  approbation  of  bishops  and  archbishops, 
he;  and  old  Arthur  Jackson,  who  had  presented  the  Bible  to 
Charles  on  his  entry  into  London,  decidedly  opposed  theu"  doing 
so,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  Baxter  and  others. 


(e)  Life  of  Lord  Clarendon,  pp.  75,  76. 


174 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


As  conclusive  evidence  how  little  the  authority  of  Clarendon 
is  worth  in  this  affair,  the  inmportunity  and  ill  manners  of  which 
he  accuses  the  ministers  has  no  foundation  in  fact,  for  the  lan- 
guage which  he  ascribes  to  them  does  not  occur  in  the  paper  to 
which  he  refers.  He  grossly  misrepresents  the  petition  which 
they  presented/ 

This  attempt  of  Clarendon  to  throw  the  blame  of  the  treat- 
ment which  the  Nonconformists  experienced  upon  their  unrea- 
sonableness and  duplicity,  is  the  pitiful  shift  of  a  man  who  must 
have  been  haunted  by  a  consciousness  of  the  undeserved  inju- 
ries which  he  had  been  the  chief  means  of  inflicting  upon  others; 
and  who  makes  an  impotent  attempt  to  get  rid  of  the  guilt  and 
the  odium  which  attach  to  his  conduct.  It  is  more  surprising, 
however,  that  such  a  man  as  Heber  could  allege,  that  the  only 
differences  between  the  parties  respected  "the  form  and  color 
of  an  ecclesiastical  garment,  the  wording  of  a  prayer,  or  the  in- 
junction of  kneeling  at  the  sacrament."  s  He  does  not,  indeed, 
justify  the  conduct  of  the  ruling  powers;  but  he  entirely  forgets, 
that  the  question  at  issue  really  was,  whether  conscience,  be  it 
well  or  ill  informed,  must  submit  to  the  authority  of  men,  or  be 
subject  to  the  authority  of  God  only.  The  Nonconformists  be- 
lieved certain  things  to  be  unlawful  in  the  worship  of  God;  the 
leaders  of  the  church  said,  "We  admit  that  they  are  not  of  di- 
vine authority,  but  they  are  enacted  by  us,  we  believe  them  to 
be  good,  you  must  therefore  submit  to  them,  or  be  thrown  out." 
Holding  the  views  which  the  Nonconformists  did,  they  must  have 
ceased  to  be  Christians,  had  they  not  chosen  to  obey  God  rather 
than  men.  For  this  conduct,  instead  of  being  reproached  as 
narrow-minded  and  bigoted  sectarians  who  involved  the  nation 
in  blood  and  mischief  for  trifles,  they  deserve  to  be  held  in 
everlasting  remembrance,  as  sufferers  for  pure  and  undefiled 
religion. 

The  gratification  of  Baxter,  from  the  apparent  adoption  in 
the  declaration  of  some  of  the  phrases  contended  for  by  the 
ministers,  was  not  destined  to  be  of  long  continuance.  Nothing 
more  was  intended  by  the  court  than  the  amusement  of  the 
parties,  till  every  thing  was  sufficiently  ripe  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  its  real  intentions.  To  carry  on  the  same  scheme  of 
political  deception,  it  was  thought  desirable  to  make  some  of 
the  leading  ministers  bishops.  Not  that  they  wanted  such  bish- 
ops; but  because  it  was  the  most  effectual  method  of  silencing 
such  men,  and  destroying  their  influence  with  their  own  party. 
It  succeeded  with  some,  but  not  with  Baxter.  He  gives  the 
following  account  of  the  offers  which  were  made  to  himself,  and 
of  the  grounds  on  which  he  rejected  them. 

(f )  See  Baxter's  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  284,  285,  where  the  petition  is  given  atlar^e. 

(g)  Heber's  Life  of  Taylor,  p.  100. 


01'    RICHARD  BAXTKll. 


175 


"A  little  before  the  mect'ms;  about  the  king's  declaration, 
Colonel  Birch  came  to  me,  as  from  the  Lord  ClianccUor,  to  per- 
suade me  to  take  the  bishopric  of  Hereford,  for  he  had  bought 
the  bishop's  house  at  Whitburne,  and  thought  to  make  a  better 
bargain  with  me  than  with  another,  and,  therefore,  finding  that 
the  lord  chancellor  intended  me  the  offer  of  one,  he  desired  it 
might  be  that.  I  thought  it  best  to  give  them  no  positive  denial 
till  I  saw  the  utmost  of  their  intents:  and  I  perceived  that  Colonel 
Birch  came  privately,  that  a  bishopric  might  not  be  publicly 
refused,  and  to  try  whether  I  would  accept  it,  that  else  it  might 
not  be  oflercd  me;  for  he  told  me  that  diey  would  not  bear  such 
a  repulse.  I  told  him  that  I  was  resolved  never  to  be  bishop  of 
Hereford,  and  that  I  did  not  think  I  should  ever  see  cause  to 
take  any  bishopric;  but  I  could  give  no  positive  answer  till  I  saw 
the  king's  resolutions  about  the  way  of  church  government:  for 
if  the  old  diocesan  frame  continued,  he  knew  we  could  never 
accept  or  own  it.  After  this,  not  having  a  flat  denial,  he  came 
again  and  again  to  Dr.  Reynolds,  Mr.  Calamy,  and  myself  to- 
gedier,  to  importune  us  all  to  accept  the  offer,  for  the  bishopric 
of  Norwich  was  offered  to  Dr.  Reynolds,  and  Coventry,  and 
Litchfield  to  Mr.  Calamy;  but  he  had  no  positive  answer,  but 
the  same  from  me  as  before.  At  last,  the  day  that  the  king's 
declaration  came  out,  when  I  was  with  the  lord  chancellor,  who 
did  all,  he  asked  me  whether  I  would  accept  of  a  bishopric;  I 
told  him  that  if  he  had  asked  me  that  question  the  day  before,  I 
could  easily  have  answered  him  that  in  conscience  I  could  not 
do  it;  for  though  I  could  live  peaceably  under  whatever  govern- 
ment the  king  should  set  up,  I  could  not  have  a  hand  in  execut- 
ing it.  But  having,  as  I  was  coming  to  him,  seen  the  king's 
declaration,  and  seeing  that  by  it  the  government  is  so  far  altered 
as  it  is,  I  took  myself  for  the  church's  sake  exceedingly  beholden 
to  his  lordship  for  those  moderations;  and  my  desire  to  promote 
the  happiness  of  the  church,  which  that  moderation  tendeth  to, 
did  make  me  resolve  to  take  that  course  which  tendeth  most 
thereto.  Whether  to  take  a  bishopric  be  the  way,  I  was  in 
doubt,  and  desired  some  further  time  for  consideration.  But  if 
his  lordship  would  procui'e  us  the  settlement  of  the  matter  of  that 
declaration,  by  passing  it  into  a  law,  I  promised  him  to  take  that 
way  in  which  I  might  most  serve  the  public  peace. 

"Dr.  Reynolds,  Mr.  Calamy,  and  myself,  had  some  speeches 
together  about  it;  and  we  all  thought  that  a  bishopric  might  be 
accepted  according  to  the  description  of  the  declaration,  without 
any  violation  of  the  covenant,  or  owning  the  ancient  prelacy:*^ 
but  all  the  doubt  was  whether  this  declaration  would  be  made  a 


(li)  It  reqiiirc;  a  considerable  portion  of  the  distinguishing  powers  of  Baxter  to 
understand  how  the  acceptance  of  a  bishopric,  on  any  such  footing  as  it  was  likely 
to  he  placed,  was  consistent  with  the  principles  of  the  covenant. 


176 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


law  as  was  then  expected,  or  whether  it  were  but  a  temporary 
means  to  draw  us  on  till  we  came  up  to  all  the  diocesans  desired. 
Mr.  Calamy  desired  that  we  might  all  go  together,  and  all  refuse 
or  all  accept  it. 

"By  this  time  the  rumor  of  it  fled  abroad,  and  the  voice  of 
the  city  made  a  difference.  For  though  they  wished  that  none 
of  us  should  be  bishops,  the  said  Dr.  Reynolds  and  Mr.  Baxter, 
being  known  to  be  for  moderate  episcopacy,  their  acceptance 
would  be  less  scandalous;  but  if  Mr,  Calamy  should  accept  it, 
who  had  preached,  and  written,  and  done  so  much  against  it 
(which  were  then  at  large  recited,)  never  Presbyterian  would  be 
trusted  for  his  sake.  So  that  the  clamor  was  very  loud  against 
his  acceptance  of  it:  and  Mr.  Matthew  Newcomen,  his  brother- 
in-law,  and  many  more,  wrote  to  me  earnestly  to  dissuade  him. 

"For  my  own  part,  I  resolved  against  it  at  the  first,  but  not  as 
a  thing  which  I  judged  unlawful  in  itself,  as  described  in  the 
king's  declaration:  but  I  knew  that  it  would  take  me  off  my 
writing.  I  looked  to  have  most  of  the  godly  ministers  cast  out; 
and  what  good  could  be  done  by  ignorant,  vile,  incapable  men? 
I  feared  that  this  declaration  was  but  for  present  use,  and  that 
shortly  it  would  be  revoked  or  nullified;  and  if  so,  I  doubted  not 
but  the  laws  would  prescribe  such  work  for  bishops,  in  silencing 
ministers,  and  troubling  honest  Christians  for  their  conscience, 
and  ruling  the  vicious  with  greater  lenity,  as  that  I  had  rather 
have  the  meanest  employment  among  men.  My  judgment  was 
also  fully  resolved  against  the  lawfulness  of  the  old  diocesan 
frame. 

"But  when  Dr.  Reynolds  and  Mr.  Calamy  asked  my  thoughts, 
I  told  them  that,  distinguishing  between  what  is  simply,  and  what 
is  by  accident,  evil,  I  thought  that  as  episcopacy  is  described 
in  the  king's  declaration,  it  is  lawful  when  better  cannot  be  had; 
but  yet  scandal  might  make  it  unfit  for  some  men  more  than 
others.  To  Mr.  Calamy  therefore  I  would  give  no  counsel,  but 
for  Dr.  Reynolds,  I  persuaded  him  to  accept  it,  so  be  it  he 
would  publicly  declare  that  he  took  it  on  the  terms  of  the  king's 
declaration,  and  would  lay  it  down  when  he  could  no  longer 
exercise  it  on  those  terms.  Only  I  left  it  to  his  consideration 
whether  it  would  be  better  to  stay  till  he  saw  what  they  would 
do  with  the  declaration;  and  for  myself,  I  was  confident  1  should 
see  cause  to  refuse  it. 

"When  I  came  to  the  lord  chancellor  the  next  day  save  one, 
he  asked  me  of  my  resolution,  and  put  me  to  it  so  suddenly, 
that  I  was  forced  to  delay  no  longer,  but  told  him  that  I  could 
not  accept  it  for  several  reasons.  And  it  was  not  the  least  that 
I  thought  I  could  better  serve  the  church  without  it,  if  he  would 
but  prosecute  the  establishment  of  the  terms  granted;  and  be- 
cause I  thought  it  would  be  ill  taken  if  1  refused  it  upon  any  but 


OF     KICHAKD  BAXTER. 


177 


acceptable  reasons.  But  as  writing  would  serve  best  against 
misreports  hereafter,  I  the  next  day  put  a  letter  into  the  lord 
chancellor's  hand,  wliich  he  took  in  good  part;  in  which  I  con- 
cealed most  of  niy  reasons,  but  gave  the  best,  and  used  more 
freedom  in  my  further  requests  than  I  expected  should  have  any 
good  success." ' 

As  this  letter  contains  some  of  Baxter's  views  of  the  state  of 
things  which  dien  existed,  and  suggests  to  the  lord  chancellor 
measures  which,  if  adopted,  he  supposed  would  both  advance 
the  interests  of  the  church,  and  gratify  the  Nonconformists,  I 
shall  present  it  entire.  Whether  he  had  any  reasons  for  believ- 
ing that  the  persons  whom  he  mentions  would  accept  of  bishop- 
rics, cannot  now  be  ascertained.  It  has  rarely  happened  that 
such  a  situation  has  been  so  completely  in  the  power  of  an  indi- 
vidual to  accept,  whose  principles  did  not  stand  in  the  way  of 
his  acceding  to  it,  but  who  honorably  declined  it  for  himself,  and 
so  ingenuously  recommended  others. 

"My  Lord, 

"Your  great  favor  and  condescension  encourage  me  to 
give  you  more  of  my  sense  of  the  business  which  your  lordship 
was  pleased  to  propound.  I  was,  till  I  saw  the  declaration, 
much  dejected,  and  resolved  against  a  bishopric  as  unlawfuh 
but,  finding  there  more  than  on  October  22d.,  that  his  ma* 
esty  grants  us  the  pastor's  consent,  that  die  rural  dean  with  the 
whole  ministry  may  exercise  as  much  persuasive  pastoral  power 
as  I  could  desire,  and  that  subscription  is  abated  in  the  univer- 
sities, &c.  Finding  such  happy  concessions  in  the  great  point 
of  parochial  power  and  discipline,  and  in  the  liturgy  and  cere- 
monies, my  sonl  rejoiced  in  thankfidness  to  God  and  his  instru- 
ments, and  my  conscience  presently  told  me  it  was  my  duty 
to  do  my  best  with  myself  and  others,  as  far  as  I  had  interest 
and  opportunity,  to  suppress  all  sinful  discontents;  and  having 
competent  materials  now  put  into  my  hands,  without  which  I 
could  have  done  nothing,  to  persuade  all  my  brethren  to  thank- 
fulness and  obedient  submission  to  the  government.  Being  raised 
to  some  joyful  hopes  of  seeing  the  beginning  of  a  happy  union,  I 
shall  crave  your  lordship's  pardon  for  presuming  what  further 
endeavors  will  be  necessary  to  accomplish  it.  1.  If  your  lord- 
ship will  endeavor  to  get  the  declaration  passed  into  an  act.  2. 
If  you  will  speedily  procure  a  commission  to  the  persons  that  are 
equally  to  be  deputed  to  that  work,  to  review  the  Common 
Prayer-book,  according  to  the  declaration.  3.  If  you  will  fur- 
ther effectually  the  restoration  of  able,  faithful  ministers,  who  are 
lately  removed,  who  have,  and  will  have,  great  interest  in  the 


VOL.  I. 


(i)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  281,  282. 

23 


178 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


sober  part  of  the  people,  to  a  settled  station  of  service  in  the 
church.  4.  If  you  will  open  some  way  for  the  ejection  of  the 
insufficient,  scandalous,  and  unable.  5.  If  you  will  put  as  many 
of  our  persuasion  as  you  can  into  bishoprics,  if  it  may  be,  more 
than  three.  6.  If  you  will  desire  the  bishops  to  place  some  of 
them  in  inferior  places  of  trust,  especially  rural  deaneries,  which 
is  a  station  suitable  to  us,  in  that  it  hath  no  salary  or  mamtenance, 
nor  coercive  power,  but  that  simple,  pastoral,  persuasive  power 
which  we  desire.    This  much  will  set  us  all  in  joint. 

"And,  for  my  own  part,  I  hope,  by  letters  this  very  week,  to 
disperse  the  seeds  of  satisfaction  into  many  counties  of  England.'' 
My  conscience  commanding  me  to  make  this  my  very  work  and 
business,  unless  the  things  granted  should  be  reversed,  which 
God  forbid.  I  must  profess  to  your  lordship  that  I  am  utterly 
against  accepting  of  a  bishopric,  because  I  am  conscious  that  it 
will  overmatch  my  sufficiency,  and  affright  me  with  the  thought 
of  my  account  for  so  great  an  undertaking.  Especially,  because 
it  will  very  much  disable  me  from  an  effectual  promoting  of  the 
church's  peace.  As  men  will  question  all  my  argumentations 
and  persuasions,  when  they  see  me  in  the  dignity  which  I  plead 
for,  but  will  take  me  to  speak  my  conscience  impartially,  when 
1  am  but  as  one  of  themselves;  so  I  must  profess  to  your  lord- 
ship that  it  will  stop  my  own  mouth  that  I  cannot  for  shame 
«peak  half  so  freely  as  now  I  can  and  will,  if  God  enable  me,  for 
obedience  and  peace;  while  1  know  that  the  hearers  will  be 
thinking  I  am  pleading  for  myself.    I  therefore  humbly  crave 

"That  your  lordship  will  put  some  able  man  of  our  persuasion 
into  the  place  which  you  intend  for  me,  though  I  now  think  that 
Dr.  Reynolds  and  Mr.  Calamy  may  better  accept  of  a  bishop- 
ric than  I,  which  I  hope  your  lordship  will  promote.  I  shall 
presume  to  offer  some  choice  to  your  consideration:  Dr.  Francis 
Roberts,  of  Wrington,  in  Somersetshire,  known  by  his  works; 
Mr.  Froyzall,  of  Clun,  in  Shropshire  and  Hereford  diocese,  a 
man  of  great  worth  and  good  interest;  Mr.  Daniel  Cawdrey,'  of 
Billing,  in  Northamptonshire;  Mr.  Anthony  Burgess,  of  Sutton 
Coldfield,  in  Warwickshire — all  known  by  their  printed  works; 
Mr.  John  Trap,  of  Gloucestershire;  Mr.  Ford,  of  Exeter;  Mr. 
Hughes,  of  Plymouth;  Mr.  Bampfield,  of  Sherborne;  Mr. 
Woodbridge,  of  Newbury;  Dr.  Chambers,  Dr.  Bryan,  and  Dr. 
Grew,  all  of  Coventry;  Mr.  Brinsley,  of  Yarmouth;  Mr.  Porter, 
of  Whitchurch  in  Shropshire;  Mr.  Gilpin,  of  Cumberland;  Mr. 
Bowles,  of  York;  Dr.  Temple,  of  Brampton,  in  Warwickshire: 
I  need  name  no  more. 

(k)  How  different  is  this  from  Clarendon's  representnlion  of  the  behavior  of  ilie 
minislers  in  London  townrds  ihuir  f>rcthrcn  in  the  country! 

(I)  It  is  singul;ir  that  Ba.xlcr  should  have  proposed  Cawdrey  for  a  bishopric.  lie 
was  one  of  llie  most  decided,  indeed  violent;  Presl)yterians  of  the  limes. 


OV  UlCHAUn  liAXTER. 


179 


"Secondly:  Tluit,  you  will  believe  I  as  thankfully  acknowl- 
edge your  lordship's  favor  as  if  I  were  by  it  possessed  of  a  bish- 
opric: and  if  your  lordship  continue  in  those  intentions,  I  shall 
thankfully  accept  it  in  any  other  state  or  relation  that  may  further 
niy  service  to  the  church  and  to  his  majesty.  JJut  I  desire,  for 
the  fore-mentioned  reasons,  that  it  may  be  no  cathedral  relation. 
And  whereas  die  vicar  of  the  parish  where  I  have  lived  will  not 
resign,  but  accept  me  only  as  his  curate,  if  your  lordship  would 
procure  him  some  prebendary,  or  other  place  of  competent 
profit,  for  1  dare  not  mention  him  to  any  pastoral  charge,  or 
place  that  requireth  preaching,  Uiat  so  he  might  resign  that  vic- 
arage to  me,  without  his  loss,  accoiding  to  the  late  act  before 
December;  for  the  sake  of  that  town  of  Kidderminster,  I  should 
take  it  as  a  very  great  favor.  But  if  there  be  any  great  incon- 
venience or  difficulties  in  the  way,  I  can  well  be  content  to  be 
his  curate.  I  crave  your  lordship's  pardon  for  this  trouble, 
which  your  own  condescension  has  drawn  upon  you,  and  re- 
main," &c.'" 

This  letter,  which  is  dated  the  1st  of  November  1660,  states 
clearly  Baxter's  approbation  of  the  king's  declaration,  and  his 
anxious  desire  that  it  might  be  put  on  the  footing  of  law,  and 
fairly  and  fully  acted  upon.  The  requests  which  the  letter 
makes,  were  not  unreasonable  in  themselves,  or  in  reference  to 
the  state  of  parties  at  the  time,  though  not  likely  to  be  all  com- 
plied with.  The  letter  as  a  whole,  is  an  admirable  specimen  of 
the  simplicity,  integrity,  and  disinterestedness  of  Baxter. 

"Mr.  Calamy,"  he  says  "blamed  me  for  giving  in  my  denial 
alone,  before  we  had  resolved  together  what  to  do.  But  I  told 
him  the  truth,  that  being  upon  other  necessary  business  with  the 
lord  chancellor,  he  put  me  to  it  on  the  sudden,  so  that  I  could 
not  conveniently  delay  my  answer. 

"Dr.  Reynolds  almost  as  suddenly  accepted,  saying,  that  some 
friend  had  taken  out  the  conge  d'elire  for  him  without  his  knowl- 
edge. He  read  to  me  a  profession  directed  to  the  king,  which 
he  had  written,  where  he  professed  that  he  took  a  bishop  and  a 
presbyter  to  differ  not  ordine  but  gradu;  that  a  bishop  was  but 
the  chief  presbyter,  and  that  he  was  not  to  ordain  or  govern  but 
with  his  presbyters'  assistance  and  consent;  that  he  accepted  of 
tlie  place  as  described  in  the  king's  declaration,  and  not  as  it 
stood  before  in  England;  and  that  he  would  no  longer  hold  or 
exercise  it  than  he  could  do  it  on  these  terms.  To  this  sense  it 
was,  and  he  told  me  that  he  would  offer  it  to  the  king  when  he 
accepted  of  the  place;  but  whether  he  did  or  not  I  cannot  tell. 
He  died  in  the  bishopric  of  Norwich,  an.  1676." 

(m)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  283,  284. 

(n)  Dr.  Reynolds  was  a  persoi)  of  good  learning,  respectable  talents,  and  decided 
piety.   It  appears  that  Baxter  thought  he  might,  consistently  with  his  principles,  ac- 


180 


THK   LIFE   AND  TIMKS 


"Mr.  Calamy  long  suspended  his  answer,  so  that  that  bishop- 
ric was  long  undisposed  of;  till  he  saw  the  issue  of  all  of  our 
treaty,  which  easily  resolved  liirn."  Dr.  Manton  was  offered  the 
deanery  of  Rochester,  and  Dr.  Bates,  the  deanery  of  Coventry 
and  Litchfield,  which  they  both  after  some  time  refused.  And, 
as  I  heard,  Mr.  Edward  Bowles  was  offered  the  deanery  of 
York,  at  least,  which  he  refused." 

Thus  ended  the  affair  of  die  Presbyterian  bishoprics,  which 
did  the  rejectors  more  honor  than  the  accepter.  Calamy  seems 
to  have  hesitated;  perplexed,  it  would  appear,  by  opposite 
views  of  duty,  but  little  wishing  to  decline,  provided  he  could 
have  complied  without  compromising  his  character  and  consist- 
ency. Baxter's  promptitude  and  decision  reflect  die  greatest 
credit  on  his  disinterested  and  upright  character.  The  king's 
declaration  was  issued;  and  the  London  ministers,  glad  to 
receive  any  thing  which  seemed  to  promise  protection  and  en- 
couragement to  their  labors,  met  and  thanked  his  majesty  for 
his  moderation  and  goodness,  and  entreated  him  still  to  attend 
to  their  requests.  It  was  presented  on  the  16th  of  November, 
16G0,  by  a  number  of  the  ministers,  not  including  Baxter. 

"Whedier  this  came  to  the  king's  ears,  he  says  (or  what  else 
it  was  that  caused  it  I  know  not,  but  presendy  after  the  Earl  of 
Lauderdale  came  to  tell  me,)  that  I  must  come  the  next  day  to 
the  king,  who  was  pleased  to  tell  me  that  he  sent  for  me  only 
to  signify  his  favor  to  me.  1  told  him  I  feared  my  plain 
speeches,  October  22d,  which  I  thought  the  case  in  hand  com- 
manded me  to  employ,  might  have  been  displeasing  to  him;  but 
he  told  me  that  he  was  not  offended  at  the  plainness,  freedom, 
or  earnestness  of  them,  but  only  when  he  thought  I  was  not  in 
the  right;  and  that  for  my  free  speech  he  took  me  to  be  the 
honester  man.    1  suppose  this  favor  came  from  the  bishops, 

cept  a  bishopric.  Reynolds  docs  not  appear  to  have  believed  in  l\\ejiis  dirlnum  of 
any  form  of  churcli  governmeiil.  and  therefore  he  could  have  no  conscientious  objec- 
tions to  a  bishopric,  and  probably  thought  he  mighl  be  able  to  serve  the  Noncon- 
formists more  in  that  capacity,  than  had  he  remained  one  of  themselves.  He  appears 
to  have  managed  the  see  of  Norwich  with  great  nioderalion,  though,  even  there, 
much  suffering  was  endured;  many  of  the  Nonconformists  being  prosecuted  by  the 
bishop's  chancellor,  though,  it  is  said,  greally  against  the  bishop's  will.  See  Chalm- 
ers' 'Life  of  Reynolds,'  prefixed  to  his  works,  and  the  'Conformist's  Plea  for  the  Non- 
conformist,' part  iv.  p.  G7. 

(o)  It  would  have  been  honorable  to  the  character  of  Dr.  Calamy  had  he  refused 
the  bishopric  in  a  more  proni|)l  and  decided  manner.  It  is  evident  that  he  cast  a 
longing,  lingering  look  towards  it,  and  said  nolo  rpUcopari  with  some  reluclance. 
Nothing  seems  to  have  prevented  his  acceptance  but  the  outcry  which  it  would  have 
raised  against  his  consistency,  and  the  remonstrances  of  his  friends.  This  fact  tln'ows 
a  greater  shade  over  his  character  for  decision  than  any  thing  else  that  I  know.  He 
possessed  highly  respectable  talents,  was  the  leader  of  the  ministers  of  London  for 
many  years;  and  must  have  been  a  very  moderate  Presbyterian  when  he  could  de- 
liberate so  long  whether  to  accept  or  to  reject  the  preferred  bishopric.  Even  Baxter 
seems  to  think,  however,  he  might  have  acceded  consistently  with  his  sentiments. 


OF   RICHARD  BAXTER. 


181 


who  having  notico  of  wliat  last  passed,  did  tliink  that  now  I 
might  serve  their  interests." 

In  his  niajest)''s  declaration  it  was  intimated  that  the  litnrgy 
should  be  reviewed  and  reformed,  and  certain  alterations  adopt- 
ed, to  meet  the  feelings  of  the  Nonconformists.  Baxter  fre- 
quently importuned  the  chancellor  to  carry  this  engagement  into 
effect.  At  last  Dr.  Reynolds  and  Mr.  Calamy  were  authorised 
to  name  the  persons  on  their  side  to  manage  the  conference; 
and  that  being  done,  a  commission  under  the  great  seal  was 
issued  empowering  the  persons  nominated  on  both  sides  to  meet 
for  this  puri)oso.  The  individuals  chosen,  comprehended  the 
archbishop  of  York  with  twelve  bishops  on  the  one  side,  and 
eleven  Nonconformist  ministers  on  the  other;  with  a  provision 
of  other  individuals,  to  supply  the  places  of  any  who  might  not 
be  able  to  attend. 

"A  meeting  was  accordingly  appointed,  and  the  Savoy,  the 
bishop  of  London's  lodgings,  named  by  them  for  the  place. 
There  met  us.  Dr.  Frewen,  archbishop  of  York;  Dr.  Sheldon, 
bishop  of  London;  Dr.  JMorley,  bishop  of  Worcester;  Dr. 
Saunderson,  bishop  of  Lincoln;  Dr.  Cosins,  bishop  of  Durham; 
Dr.  Hinchman,  bishop  of  Salisbury;  Dr.  Walton,  bishop  of 
Chester;  Dr.  Lany,  bishop  of  Peterborough;  Dr.  King,  bishop 
of  Rochester;  Dr.  Stern,  bishop  of  Carlisle;  and  the  constant- 
est  man  in  attendance  of  them  all,  Dr.  Gauden,  bishop  of  Exe- 
ter. On  the  other  side  there  met.  Dr.  Reynolds,  bishop  of 
Norwich;  Mr.  Clark,  Dr.  Spurstow,  Dr.  Lightfoot,  Dr.  Wallis, 
Dr.  Manton,  Dr.  Bates,  Dr.  Jacomb,  Mr.  Cooper,  Mr.  Raw- 
linson,  Mr.  Case,  and  myself.  The  commission  being  read, 
the  archbishop  of  York,  a  peaceable  man,  spake  first,  and  told 
us  that  he  knew  nothing  of  the  business,  but  perhaps  the  bishop 
of  London  knew  more  of  the  king's  mind  in  it,  and  therefore 
was  fitter  to  speak  on  it  than  he.  The  bishop  of  London  told 
us,  that  it  was  not  they,  but  we  that  had  been  the  seekers  of 
this  conference,  and  who  desired  alterations  in  the  liturgy;  and 
therefore  they  had  nothing  to  say  or  do,  till  we  brought  in  all 
that  we  had  to  say  against  it  in  writing,  and  all  the  additional 
forms  and  alterations  which  we  desired.  Our  brethren  were 
very  much  against  this  motion,  and  urged  the  king's  commis- 
sion, which  required  us  to  meet  together,  advise,  and  consult. 
They  told  him  that  by  conference  we  might  perceive,  as  we 
went  on,  what  each  would  yield  to,  and  might  more  speedily  dis- 
patch, and  probably  obtain,  our  end;  whereas,  writing  would  be 
a  tedious,  endless  business,  and  we  should  not  have  that  familiar- 
ity and  acquaintance  with  each  other's  minds,  which  might  facili- 
tate our  concord.    But  the  bishop  of  London  resolutely  insisted 


(p)  Life,  pari  ii.  p.  284. 


182 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


on  not  doing  any  thing  till  we  brought  in  all  our  exceptions, 
alterations,  and  additions,  at  once.  In  this  I  confess,  above  all 
things  else,  I  was  wholly  of  his  mind,  and  prevailed  with  my 
brethren  to  consent;  but,  I  conjecture,  for  contrary  reasons. 
For,  I  suppose,  he  thought  that  we  should  either  be  altogether 
by  the  ears,  and  be  of  several  minds  among  ourselves,  at  least 
in  our  new  forms;  or  that  when  our  proposals  and  forms  came 
to  be  scanned  by  them,  they  should  find  as  much  matter  of  ex- 
ception against  ours  as  we  did  against  theirs;  or  that  the  people 
of  our  persuasion  would  be  dissatisfied  or  divided  about  it. 
And  indeed  our  brethren  themselves,  thought  either  all,  or 
much  of  this  would  come  to  pass,  and  our  disadvantage  would 
be  exceedingly  great.  But  I  told  them  the  reasons  of  my 
opinion;  that  we  should  quickly  agree  on  our  exceptions,  and 
that  we  should  offer  none  but  what  we  were  agreed  on  among 
ourselves.  I  reminded  them,  that  we  were  engaged  to  offer 
new  forms,  which  was  the  expedient  that  from  the  beginning  I 
had  aimed  at  and  brought  in,  as  the  only  \vi\y  of  accommoda- 
tion, considering  that  they  should  be  in  Scripture  words,  and 
that  ministers  should  choose  which  forms  they  would.  I  stated, 
that  verbal  disputes  would  be  managed  with  much  more  conten- 
tion; but,  above  all,  that  in  no  other  way  could  our  cause  be 
well  understood  by  our  people,  or  foreigners,  or  posterity;  but 
our  conference  and  cause  would  be  misreported,  and  published, 
as  the  conference  at  Hampton  Court  was,  to  our  prejudice, 
while  none  durst  contradict  it.  On  this  plan  what  we  said  for 
our  cause,  would  come  fully  and  truly  to  the  knowledge  of  Eng- 
land, and  of  other  nations;  and  that  if  we  refused  this  oppor- 
tunity of  leaving  upon  record  our  testimony  against  corruptions, 
for  a  just  and  moderate  reformation,  we  might  never  have  the 
like  again.  So  for  these  reasons,  I  told  the  bishops  that  we  ac- 
cepted of  the  task  which  they  imposed  on  us;  yet  so  as  to  bring 
all  our  exceptions  at  one  time,  and  all  our  additions  at  another 
time,  which  they  granted."  p 

There  is  doubdess  considerable  force  in  these  reasons  of 
Baxter's  for  managing  the  conference  in  writing  rather  than  by 
personal  discussion.  But  it  is  also  evident  that  the  Presbyteri- 
ans were  completely  taken  in  the  trap  prepared  for  them.  The 
other  party  were  thus  left  to  assume  that  right  was  on  their  side; 
the  onus  of  objecting  In  every  case  was  thrown  on  the  Noncon- 
formists, and  the  less  difiicuh  part  of  defending  long-established 
usages  left  to  the  bishops.  As  they  required  to  be  furnished  at 
once  with  every  thing  objected  to  and  required,  the  probability 
was,  either  that  the  Nonconformists  would  disagree  among 
themselves,  some  perhaps  going  too  far,  and  others  stopping 


(p)    Life,  part  ii.  pp.  305,  306. 


OK     KICHARD  BAXTER. 


183 


short,  and  thus  a  satisfixctoiy  reason  for  refusing  compliance 
would  he  furnished.  Or,  presenting  a  considerable  mass  of  ob- 
jection and  alteration  at  once,  a  sufficient  pretence  would  he 
afforded  for  holding  them  up  as  unreasonable  and  captious,  and 
determined  to  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  an  entire  revo- 
lution of  the  church.  The  last  probable  result  was  that  which 
took  place,  and  due  use  was  made  of  it  accordingly. 

The  Nonconformists,  after  withdrawing  from  this  conference, 
in  which  they  had  only  a  choice  of  difficulties  to  encounter, 
agreed  to  divide  among  tliemselves  the  task  devolved  on  them. 
The  selection  of  exceptions  to  the  Common  Prayer-Book  they 
distributed  among  them,  and  the  additions,  or  new  forms,  they 
devolved  on  Baxter  alone.  He  immediately  set  himself  to  the 
task,  and  completed,  in  a  fortniglit,  an  entire  liturgy;  correcting 
the  disorderly  arrangement,  removing  the  repetitions,  and  sup- 
plyuig  the  defects  of  the  Prayer-Book;  which  he  considered  its 
principal  faults.  He  found,  at  the  end  of  the  fortnight,  that  his 
brethren  had  not  completed  then-  part  of  the  business;  so,  to 
assist  them,  he  also  drew  up  a  paper  containing  the  exceptions 
which  occurred  to  him.  This  paper  and  his  liturgy  were  both 
afterwards  printed  by  himself."^  The  exceptions  and  alterations, 
as  presented,  are  also  printed  in  his  life.^  Few  persons  who 
consider  these  exceptions,  with  the  proposed  amendments,  if  any 
tolerable  degree  of  candor  be  exercised,  will  be  ready  to  main- 
tain that  the  former  were  uncalled  for,  or  that  the  latter  would 
not  be  improvements.  But  were  undistinguishing  admiration  is 
directed  to  works  of  merely  human  composition,  it  cannot  be 
expected  that  any  alterations  will  be  regarded,  except  in  tire 
light  of  captious  and  unnecessary  innovations. 

"When  the  exceptions  against  tlie  liturgy  were  finished,  the 
brethren  oft  read  over  the  reformed  liturgy  which  I  offered 
tliem.  At  first  they  would  have  had  no  rubric  or  directory,  but 
bare  prayers,  because  they  thought  om*  commission  allowed  it 
not;  at  last  however  they  yielded  to  the  reasons  which  I  gave 
them,  and  resoh'ed  to  take  them  in;  but  first  to  offer  the  bishops 
their  exceptions. 

"At  diis  time  the  convocation  was  chosen;  for  till  now  it  was 
deferred.  Had  it  been  called  when  die  king  came  in,  the  in- 
ferior clergy  would  have  been  against  the  diocesan  and  impos- 
ing way:  but  afterwards  many  hundreds  were  turned  out,  that 
all  the  old  sequestered  ministers  might  come  in.  And  the  opin- 
ion of  re-ordination  being  set  afoot,  aU  tliose  ministers  that,  for 
twenty  years  together,  while  bishops  were  laid  aside,  had  been 
ordained  without  diocesans,  were,  in  many  counties,  denied  any 
voices  in  the  election  of  clerks  for  tlie  convocation.    By  all 


(r)  Life,  part  ii.  p.  308. 


(s)  Ibid.  316. 


184 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


which  means,  and  by  the  scruples  of  abundance  of  ministers, 
who  thought  it  unlawful  to  have  any  thing  to  do  in  the  choosing 
of  such  a  kind  of  assembly,  the  diocesan  party  wholly  carried 
it  in  the  choice. 

"In  London  the  election  was  appointed  to  be  in  Christ's 
Church,  on  the  second  day  of  May,  1661.  The  London  min- 
isters that  were  not  ejected,  proved  the  majority  against  the  di- 
ocesan party;  and  when  I  went  to  have  joined  with  them,  they 
sent  to  me  not  to  come,  as  they  did  also  to  Mr.  Calamy;  so, 
without  my  knowledge,  they  chose  Mr.  Calamy  and  me  for 
London.  But  they  carried  it  against  the  other  party  but  by 
three  voices:  and  the  bishop  of  London  having  the  power  of 
choosing  two  out  of  four,  or  four  out  of  six,  that  are  chosen  by 
the  ministers  in  a  certain  circuit,  did  give  us  the  great  benefit 
of  being  both  left  out.  So  we  were  excused,  and  the  city  of 
London  had  no  clerk  in  the  convocation.*  How  should  I  have 
been  then  baited,  and  what  a  vexatious  place  should  I  have  had 
in  such  a  convocation! 

"On  the  fourth  day  of  May,  we  had  a  meeting  with  the  bish- 
ops, where  we  gave  in  our  paper  of  exceptions  to  them,  which 
they  received.  The  seventh  was  a  meeting  at  Sion  College, 
of  all  the  London  ministers,  for  the  choice  of  a  president  and 
assistants  for  the  next  year;  where  some  of  the  Presbyterians, 
upon  a  petty  scruple,  absenting  themselves,  the  diocesan  party 
carried  it,  and  so  got  the  possession  and  rule  of  the  college. 
The  eighth,  the  new  parliament  and  convocation  sat  down,  being 
constituted  of  those  fitted  and  devoted  to  the  diocesan  interest. 
On  the  two-and-twentieth  of  the  month,  by  order  of  parliament, 
the  national  vow  and  covenant  was  burnt  in  the  street,  by  the 
hands  of  the  common  hangman. 

"When  the  brethren  came  to  examine  the  reformed  liturgy, 
and  had  frequently  read  it  over,  they  passed  it  at  last  in  the 
same  words  that  I  had  written  it,  save  only  diat  they  put  out  a 
few  lines  in  the  administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  where  the 
word  "offering"  was  used;  and  they  put  out  a  page  of  reasons 
for  infant  baptism,  which  I  had  annexed  to  that  office,  thinking 
it  unnecessary.  They  also  put  the  larger  litany  into  an  appen- 
dix, as  thinking  it  too  long;  and  Dr.  Wallis  was  desired  to  draw 
up  the  prayer  for  the  king,  which  is  his  work,  being  afterwards 
somewhat  altered  by  us.  We  agreed  to  put  before  it  a  short 
address  to  the  bishops,  professing  our  readiness  in  debate  to  yield 
to  the  shortening  of  any  thing  which  should  be  too  long,  and  to 
the  altering  of  any  thing  that  should  be  found  amiss. 

(l)  This  is  only  one  of  llie  many  proofs  of  the  enmity  of  Sheldon  lo  the  whole  Non- 
conformist party,  and  of  his  determination  to  thwart  them  every  way  in  his  power. 
Rather  than  have  Calamy  and  Baxter,  he  deprived  London  of  its  proper  representa- 
tives in  the  convocation. 


OF   RK;HAI{D  BAXTER. 


185 


"As  I  foresaw  what  was  likely  to  be  the  end  of  our  confer- 
ence, [  desired  tlie  brethren  that  we  might  draw  up  a  phiin  and 
earnest  petition  to  the  bishops,  to  yield  to  such  terms  of  peace 
and  concord  as  they  themselves  did  confess  to  be  lawful  to  be 
yielded  to:  for  thoui:;h  we  were  equals  in  the  king's  commission, 
yet  we  are  commanded  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  if  it  be  possible,  and 
as  much  as  in  us  lieth,  to  live  peaceably  with  all  men.  If  we 
were  denied,  it  would  satisfy  our  consciences,  and  justify  us  be- 
fore all  the  world,  much  more  than  if  we  only  disputed  for  it. 
However,  we  might  this  way  have  an  opportunity  to  produce  our 
reasons  for  peace,  which  else  we  were  not  likely  to  have. 

"This  motion  was  accepted,  and  I  was  desired  to  draw  up 
tlie  petition,  which  I  did,  and  being  examined,  was,  with  a  word 
or  two  of  alteration,  consented  to.  When  we  met  with  the  bish- 
ops, to  deliver  in  these  papers,  I  was  required  to  deliver  them: 
and,  if  it  were  possible,  to  get  audience  for  the  petition  before 
all  the  company.  1  told  them  that  though  we  were  equals  in  the 
present  work,  and  our  appointed  business  was  to  treat,  yet  we 
were  conscious  of  our  place  and  duty,  and  had  drawn  up  a  pe- 
tition to  them,  which,  though  somewhat  long,  I  humbly  craved 
their  consent  that  I  might  read.  Some  were  against  it,  and  so 
they  would  have  been  generally  if  they  had  known  what  was  in 
it;  but  at  last  they  yielded  to  it;  but  their  patience  was  never 
so  put  to  it  by  us  as  in  hearing  so  long  and  ungrateful  a  petition. 
Wlien  I  had  read  it.  Dr.  Gunning  began  a  long  and  vehement 
speech  against  it:  to  which,  when  he  came  to  the  end,  I  replied; 
but  I  was  interrupted  in  the  midst  of  my  reply,  and  was  fain  to 
bear  it,  because  they  had  been  patient  with  so  much  ado  so  long 
before.  I  delivered  them  the  petition  when  I  had  read  it,  and 
with  it,  a  fair  copy  of  our  reformed  liturgy,  called  additional 
forms  and  alterations  of  theirs.  They  received  both,  and  so  we 
departed."  " 

That  there  was  no  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  bishops  to 
yield  any  thing,  is  very  evident  from  the  whole  of  their  conduct. 
The  commission  only  extended  for  three  months,  a  considerable 
pan  of  which  had  already  expired,  either  in  debating  how  the 
business  should  be  managed,  or  in  preparing  papers,  instead  of 
conferring  together  in  an  amicable  manner.  What  follows  in 
Baxter's  account  of  the  affair,  will  show  that  agreement  had 
neither  been  contemplated  nor  intended,  from  the  beginning. 

"After  all  this,  when  the  bishops  were  to  have  sent  us  two 
papers,  one  of  their  concessions,  how  much  they  would  alter  of 
the  liturgy  as  excepted  against,  and  the  other  of  their  accept- 
ance of  our  offered  forms  or  reasons  against  them;  instead  of 
both  these,  a  good  while  after,  they  sent  us  such  a  paper  as  they 


VOL.  I. 


(u)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  333, 334. 
24 


186 


THE   LIFE  AND  TIMES 


did  before,  of  their  reasonings  against  all  our  exceptions,  with- 
out any  abatements  or  alterations  at  all  that  are  worth  the 
naming.  Our  brethren,  seeing  what  they  were  resolved  to  bring 
it  to,  and  how  unpeaceably  they  managed  the  business,  did 
think  best  to  write  Uiem  a  plain  answer  to  their  paper,  and  not 
to  suppress  it,  as  we  had  done  by  the  first.  This  task  also  they 
imposed  on  me.  I  went  out  of  town,  to  Dr.  Spurstow's  house, 
in  Hackney,  for  retirement;  where,  in  eight  days'  time,  I  drew 
up  a  reply  to  their  answer  to  our  exceptions.  This  the  breth- 
ren read  and  consented  to,  only  wishing  that  it  had  been  larger 
in  the  latter  end,  where  I  had  purposely  been  brief,  because  I 
had  been  too  large  in  the  beginning;  and  because  particulars 
may  be  answered  satisfactorily  in  a  few  words  when  the  general 
difi'erences  are  fully  cleared. 

"By  this  time,  our  commission  was  almost  expired;  and  there- 
fore our  brethren  were  earnestly  desirous  of  personal  debates 
with  them  upon  the  papers  put  in,  to  try  how  much  alteration 
they  would  yield  to.  We  therefore  sent  to  the  bishops  to  de- 
sire it  of  them;  and,  at  last,  they  yielded  to  it,  when  we  had  but 
ten  days  more  to  treat. 

"Wlien  we  met  them,  I  delivered  the  answer  to  their  former 
papers,  the  largeness  of  which  I  saw  displeased  them;  but  they 
received  it.  We  earnesdy  pressed  them  to  spend  the  little  time 
remaining  in  such  pacifying  conference  as  tended  to  the  ends 
which  are  mentioned  in  the  king's  declaration  and  commission; 
and  told  them,  that  such  disputes  which  they  had  called  us  to  by 
their  manner  of  writing,  were  not  the  things  which  we  desired, 
or  thought  most  conducing  to  those  ends. 

"I  have  reason  to  think  that  the  generality  of  the  bishops 
and  doctors  present,  never  knew  what  we  offered  them  in  the 
reformed  liturgy,  nor  in  this  reply,  nor  in  any  of  our  papers, 
save  those  few  which  we  read  openly  to  them;  for  they  were 
put  up,  and  carried  away;  and,  I  conjecture,  scarce  any  but 
the  writers  of  their  confutations  would  be  at  the  labor  of  read- 
ing them  over.  I  remember,  in  the  midst  of  our  last  disputation, 
when  I  drew  out  the  short  preface  to  the  last  reply,  which  Mr. 
Calamy  wrote,  to  enumerate,  in  the  beginning,  before  their  eyes, 
many  of  the  grossest  corruptions,  which  they  stiffly  defended, 
and  refused  to  reform,  the  company  were  more  ashamed  and 
silent  than  at  any  thing  else  that  I  had  said.  By  which  I  per- 
ceived that  they  had  never  read  or  heard  that  very  preface 
which  was  an  epistle  to  themselves:  yea,  the  chief  of  them  con- 
fessed, when  they  bade  me  read  it,  that  they  knew  no  such  thing. 
So  that,  it  seems,  before  they  knew  what  was  in  them,  they  re- 
solved to  reject  our  papers,  right  or  wrong,  and  to  deliver  them 
up  to  their  contradictors. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


187 


"When  we  came  to  our  debates,  1  first  craved  of  (lioiri  their 
animadversions  on  our  additions  and  alterations  of  the  liturgy, 
which  we  had  put  in  long  before;  and  that  they  would  tell  us 
what  they  allowed  or  disallowed  in  them,  that  we  might  have 
the  use  of  them,  according  to  Uie  words  in  the  king's  declara- 
tion and  commission.  But  they  would  not,  by  any  importunity, 
be  entreated  at  all  to  debate  that,  or  to  give  dieir  opinions  about 
those  papers.  There  were  no  papers  that  ever  we  offered  them 
that  had  the  fate  of  these:  though  it  was  there  some  of  them 
thought  to  have  found  recriminating  matter  of  exceptions,  we 
could  never  prevail  with  them  to  say  any  Uiing  about  them,  in 
word  or  writing.  Once,  Bishop  IMorley  told  us  of  Uieir  length, 
to  which  I  answered,  that  we  had  told  them  in  our  preface,  that 
we  were  ready  to  abbreviate  any  thing  which  on  debate  should 
appear  too  long;  but  that  the  paucity  of  the  prayers  made  the  or- 
dinary Lord's-day  prayers  far  shorter  than  theirs.  And  since  we 
had  given  our  exceptions  against  theirs,  if  they  would  neither 
by  word  nor  writing  except  against  ours,  nor  give  their  consent 
to  them,  they  would  not  honor  their  cause  or  conference.  But 
all  would  not  extort  cither  debates  on  that  subject,  or  any  rep- 
rehensions of  what  we  had  offered  them. 

"When  they  had  cast  out  that  part  of  our  desired  conference, 
our  next  business  was,  to  desire  them,  by  friendly  conference, 
to  go  over  the  particulars  which  we  excepted  against,  and  to  tell 
us  how  much  they  would  abate,  and  what  alterations  they  would 
yield  to.  This,  bishop  Reynolds  oft  pressed  them  to,  and  so  did 
all  the  rest  of  us  that  spake.  But  they  resolutely  insisted  on  it, 
that  they  had  nothing  to  do  till  we  had  proved  that  there  was  a 
necessity  for  alteration,  which  we  had  not  yet  done;  and  that  they 
were  thei-e,  ready  to  answer  our  proofs.  We  urged  them  again 
and  again  with  the  very  words  of  the  king's  declaration  and 
commission:  'That  the  ends  expressed  are  for  the  removal  of  all 
exceptions,  and  occasions  of  exceptions  and  differences  from 
among  our  good  subjects,  and  for  giving  satisfaction  to  tender 
conciences,  and  the  restoring  and  continuance  of  peace  and  am- 
ity in  the  churches.  And  the  means  are,  to  make  such  reason- 
able and  necessary  alterations,  corrections,  and  amendments 
therein,  as  shall  be  agreed  upon  to  be  needful  and  expedient,  for 
the  giving  satisfaction  to  tender  consciences,  and  restoring  and 
continuing  peace,'  Sue.  We  plainly  showed  hence,  that  the  king 
supposeth  that  some  alterations  must  be  made;  but  the  bishops 
insisted  on  two  words  necessary  alterations,  and  such  as  should 
be  agreed  on.  We  understand  them,  that  the  word  necessary 
hath  reference  to  the  ends  expressed;  viz.  the  satisfying  tender 
consciences,  and  is  joined  with  expedient:  and  that  it  was  strange 
if,  when  the  king  had  so  long  and  publicly  determined  of  the 
end,  and  called  us  to  consult  of  the  means,  we  should  presume 


188 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


now,  at  last,  to  contradict  him,  and  to  determine  tliat  the  end 
itself  is  unnecessary;  and,  consequently  no  means  necessary 
thereto.  What,  then,  have  we  all  this  while  been  doing?  When 
they  are  called  to  agree  on  such  necessary  means,  if  they  will 
take  advantage  of  that  word,  to  agree  on  nothing,  that  so  all 
endeavors  may  be  frustrated  for  want  of  their  agreement,  God 
and  the  world  would  judge  between  us,  who  it  is  that  frustrateth 
the  king's  commission,  and  the  hopes  of  a  divided,  bleeding 
church. 

"Thus  we  continued  a  long  time  contending  about  this  point, 
whether  some  alterations  be  supposed  by  the  king's  declaration 
and  commission  to  be  made  by  us;  or,  whether  we  were  anew 
to  dispute  that  point?  But  the  bishops  would  have  that  to  be 
our  task,  or  none,  to  prove  by  disputation,  that  any  alteration 
was  necessary  to  be  made;  while  they  confuted  our  proofs.  We 
told  them,  that  the  end  being  to  satisfy  tender  consciences,  and 
procure  unity,  those  tender  consciences  did  themselves  profess, 
that  without  some  alterations,  and  these  considerable  too,  they 
could  not  be  satisfied;  and  experience  told  them,  that  peace  and 
unity  could  not  without  them  be  attained.  But  still  ihey  said 
that  none  was  necessary,  and  they  would  yield  to  all  that  we 
proved  necessary.  Here  we  were  left  in  a  very  great  strait;  if 
we  should  enter  upon  a  dispute  with  them,  we  gave  op  the  end 
and  hope  of  our  endeavors;  if  we  refused  it,  we  knew  that  they 
would  boast,  that  when  it  came  to  the  setting-to,  we  would  not 
so  much  as  attempt  to  prove  any  thing  unlawful  in  the  liturgy, 
nor  dare  dispute  it  with  them.  Mr.  Calamy,  with  some  others 
of  our  brethren,  would  have  had  us  refuse  the  motion  of  disput- 
ing as  not  tending  to  fulfil  the  king's  commands.  We  told  the 
bishops,  over  and  over,  that  they  coidd  not  choose  but  know 
that  before  we  could  end  one  argument  in  a  dispute,  our  time 
would  be  expired;  that  it  could  not  possibly  tend  to  any  accom- 
modation; and  that  to  keep  off  from  personal  conference,  till 
within  a  few  days  of  the  expiration  of  the  commission,  and  then 
to  resolve  to  do  nothing  but  wrangle  out  the  time  in  a  dispute, 
as  if  we  were  between  jest  and  earnest  in  the  schools,  was  too 
visibly  in  the  sight  of  all  the  world,  to  defeat  the  king's  commis- 
sion, and  the  expectation  of  many  thousands,  who  longed  for 
our  unity  and  peace.  But  we  spoke  to  the  deaf;  they  had  other 
ends,  and  were  other  men,  and  had  the  art  to  suit  the  means 
unto  their  ends.  For  my  part,  when  I  saw  that  they  would  do 
nothing  else,  I  persuaded  our  brethren  to  yield  to  a  disputation 
with  them,  and  let  them  understand  that  we  were  far  from  fear- 
ing it,  seeing  they  would  give  us  no  hopes  of  concord.  But, 
withal,  first  to  profess  to  them,  tliat  the  guilt  of  disappointing  his 
majesty  and  the  kingdom,  lay  not  upon  us,  who  desired  to  obey 
the  king's  commission,  but  on  them.    Thus  we  yielded  to  spend 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


189 


tlie  little  time  remaining,  in  disputing  with  them,  nilher  than  go 
home  and  do  nothing,  and  leave  them  to  tell  the  court  when 
they  had  so  provoked  us,  that  we  durst  not  dispute  with  them, 
nor  were  able  to  prove  our  accusations  of  the  liturgy."  ^ 

It  was  finally  agreed  that  three  on  each  side  should  be  chosen 
to  debate  the  unlawiuliiess  of  the  impositions  in  the  Episcopal 
system.  Drs.  Pearson,  Gunning,  and  Sparrow,  being  on  the 
one  side;  and  Baxter,  Bates,  and  Jacomb,  on  the  other.  They 
met  accordingly,  in  the  presence  of  many  of  the  Episcopal 
party,  who  attended  in  considerable  numbers;  but  the  Noncon- 
formists, except  the  three  advocates,  all  absented  themselves. 
The  debate  itself,  which  Baxter  has  recorded  at  length,  was,  as 
might  have  been  anticipated,  exceedingly  unsatisfactory;  par- 
taking more  of  the  nature  of  personal  altercation  than  of  grave 
religious  argument.  The  discussion  was  carried  on  by  ex-tem- 
pore  writing  as  well  as  by  occasional  speaking;  which  must  have 
been  as  wearisome  to  all  parties,  as  the  history  of  it  would  now 
be  tedious  and  unprofitable.  As  Baxter  chiefly  maintained  the 
discussion  on  the  side  of  the  Nonconformists,  his  numerous 
writings  contain  a  full  exposition  and  defence  of  his  own  views 
and  those  of  his  brethren;  while  the  liturgy  remains  unaltered, 
and  the  defences  of  its  correctness  and  propriety  to  this  day  are 
very  numerous.  Baxter's  account  of  the  principal  disputants, 
and  of  the  part  which  they  respectively  took  in  the  discussion, 
may  appropriately  close  the  review  of  the  Savoy  conference. 

"The  bishop  of  London,  Dr.  Sheldon,  since  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  only  appeared  the  first  day  of  each  conference, 
which,  beside  that  before  the  king,  was  but  twice  in  all,  as  I 
remember,  and  meddled  not  at  all  in  any  disputations: '  but  all 
men  supposed  that  he  and  Bishop  Morley,  and  next  Bishop 
Hinchman,  were  the  doers  and  disposers  of  all  such  affairs. 
The  archbishop  of  York  (Frewen)  spake  very  little;  and  came 
but  once  or  twice  in  all.  Bishop  Morley  was  often  there,  but 
not  constantly,  and  with  free  and  fluent  words  with  much  earn- 
estness, was  the  chief  speaker  of  all  the  bishops,  and  the  greatest 
interrupter  of  us:  vehemently  going  on  witli  what  he  thought 
serviceable  to  his  end,  and  bearing  down  our  answers  by  the 
said  fervor  and  interruptions.  Bishop  Cosins  was  there  con- 
stantly, and  had  a  great  deal  of  talk  with  so  little  logic,  natural 

(x)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  233— 23fi. 

(y)  The  views  of  Sheldon  in  the  alTair  of  the  Savoy  conference,  are  apparent  from 
one  circuinslance.  When  Lord  Manchester  remarked  to  the  king,  that  he  was  afrnid 
the  terms  of  the  act  of  uniformity  were  loo  rig^id  for  the  ministers  lo  comply  with, 
Sheldon  replied,  "I  am  afraid  iliey  w\\\."— Bate's  Funeral  Sermo)i  for  Baxter.  It  is 
only  necessary  to  look  at  some  passages  of  Pepys's  'Memoirs,'  to  he  satisfied  that 
Sheldon  was  a  profane,  as  well  as  an  unprincipled  man;  totally  unfit  for  the  office 
which  he  held. — See  particularly  vol.  ii.  p.  342.  Burnet  says,  "He  seemed  not  to 
have  a  clear  sense  of  religion,  if  any  at  all;  and  spoke  of  it  most  commonly  as  of  an 
engine  of  government,  and  a  matter  of  policy." — Ou  n  Times,  i.  p.  257. 


190 


THE    LIFE   AND  TIMES 


or  artificial,  that  I  perceived  no  one  much  moved  by  any  thing 
he  said.  But  two  virtues  he  showed,  though  none  toolc  him  for 
a  magician;  one  was,  that  lie  was  excellently  well  versed  in 
canons,  councils,  and  fathers,  which  he  remembered,  when  by 
citing  of  any  passages  we  tried  him.  The  other  was,  that  as 
he  was  of  a  rustic  wit  and  carriage,  so  he  would  endure  more 
freedom  of  discourse  with  him,  and  was  more  affable  and  famil- 
iar than  the  rest.  Bishop  Hinchman,  since  bishop  of  London, 
was  of  the  most  grave,  comely,  reverend  aspect  of  any  of  them; 
and  of  a  good  insight  in  the  fathers  and  councils.  Cosins  and 
he,  and  Dr.  Gunning,  being  all  that  showed  any  considerable  skill 
in  them  among  us;  in  which  they  were  all  three  of  very  laudable 
understandings,  and  better  than  any  other  of  either  of  the  parties 
that  I  met  with.  Bishop  Hinchman  spake  calmly  and  slowly, 
and  not  very  often;  but  was  as  high  in  his  principles  and  resolu- 
tions as  any  of  them. 

"Bishop  Sanderson,  of  Lincoln,  was  sometimes  there,  but 
never  spake,  that  I  know  of,  except  a  very  little;  but  his  great 
learning  and  worth  are  known  by  his  labors,  and  his  aged  peev- 
ishness not  unknown.^ 

"Bishop  Gauden  was  our  most  constant  helper:  he  and  Bishop 
Cosins  seldom  were  absent.  And  how  bitter  soever  his  pen 
might  be,  he  was  the  only  moderator  of  all  the  bishops,  except 
our  bishop  Reynolds.  He  showed  no  logic,  nor  meddled  in  any 
dispute  or  point  of  learning;  but  he  had  a  calm,  fluent,  rhetor- 
ical tongue;  and  if  all  had  been  of  his  mind  we  had  been  recon- 
ciled. But  when  by  many  days'  conference  in  the  beginning, 
we  had  got  some  moderating  concessions  from  him,  and  from 
Bishop  Cosins  by  his  means,  the  rest  came  in  the  end,  and  brake 
them  all." 

"Bishop  Lucy,  of  St.  David's,  spake  once  or  twice  a  few 
words,  calmly;  and  so  did  Bishop  Nicholson,  of  Gloucester,  and 
Bishop  Griffiths,  of  St.  Asaph's,  though  not  commissioners. 
King,  bishop  of  Chichester,  I  never  saw  there.  Bishop  Warner, 
of  Rochester,  was  once  or  twice.  Lany,  of  Peterborough,  was 
twice  or  thrice  there;  and  Walton,  bishop  of  Chester,  but  neither 
of  them  spake  much.'' 

"Among  all  the  bishops,  there  was  none  who  had  so  promis- 
ing a  face  as  Dr.  Sterne,  bishop  of  Carlisle.  He  looked  so 
honestly,  gravely,  and  soberly,  that  I  scarce  thought  such  a  face 

(z)  It  is  said  that  Bishop  Sanderson  requested,  on  his  dealh-bed,  that  the  ejected 
ministers  should  be  employed  again;  but  of  course  that  was  not  complied  with. — 
Barter's  Life,  part  ii.  p.  363. 

(a)  It  is  somewhat  singular  that  the  author  of  the  'Eikon  Basilike,'  should  have 
been  so  moderate  a  man  in  the  debates  with  the  Nonconformists.  Baxter's  descrip- 
tion of  his  calm  and  fluent  tongue,  agrees  very  well  with  the  style  of  that  celebrated 
book;  the  controversy  about  which  is  now  set  at  rest,  and  the  claims  of  Gauden  fully 
ascertained. 

(b)  Life,  part  ii.  p.  364. 


OF   RICHARD  BAXTER. 


191 


could  have  deceived  me.  When  1  was  entreating  them  not  to 
cast  out  so  many  of  their  brethren  through  the  nation,  lie  turned 
to  the  rest  of  the  reverend  bisho})s,  and  said,  'He  will  not  say- 
in  the  kinsrdom,  lost  he  own  a  king.^  This  was  all  I  ever  heard 
that  worthy  prelate  say.  1  told  him  with  grief,  that  half  the 
charity  wiiich  hecamc  so  grave  a  bishop,  might  have  helped  him 
to  a  better  exposition  of  the  word  nation." 

"Bishop  Reynolds  spake  much  the  first  day,  for  bringing 
them  to  abatements  and  moderation;  and  afterwards  he  sat  with 
them,  and  spake  now  and  then  a  word  for  moderation.  He 
was  a  solid,  lionest  man,  but  through  mildness  and  excess  of 
timorous  reverence  for  great  men,  altogether  unfit  to  contend 
with  diem. 

"Mr.  Thorndike  spake  once  a  few  impertinent,  passionate 
words,  confuting  the  opinion  which  we  had  received  of  him 
from  his  first  writings,  and  confirming  that  which  his  second  and 
last  writings  had  given  us  of  him.  Dr.  Earle,  Dr.  Heylin,  and 
Dr.  Barwick,  never  came.  Dr.  Hacket,  since  bishop  of  Co- 
ventry and  Litchfield,  said  nothing  to  make  us  know  any  thing 
of  him.  Dr.  Sparrow  said  but  little,  but  that  little  was  with 
spirit  enough  for  the  imposing  dividing  cause. 

"Dr.  Pierce  and  Dr.  Gunning  did  all  their  work,  beside  Bish- 
op Morlcy's  discourses,  but  with  great  difference  in  the  manner. 
Dr.  Pierce  was  their  true  logician  and  disputant,  without  whom, 
as  far  as  I  could  discern,  we  should  have  had  nothing  from  them, 
but  Dr.  Gunning's  passionate  invectives,  mixed  with  some  argu- 
mentations. He  disputed  accurately,  soberly,  and  calmly,  being 
but  once  in  any  passion;  breeding  in  us  great  respect  for  him, 
and  a  persuasion  that  if  he  had  been  independent,  he  would 
have  been  for  peace,  and  that  if  all  had  been  in  his  power,  it 
would  have  gone  well.  He  was  the  strength  and  honor  of  that 
cause  which  we  doubted  whether  he  heartily  maintained.  He 
was  their  forwardest  and  greatest  speaker;  understanding  well 
what  belonged  to  a  disputant;  a  man  of  greater  study  and 
industry  than  any  of  them;  well  read  in  fathers  and  councils, 
and  of  a  ready  tongue;  I  hear,  and  believe,  of  very  temperate 
life  also,  as  to  all  carnal  excesses  whatsoever;  but  so  vehement 
for  his  high,  imposing  principles,  and  so  over  zealous  for 
Arminianism,  and  formality,  and  church  pomp;  and  so  very 
eager  and  fervent  in  his  discourse,  that  I  conceive  his  pre- 
judice and  passion  much  perverted  his  judgment.  I  am  sure, 
they  made  him  lamentably  overrun  himself  in  his  discourses. 
Of  Dr.  Peirce  I  will  say  no  more,  because  he  hath  said  so 
much  of  me.'' 

(c)  Life,  part  ii.  p.  284. 

(d)  Jeremy  Taylor  says  in  one  of  his  letters,  "It  is  no  wonder  that  Baxter  under- 
values the  sjciitrv  of  En";lau(l.  You  know  what  spirit  he  is  of,  but  I  suppose  he  has 
met  with  his  niaicli;  for  Mr.  Pf-ris  (Peiroe)  hath  attacked  him;  and  they  are  joined 
in  the  lists." — Ilebei  's  Life  of  Taylor,  p.  88. 


192 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


"On  our  part,  Dr.  Bates  spake  very  solidly,  judiciously,  and 
pertinently,  when  he  spake.  As  for  myself,  the  reason  why  I 
spake  so  much  was,  because  it  was  the  desire  of  my  brethren, 
and  I  was  loth  to  expose  them  to  the  hatred  of  the  bisliops;  but 
was  willing  to  take  it  all  uj)on  myself,  they  themselves  having  so 
much  wit  as  to  be  therein  more  sparing  and  cautious  than  I.  I 
thought  also  that  the  day  and  cause  commanded  me  those  two 
things,  which  then  were  objected  to  me  as  my  crimes,  viz., 
speaking  too  boldly  and  too  long.  I  thought  it  a  cause  that  I 
could  comfortably  suffer  for,  and  should  as  willingly  be  a  martyr 
for  charity  as  for  faith." 

Thus  ended  the  Savoy  conference,  the  last  of  those  attempts 
to  reconcile  churchmen  and  dissenters,  in  which  the  court  and 
the  authorities  in  the  church  took  any  active  part.  The  issue 
might  have  been  foreseen  at  the  beginning,  from  the  disposition 
of  the  leading  Episcopal  commissioners,  and  from  the  conduct 
of  Sheldon  at  the  very  first  meeting;  beside  what  was  known  of 
the  prevailing  feelings  of  the  court  and  the  whole  royal  party. 
Burnet  says,  with  considerable  justice,  "The  two  men  that  had 
the  chief  management  of  the  debate,  were  the  most  unfit  to  heal 
matters,  and  the  fittest  to  widen  them  that  could  have  been 
found  out.  Baxter  was  the  opponent,  and  Gunning  was  the  re- 
spondent, who  was  afterwards  advanced,  first  to  Chichester,  and 
then  to  Ely.  He  was  a  man  of  great  reading,  and  noted  for 
a  special  subtlety  of  arguing.  All  the  arts  of  sophistry  were 
made  use  of  by  him  on  all  occasions,  in  as  confident  a  manner 
as  if  they  had  been  sound  reasoning.  Baxter  and  he  spent 
some  days  in  much  logical  arguing,  to  the  diversion  of  the  town, 
who  thought  here  were  a  couple  of  fencers  engaged  in  disputes, 
that  could  never  be  brought  to  an  end,  or  have  any  good  ef- 
fect." f 

The  affair  having  thus  ended  in  a  kind  of  farce,  and  the  min- 
isters having  totally  failed,  as  they  conceived,  in  the  great  object 
of  the  conference,  they  drew  up  a  correct  account  of  the  whole 
affair,  and  presented  it  to  the  king  in  the  form  of  a  petition.  It 
was  written  by  Baxter,  with  a  few  alteration?  and  amendments, 
was  at  last  laid  before  his  majesty,  with  a  fair  copy  of  all  the  pa- 
pers, by  Dr.  Manton,  Dr.  Reynolds,  Dr.  Bates,  and  Mr.  Bax 
ter.  It  gives  a  short  history  of  the  conference,  and  its  unsuc- 
cessful issue,  and  concludes  by  praying  that  the  benefits  of  the 
king's  declaration  might  be  continued  to  the  people,  and  that  the 
additions  promised  in  it  might  be  bestowed. s  It  does  not  appear 
that  Charles  said  any  thing  particular  at  the  winding  up  of  the 
affair.  He  parted  with  the  ministers  civilly,  but  with  a  full  de- 
le) Life,  part  ii.  pp.  363,  364. 

(f)  Burnet's  'Own  Times,'  vol.  i.  pp.  283,  284. 

(g)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  366—368. 


OF     RICHARD  RAXTKH. 


193 


terminaiion  to  pursue  such  measures,  as,  lo  adopt  the  expression 
of  his  graiulfatlier  respecting  llie  Puritan«:,  would  "di-ive  ihem 
out  of  the  Uiiigdoui,  or  do  worse."  The  falhu  e  ofTc'  S  one  of 
many  ilkistrations  of  the  folly  of  attempting  to  reconcile  the  ])rin- 
ci[)les  of  this  world,  with  the  laws  and  government  of  the  king- 
dom of  Christ,  h  is  true,  in  regard  to  such  transactions  as  the 
Savoy  conference,  as  well  as  of  other  diings,  "that  no  man  can 
serve  two  masters." 

After  the  failure  of  the  negotiation,  the  great  object  of  the 
ministers  was,  if  possible,  to  get  parliament  to  pass  the  king's  de- 
claration into  a  law,  without  which  it  would  be  of  no  permanent 
force  or  obligation;  and  for  a  time,  their  expectations  were 
encouraged  by  the  lord  chancellor.  But  when  it  came  to  the 
trial,  their  hopes  all  failed  them;  and  the  conformity  imposed, 
was  made  ten  times  more  burdensome  than  it  was  before.  For 
beside  that  the  convocation  had  made  the  Common  Prayer-book 
more  grievous  than  ever,  the  parliament  made  a  new  act  of  con- 
formity, with  a  new  form  of  subscription,  and  a  new  declaration 
lo  be  made  against  the  obligation  of  the  covenant.  So  that  the 
king's  declaration  not  only  died  before  it  came  into  execution, 
and  all  hopes,  treaties,  and  petitions,  were  not  only  disappointed, 
but  a  weight  more  grievous  than  a  thousand  ceremonies  was  add- 
ed to  the  old  conformity,  with  a  heavy  penalty.'' 

(h)  Although  the  Episcopal  commissioners  would  conceile  nolhing  to  the  Noncon- 
formists for  the  sake  of  peace,  ihey  soon  after  held  a  meeting  by  themselves,  for  the 
purpose  of  preparing;  certain  alterations  in  the  '15ook  of  Common  Pra  yer,  w  hich  they 
agreed  to  lay  i)efore  the  next  convocation.  It  assembled  on  the  8lh  of  May,  ItiGl, 
and  agreed  to  some  alterations  and  additions.  They  began  with  the  office  for  the 
king's  hirih  and  relin-n,  which  was  brought  in  on  the  16ih  of  iMay,  being  their  second 
session.  On  the  18lh  of  May,  their  third  session,  they  proceeded  to  the  office  of 
baptism  for  those  of  riper  years.  l?y  December  20lh,  the  book  was  completed  and 
subscribed  by  the  members  of  both  liouses. 

"The  principal  alterations  which  were  made  in  this  version,  were  the  following. 
Several  lessons  in  the  calendar  were  changed  for  others  more  jiroper  for  the  days. 
The  prayers  upon  particular  occasions,  were  disjoined  from  the  liturgy.  The  prayers 
for  the  parliament,  that  for  all  conditions  of  men,  and  the  general  thanksgiving,  were 
added;  several  of  the  collects  were  altere<l;  the  epistles  and  gospels  were  taken  out 
of  the  last  translation  of  the  Bible,  they  having  been  read  before,  according  lo  the 
old.  The  office  of  baptism  for  those  of  riper  years,  the  forms  of  prayer  to  be  used  at 
sea,  the  form  for  the  martyrdom  of  King  Charles,  and  that  for  the  king's  return,  or, 
as  it  is  now  called,  the  restoration  of  the  royal  family  were  a<ldcd.  The  book  did 
not  go  to  press  till  some  lime  after  it  was  subscribed,  the  Act  of  Uniformity  for  enact- 
ing It  into  a  law  taking  up  a  considerable  lime." — Nichol's  Preface  lo  the  Book  of 
Commmi  Prayer,  p,  10.  In  all  Ihese  alterations,  it  is  very  clear  the  clergy  took  spe- 
cial care  that  no  allention  should  be  shown  lo  the  feelings  or  prejudices  of  the  Non- 
conformists. 'J'his  writer  has  forgotten  to  state  that,  among  the  other  improvements 
made  by  this  convocation  on  the  'Prayer  Book,'  the  story  of  "IJell  and  the  Dragon' 
was  added  to  the  lessons  taken  from  the  Apocrypha! 


VOL.  I. 


25 


194 


THE  LIFE  ANX)  TIMES 

CHAPTER  VIII.    16G1— 1665. 


Baxter  endeavors  to  gain  possession  of  Kidderminster — The  King  and  Clarendon  favorable 
to  it — Defeated  by  Sir  Ralpli  Clare  and  Bishop  Morley — Conduct  of  .Sir  Ralph  Clare  to  the 
People  of  Kidderminster — Baxter's  spirited  Remonstrance — Insurrection  of  the  Fifth 
Monarchy  Wen — Baxter's  Preaching  in  London — Obtains  a  l-icense  from  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury — Attempts  to  ncgociate  with  the  Vicar  of  Kidderniinsler — Treatment  of 
the  People  by  the  Bishop  and  (;iergy— Baxter  entirely  separated  from  Kidderminster — 
Takes  leave  of  the  (Church — Act  of  L'niformity — Its  Injustice,  Impolicy,  and  Cruelty — Its 
injurious  Effects — Baxter's  Marriage — Declar.ation  of  Indulgence — Death  and  Character 
of  Ash— Nelson — Hardships  of  the  Nonconformists — Dealli  of  Archbishop  Juxim — Ifuc- 
ceeded  by  Sheldon — Act  against  Private  Meetinss — Sufferings  of  the  People — Baxter  re- 
tires to  Acton — Works  written  or  published  by  him  during  this  i)eriod — Correspondence — 
Occasional  Communion— Consulted  by  Ashley — Concluding  Memorials  of  the  year  1G()5. 

In  the  preceding  chapter,  an  account  has  been  given  of  all  the 
public  transactions  in  which  Baxter  was  engaged  from  the  period 
of  the  restoration  to  the  termination  of  the  Savoy  conference. 
His  more  private  or  personal  affairs  now  require  our  attention. 
In  his  letter  to  lord  Clarendon,  declining  the  bishopric  of  Here- 
ford, the  reader  will  have  observed  that  he  prefers  a  request  of 
a  very  humble  nature  respecting  Kidderminster;  that  if  his  lord- 
ship would  bestow  some  prebendal  place  on  Mr.  Dance,  the 
vicar,  it  would  enable  him  to  return  to  his  old  and  favorite  sphere 
of  employment.  The  following  narrative  brings  before  us  the 
failure  of  this  application,  and,  in  consequence,  his  entire  sepa- 
ration from  Kidderminster. 

"When  I  had  refused  a  bishopric,  I  did  it  from  such  reasons 
as  offended  not  the  lord  chancellor;  and,  therefore,  instead  of 
it,  I  presumed  to  crave  his  favor  to  restore  me  to  preach  to  my 
people  at  Kidderminster  again,  from  whence  I  had  been  cast 
out,  when  many  hundreds  of  others  were  ejected,  u])on  the  res- 
toration of  all  those  who  had  been  sequestered.  It  was  but  a 
vicarage,  and  the  vicar  was  a  poor,  unlearned,  ignorant,  silly 
reader,  who  little  understood  what  Christianity,  and  the  articles 
of  his  creed,  did  signify.  Once  a  quarter  he  said  something 
which  he  called  a  sermon,  which  made  him  the  pity  or  the 
laughter  of  the  people.  This  man,  being  unable  to  preach  him- 
self, kept  always  a  curate  under  him  for  that  purpose.  Before 
the  wars,  I  had  preached  there  only  as  a  lecturer,  and  he  was 
bound  to  pay  me  sixty  pounds  per  annum;  my  people  were  so 
dear  to  me,  and  I  to  them,  that  I  would  have  been  with  them 
upon  the  lowest  lawful  terms.  Some  laughed  at  me  for  refusing 
a  bishopric,  and  petitioning  to  be  a  reading  vicar's  curate;  but  I 
bad  little  hopes  of  so  good  a  condition,  at  least  for  any  consid- 
erable time. 

"The  ruler  of  the  vicar  and  all  the  business,  was  Sir  Ralph 
Clare;  an  old  man,  and  an  old  courtier,  who  carried  it  towards 
me,  all  the  time  I  was  there,  with  great  civility  and  respect,  and 


OP   RICHARD  BAXTER. 


195 


sent  me  a  purse  of  money  when  1  went  away,  wliicli  I  refused.' 
But  his  zeal  against  all  who  scrupled  ceremonies,  or  who  would 
not  preach  for  prelacy  and  conformity,  was  so  much  gi-eater  than 
his  respect  for  me,  that  he  was  the  principal  cause  of  my  re- 
moval. I  suppose  ho  ihought  that  when  I  was  far  enougli  off, 
he  could  so  far  rule  the  town,  as  to  reduce  the  people  to  his  way. 
But  he  and  others  of  that  temper  little  knew,  how  firm  conscien- 
tious men  are  to  the  matters  of  their  everlasting  interest,  and  how 
litde  men's  authority  can  do  against  the  authority  of  God,  with 
those  that  are  unfeignedly  suhject  to  him.  Openly,  he  seemed 
to  be  for  my  return  at  first,  that  he  might  not  offend  the  people; 
and  the  lord  cliancellor  seemed  very  forward  in  it,  and  all  the 
diflicuky  was,  how  to  provide  some  other  place  for  the  old  vicar, 
Mr.  Dance,  that  he  might  be  no  loser  by  the  change.  It  was  so 
contrived,  that  all  must  seem  forward  in  it  except  the  vicar. 
The  king  himself  must  be  engaged  in  it;  the  lord  chancellor 
earnestly  presseth  it;  Sir  Ralph  is  willing  and  very  desirous  of 
it;  and  the  vicar  is  willing,  if  he  may  but  be  recompensed  with 
as  good  a  place,  from  which  I  had  received  but  ninety  pounds  per 
annum.  Either  all  desire  it,  or  none  desire  it.  But  the  hin- 
derance  was,  that  among  all  the  livings  and  prebendaries  of 
England,  there  was  none  fit  for  the  poor  vicar.  A  prebend  he 
must  not  have,  because  he  was  incompetent,  and  yet  he  is  still 
thought  competent  to  be  the  pastor  of  near  4,000  souls!  The 
lord  chancellor,  to  make  the  business  certain,  engages  himself 
for  a  valuable  stipend  to  the  vicar,  and  his  own  steward  shall  be 
commanded  to  pay  it  for  him.  What  could  he  desire  more? 
But  the  poor  vicar  was  to  answer  him  that  this  was  no  security 
to  him;  his  lordship  might  withhold  that  stipend  at  his  pleasure, 
and  then  where  was  his  maintenance?  Give  him  but  a  legal 
title  to  any  thing  of  equal  value,  and  he  would  resign.  The 
patron  also  was  my  sure  and  intimate  friend.  But  no  such  thing 
was  to  be  had,  and  so  Mr.  Dance  must  keep  his  place. 

"Though  I  requested  not  any  preferment  but  this,  yet  even 
for  this  I  resolved  I  would  never  be  importunate.  I  only  nomin- 
ated it  as  the  favor  which  I  desired,  when  their  offei-s  in  general 
invited  me  to  ask  more;  and  then  I  told  them,  that  if  it  were 
any  way  inconvenient  to  them,  I  would  not  i-equest  it.  Even  at 
the  very  first  I  desired,  that  if  they  thought  it  best  for  the  vicar 
to  keep  his  place,  I  was  willing  to  take  the  lecture,  which,  by  his 
bond,  was  secured  to  me,  and  was  still  my  right;  or  if  that  were 

(i)  Sir  Ralph  Clare,  of  Caldwell,  of  wliom  Baxter  gives  this  curious  account,  was 
an  eminent  royalist.  He  spent  a  great  part  of  his  fortune  in  the  cause  of  Charles  II. 
Being  taken  prisoner  at  the  hattle  of  Worcester,  he  remained  a  long  lime  in  con- 
finement, till  released,  probably  by  Baxter's  influence,  by  Major-Geueral  Berry  com- 
ing in  to  command  in  the  county.  It  appears,  from  various  parts  of  Baxter's  narra- 
tive, that  the  old  knight  was  a  great  thorn  in  his  side.  In  Nash's  'History  of  Wor- 
cestershire,' portraits  of  Baxter  and  Sir  Ralph  are  given  in  one  page. — Vol.  ii.  p.  44. 


19G 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


denied  me,  1  would  be  his  curate  wliile  tlie  king's  declaration 
stood  in  force.  But  none  of  these  could  be  accepted  with  men 
that  were  so  exceedingly  willing.  Jn  the  end,  it  ajipeared  that 
two  knig'ils  of  the  country.  Sir  Ralph  Clare  and  Sir  John  Pack- 
ington,j  wlio  were  very  great  with  Dr.  Morley,  newly -made 
bishop  of  Worcester,  had  made  him  believe  that  my  interest  was 
so  great,  and  I  could  do  so  much  with  ministers  and  people  in 
that  county,  that  unless  I  would  bind  myself  to  promote  their 
cause  and  part)r,  I  was  not  fit  to  be  there.  And  this  bishop, 
being  greatest  of  any  man  with  the  lord  chancellor,  must  ob- 
struct my  return  to  my  ancient  flock.  At  last,  Sir  Ralph  Clare 
did  freely  tell  me,  that  if  I  would  conform  to  the  orders  and 
ceremonies  of  the  church,  preach  conformity  to  the  people,  and 
labor  to  set  them  right,  there  was  no  man  in  England  so  fit  to  be 
there,  for  no  man  could  more  effectually  do  it;  but  if  I  would 
not,  there  was  no  man  so  unfit  for  the  place,  for  no  man  could 
more  hinder  it. 

"I  desired  it  as  the  greatest  favor  of  them,  that  if  they  intended 
not  my  being  there  they  would  plainly  tell  me  so,  that  I  might 
trouble  them  and  myself  no  more  about  it;  but  that  was  a  favor 
too  great  to  be  expected.  I  had  continual  encouragement  by 
promises  till  I  was  almost  tired  in  waiting  on  them.  At  last, 
meeting  Sir  Ralph  Clare  in  the  bishop's  chamber,  I  desired  him, 
before  the  bishop,  to  tell  me  to  my  face,  if  he  had  any  thing 
against  me  which  might  cause  all  this  ado.  He  told  me  that  I 
would  give  the  sacrament  to  none  kneeling,  and  that  of  eighteen 
hundred  communicants,  there  were  not  past  six  hundred  who 
were  for  me,  and  the  rest  were  rather  for  the  vicar.  I  answer- 
ed, I  was  very  glad  that  these  words  fell  out  to  be  spoken  in  the 
bishop's  hearing.  To  the  first  accusation,  I  told  him,  that  he 
himself  knew  I  invited  him  to  the  sacrament,  and  offered  it  him 
kneeling,  and  that  under  my  hand  in  writing;  that  openly  in  his 
hearing  in  the  pulpit,  I  had  promised  and  told  both  him  and  all 
the  rest,  I  never  had  nor  ever  would  put  any  man  from  the  sa- 
crament on  the  account  of  kneeling,  but  leave  every  one  to  the 
posture  he  should  choose.  I  farther  stated,  that  the  reason  why 
I  never  gave  it  to  any  kneeling,  was  because  all  who  came  would 
sit  or  stand,  and  those  who  were  for  kneeling  only  followed  him, 
who  would  not  come  unless  I  would  administer  it  to  him  and  his 
party  on  a  day  by  themselves,  when  the  rest  were  not  present; 
and  I  had  no  mind  to  be  the  author  of  such  a  schism,  and  make, 
as  it  were,  two  churches  of  one.    But  especially  the  conscious- 

( j)  Sir  John  Packingloi),  of  VVeslwood,  was  another  warm  royalist  liaroiiel,  in  the 
county  or  Worcester.  He  was  husband  to  Lady  I'dckinglon,  to  whom  that  well- 
known  work,  'The  Whole  Duty  oC  Man/  has  heen  ascribed.  Sir  John's  house  was 
the  resort  of  manj'  of  the  Episcopal  clergy  during  the  wars  and  the  Commonwealth; 
and  Dr.  Hammond  died  in  it. — Athen.  Oxon.  iii.  499.  Granger,  v.  377. 


OF    mCllARI)  BAXTER. 


197 


ncss  of  notorious  scandal,  which  they  knew  lliey  must  be  ac- 
counlahlc  for,  did  nialvU  many  kncelcrs  stay  away;  and  all  this 
he  coidii  not  deny. 

"As  to  the  second  charge,  I  stated,  there  was  a  witness  ready 
to  say  as  he  did.  I  knew  but  one  man  in  the  town  against  me, 
whi(;h  was  a  stranger  newly  coine,  one  Ganderton,  an  attorney, 
steward  to  the  Lord  of  A[)ergavenny,  a  Papist,  who  was  lord  of 
the  manor.  This  one  man  was  the  prosecutor,  and  witnessed 
liow  many  were  against  my  return.  I  craved  of  the  bishop  that 
I  might  send  by  die  next  ])Ost  to  know  their  minds,  and  if  that 
were  so  I  woidd  take  it  for  a  favor  to  be  kept  from  thence. 
When  the  people  iieard  this  at  Kidderminster,  in  a  day's  time 
they  gathered  the  hands  of  sixteen  hundred  of  the  eighteen 
hundred  comnuinicants,  and  the  rest  were  such  as  were  from 
home.  Within  four  or  five  days  after,  I  happened  to  find  Sir 
Ralph  Clare  wilh  the  bislio|i  again,  and  showed  him  the  hands 
of  sixteen  hundred  communicants,  with  an  offer  of  more  if  tiiey 
might  have  time,  all  very  earnest  for  my  return.  Sir  Ralph 
was  silenced  as  to  that  point;  but  he  and  the  bishop  appeared  so 
much  the  more  against  my  retiu'n. 

"The  letter  which  the  lord  chancellor  upon  his  own  offer 
wrote  for  me  to  Sir  Ral|)b  Clare,  be  gave  at  my  request  un- 
sealed; and  so  I  took  a  copy  of  it  before  I  sent  it  away,  think- 
ing the  chief  use  would  be  to  keep  it  and  compare  it  with  llieir 
dealings.    It  was  as  foUoweth: 

"  'Sir, 

"  'I  am  a  litde  out  of  countenance,  that  after  die  discovery 
of  such  a  desire  in  his  majesty,  that  Mr.  Baxter  should  be  settled 
in  Kidderminster,  as  he  was  heretofore,  and  my  promise  to  you 
by  the  king's  direction,  that  Mr.  Dance  should  very  punctually 
receive  a  recompense  by  way  of  a  rent  upon  his  or  your  bills 
charged  here  upon  iny  steward,  Mr.  Baxter  hath  yet  no  fruit  of 
this  his  majesty's  good  intention  towards  him;  so  that  he  hath 
too  much  reason  to  believe  that  he  is  not  so  frankh^  dealt  with 
in  this  particular  as  he  deserves  to  be.  I  do  again  tell  you,  that 
it  will  be  very  acceptable  to  the  king  if  you  can  persuade  Mr. 
Dance  to  surrender  that  charge  to  Mr.  Baxter;  and  in  the  mean 
time,  and  till  he  is  preferred  to  as  profitable  an  employment, 
whatever  agreement  you  shall  make  with  him  for  an  annual  rent, 
it  shall  be  paid  quarterly  upon  a  bill  from  you  charged  upon  my 
steward,  Mr.  Clutterbucke;  and  for  the  exact  performance  of 
this,  you  may  securely  pawn  your  full  credit.  1  do  most  earn- 
estly entreat  you,  that  you  will  with  all  speed  inform  me  what  we 
may  depend  upon  in  this  particular,  that  we  may  not  keep  Mr. 
Baxter  in  suspense,  who  hath  deserved  very  well  from  his  majesty, 
and  of  whom  his  majesty  hatli  a  very  good  opinion;  and  I  hope 


198 


THE   LIFE     AND  TIMES 


yoli  will  not  be  the  less  desirous  to  comply  with  him  for  the 
particular  recommendation  of, 

"  'Sir,  Your  very  affectionate  servant, 

"  'Edward  Hyde." 

"Can  any  thing  be  more  serious,  cordial,  and  obliging,  than 
all  this?  For  a  lord  chancellor,  that  hath  the  business  of  the 
kingdom  upon  his  hand,  and  lords  attending  him,  to  take  up  his 
time  so  much  and  often  about  so  low  a  vicarage  or  a  curateship, 
when  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  the  king  and  the  lord  chancellor 
to  procure  it  for  him,  though  they  so  vehemently  desire  it?  But, 
oh!  thought  I,  how  much  better  life  do  poor  men  live,  who  speak 
as  they  tliink,  and  do  as  they  profess,  and  are  never  put  upon 
such  shifts  as  these  for  their  present  conveniences!  Wonderful! 
thought  1,  that  men  who  do  so  much  overvalue  worldly  honor 
and  esteem,  can  possibly  so  much  forget  futurity,  and  think  only 
of  the  present  day,  as  if  they  regarded  not  how  their  actions  be 
judged  of  by  posterity.  Notwithstanding  all  his  extraordinary 
favor  since  the  day  the  king  came  in,  I  never  received,  as  his 
chaplain,  or  as  a  preacher,  or  on  any  account,  the  value  of  one 
farthing  of  public  maintenance.  So  that  I,  and  many  a  hundred 
more,  had  not  had  a  piece  of  bread  but  for  the  voluntary  contri- 
bution, whilst  we  preached,  of  another  sort  of  people:  yea,  while 
I  had  all  this  excess  of  favor,  I  would  have  taken  it  indeed  for 
an  excess,  as  being  far  beyond  my  expectations,  if  they  would 
but  have  given  me  libei-ty  to  preach  the  Gospel,  without  any 
maintenance,  and  leave  me  to  beg  my  bread."  ^ 

There  is  something  very  singular  in  this  part  of  Baxter's  his- 
tory. Giving  Clarendon,  and  Charles,  who  also  appears  to  have 
been  a  party,  credit  for  sincerity  in  their  professed  friendship 
for  Baxter,  it  is  extraordinary  that  they  should  have  been  de- 
feated by  the  management  of  the  "old  civil  courtier,"  Sir  Ralph, 
or  the  wilely  bishop  of  Worcester,  Dr.  Morely.  Yet,  if  the 
whole  was  only  designed  to  amuse  and  disappoint  Baxter, 
what  a  view  does  it  give  of  the  craft  and  duplicity  of  the  new 
government,  and  the  high  honor  of  the  cavaliers!  It  is  evi- 
dent, from  the  humor  with  which  Baxter  tells  the  story,  that  he 
was  convinced  the  whole  was  a  piece  of  artifice.  It  seems 
probable  that  Charles  and  Clarendon  would  have  been  willing 
that  he  should  get  back  to  Kidderminster,  but  the  bishop  was 
determined  he  should  not,  and  therefore  the  affair  was  so  man- 
aged that  the  old  vicar  was  made  the  scape  goat.  So  litde 
dependence  can  be  placed  on  the  promises  of  courts,  where  their 
own  interests  are  not  likely  to  be  served  by  the  parties! 

"A  litde  after  this,  Sir  Ralph  Clare  and  others  caused  the 
houses  of  the  people  of  the  town  of  Kidderminster  to  be  search- 


Ik)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  298—300. 


OK    UlCIIARI)  ItAXTKR. 


199 


c(l  for  arms,  and  if  any  had  a  sword  it  was  takni  from  lliem. 
Meeting  him  with  the  bishop,  1  desired  him  to  tell  us  why  his 
neiglibors  were  so  used,  as  if  he  would  have  made  the  world 
believe  they  were  seditious,  or  rebels,  or  dangerous  persons, 
that  should  be  treated  as  enemies  to  the  king.  He  answered 
me,  that  it  was  because  they  would  not  bring  out  their  arms 
when  they  were  commanded,  but  said  dicy  had  none;  whereas 
they  had  arms  on  every  occasion  to  appear  on  the  behalf  of 
Cromwell.  This  great  disingenuity  of  so  ancient  a  gentleman 
towards  his  neighbors,  whom  he  pretended  kindness  to,  made 
me  break  forth  into  some  more  than  ordinary  freedom  of  re- 
proof; so  that  I  answered  him,  we  had  thought  our  condition 
hard,  that  by  strangers,  who  knew  us  not,  we  should  be  ordi- 
narily traduced  and  misrepresented:  but  this  was  most  sad  and 
marvellous,  that  a  gentleman  so  civil,  should,  before  the  bishop, 
speak  such  words  against  a  corporation,  which  he  knew  I  was 
able  to  confute,  and  were  so  contrary  to  truth.  I  asked  him 
whether  he  did  not  know  that  I  publicly  and  privately  spake 
against  the  usurpers,  and  declared  them  to  be  rebels;  and 
whether  he  took  not  the  people  to  be  of  my  mind;  and  whether 
1  and  they  had  not  hazarded  our  liberty  by  refusing  the  engage- 
ment against  the  king  and  House  of  Lords,  when  he  and  others 
of  his  mind  had  taken  it.  He  confessed  that  I  had  been  against 
Cromwell;  but  the  people  had  always,  on  every  occasion,  ap- 
peared in  arms  for  him.  I  told  him  that  he  struck  me  with  ad- 
mii-ation,  that  it  slioidd  be  possible  for  him  to  live  in  the  town, 
and  )'et  believe  what  he  said  to  be  true,  or  yet  to  speak  it  in  our 
hearing  if  he  knew  it  to  be  untrue.  I  professed  also  that  having 
lived  there  sixteen  years  since  the  wars,  I  never  knew  that  they 
once  appeared  in  arms  for  Cromwell,  or  any  usurper;  and  chal- 
lenged him,  upon  his  word,  to  name  one.  I  could  not  get  him 
to  name  any  time,  till  I  had  urged  him  to  the  utmost;  and  then 
he  instanced  in  the  time  when  the  Scots  army  fled  from  Wor- 
cester. I  challenged  him  to  name  one  man  of  them  that  was 
at  Worcester  fight,  or  bare  arms  there,  or  at  any  time  for  the 
usurpers:  and  when  he  could  name  none,  I  told  him  that  all 
that  was  done  to  my  knowledge  in  sixteen  years  of  that  time 
was  but  this,  tliat  when  the  Scots  fled  from  Worcester,  as  all  the 
countiy  sought  in  covetousness  to  catch  some  of  them  for  the 
sake  of  their  horses,  so  two  idle  rogues  of  Kidderminster,  that 
never  communicated  with  me  any  more  than  he  did,  had  drawn 
two  or  three  neighbors  with  them  in  the  night,  as  the  Scots  fled, 
to  catch  their  horses.  But  I  never  heard  of  three  that  they 
caught;  and  I  appealed  to  the  bishop  and  his  conscience,  wheth- 
er he — that  being  urged,  could  name  no  more  but  this — did 
ingeniously  accuse  the  corporation,  magistrates,  and  people,  to 
have  appeared  on  all  occasions  in  arms  for  Cromwell?  Wlien 


200 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


they  had  no  more  to  sny,  I  told  them  hy  this  we  saw  what  meas- 
ures to  expect  from  strangers  of  liis  mind,  when  he  that  is  our 
neighbor,  and  noted  for  eminent  civility,  never  sticketh  to  speak 
such  things  even  of  a  people  among  whom  he  hath  still  lived. 

"At  the  same  time,  about  twenty  or  two-and-twenty  lurious 
fanatics,  called  fifth-monarchy  men,  consisting  of  one  Venner,  a 
wine-cooper,  and  his  church  that  he  preached  unto,  being  trans- 
ported with  enthusiastic  pride,  did  rise  up  in  arms,  and  fought  in 
the  streets  like  madmen,  against  all  that  stood  in  their  way,  till 
there  were  some  killed  and  the  rest  taken,  judged,  and  executed.' 
I  wrote  a  letter  at  this  time  to  my  mother-in-law,  containing 
nothing  but  our  usual  matter,  even  encouragements  to  her  in  her 
age  and  weakness,  fetched  from  the  nearness  of  her  rest,  together 
with  the  report  of  this  news,  and  some  sharp  and  vehement  words 
against  the  rebels.  By  means  of  Sir  John  Packington,  or  his 
soldiers,  the  post  was  searched,  and  my  letter  intercepted,  opened 
and  revised,  and  by  Sir  John  sent  up  to  London  to  the  bishops, 
and  the  lord  chancellor.  It  was  a  wonder,  that  having  read  it, 
they  were  not  ashamed  to  send  it  up;  but  joyful  would  they 
have  been,  could  they  have  found  but  a  word  in  it  which  could 
possibly  have  been  distorted  to  an  evil  sense,  that  malice  might 
have  had  its  prey.  I  went  to  the  lord  chancellor  and  com- 
plained of  this  usage,  and  that  I  had  not  the  common  liberty  of 
a  subject  to  converse  by  letters  with  my  own  family.  He  dis- 
owned it,  and  blamed  men's  rashness,  but  excused  it  from  the 
distempers  of  the  times;  yet  he  and  the  bishops  confessed  they 
had  seen  the  letter,  and  that  there  was  nothing  in  it  but  what  was 
good  and  pious.  Two  days  after,  came  the  lord  Windsor,  lord 
Heutenant  of  the  county,  and  governor  of  Jamaica,  with  Sir 
Charles  Litdeton,  die  king's  cup-bearer,  to  bring  me  my  letter 
again  to  my  lodgings.  Lord  Windsor  told  me  the  lord  chan- 
cellor appointed  him  to  do  it;  so  after  some  expression  of  the 
abuse,  1  thanked  him  for  his  great  civility  and  favor.  But  I  saw 
how  far  that  sort  of  men  were  to  be  trusted." 

Being  removed  from  his  beloved  flock  in  Worcestershire,  and 
uncertain  whether  he  might  ever  return  to  them  or  not,  he  re- 
fused to  take  any  other  charge,  but  preached  gratuitously  in 
London,  where  he  happened  to  be  invited.  When  he  had  done 
this  above  a  year,  he  thought  a  fixed  place  was  better,  which 

(1)  Venner's  mad  insurrection  may  be  considered  as  the  last  of  the  fifth-monarchy 
system  for  many  years.  It  iMnstratei  the  length  to  which  men  may  be  carried  by 
adopting  mistaken  views  of  Scripture,  and  of  (he  principles  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ. 
It  is  quite  of  a  piece,  though  on  a  smaller  scale,  with  the  conduct  of  the  Munsler  fanat- 
ics; and  was  a  most  unfortunate  occurrence,  not  merely  for  the  poor  deluded  indi- 
viduals themselves,  but  for  the  county.  The  court  greedily  laid  hold  of  it  to  justify 
the  adoption  of  measures  to  crush  the  dissenters,  and  establish  a  standing  army,  by 
which  the  arbitrary  designs  of  Charles  and  his  new  government  might  be  effectually 
accomplished.— A^ea/,  iv.  278—280. 

(m)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  300,  301. 


OF     UlCIIAKI)  UAXTER. 


201 


led  him  to  join  Dr.  Bates,  at  St.  Dunstan's  in  the  West,  where 
he  preached  once  a  week,  for  which  the  people  allowed  him 
some  maintenance.  Before  this  time  he  scarcely  ever  preached 
a  sermon  in  the  city,  but  he  had  accounts  from  Westminster  that 
he  had  ))reached  seditiously  or  against  the  government;  when 
he  had  neither  a  thought  nor  a  word  of  any  such  tendency. 
Sometimes  he  preached  purposely  against  faction,  schism,  sedi- 
tion, and  rebellion,  and  those  sermons  also  were  re|)orted  to  be 
factious  and  seditious.  Some  sermons  at  Convent  Garden  were 
so  much  accused,  that  he  thought  it  necessary  to  print  them  in 
his  own  defence.  They  are  entitled  the  'Formal  Hypocrite 
Detected,'  he.  When  they  appeared,  he  heard  not  a  word 
more  against  them.  The  accusations  against  him,  were,  in  gen- 
eral, of  sedition  and  faction,  and  speaking  against  the  church; 
but  not  one  syllable  charged  of  a  particular  nature. 

"The  congregation  being  crowded,"  he  says,  "was  diat  which 
provoked  envy  to  accuse  me:  and  one  day  the  crowd  did  drive 
me  from  my  place.  It  fell  out  that  at  St.  Dunstan's  church, 
in  the  midst  of  sermon,  a  little  lime  and  dust,  and  perhaps  a 
piece  of  a  brick  or  two,  fell  down  in  the  steeple  or  belfrey  near 
the  boys;  so  that  they  thought  the  steeple  and  church  were  fall- 
ing; which  put  them  all  into  so  confused  a  haste  to  get  away, 
that  the  noise  of  their  feet  in  the  galleries  sounded  like  the  fall- 
ing of  the  stones.  The  people  crowded  out  of  doors:  the 
women  left  some  of  them  a  scarf,  and  some  a  shoe  behind  them, 
and  some  in  the  galleries  cast  themselves  down  upon  those 
below,  because  they  could  not  get  down  die  stairs.  I  sat  down 
in  the  pulpit,  seeing  and  pitying  their  vain  distemper,  and  as 
soon  as  J  could  be  heard,  I  entreated  their  silence,  and  went  on. 
The  people  were  no  sooner  quieted  and  got  in  again,  and  the 
auditory  composed,  but  some  who  stood  upon  a  wainscot-bench, 
near  the  communion-table,  brake  the  bench  with  their  weight, 
so  that  the  noise  renewed  the  fear  again,  and  they  were  worse 
disordered  than  before.  One  old  woman  was  heard  at  the 
church  door  asking  forgiveness  of  God  for  not  taking  the  first 
warning,  and  promising,  if  God  would  deliver  her  this  once,  she 
would  take  heed  of  coming  hither  again.  When  they  were 
again  quieted  I  went  on;  "  but  tlie  church  having  before  an  ill 
name  as  very  old,  rotten,  and  dangerous,  it  put  the  parish  upon 
a  resolution  to  pull  down  all  the  roof,  and  build  it  better,  which 

(n)  This  is  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  composure  of  Baxter  in  very  alarminsr 
circumstances;  and  not  the  on!}'  occasion  on  which  he  (!i>played  great  foriiludo  and 
self-possession.  Dr.  Bates  tells  us,  when  the  confusion  was  over,  Baxter  rose  and 
said,  "Wo  are  in  the  service  of  God.  to  jjrcpare  ourselves  that  wo  may  be  fearless  at 
the  great  noise  of  the  dissolving  world;  when  the  heavens  shall  pass  away,  and 
the  elemcnls  melt  with  fervent  heat."' — Funeral  Sermon  for  Baxter.  Another  in- 
stance of  alarm  occurred  when  he  was  preaching  at  the  place  over  the  market-house, 
in  St.  James';  where  his  wife  displayed  a  courage  and  presence  of  mind  equal  to  his 
own.— Life  of  his  Wife,  pp.  60,  Gl.  edit.  1826. 

VOL.  I.  26 


202 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


they  have  done  with  so  great  reparation  of  the  walls  and  stee- 
ple, that  it  is  now  like  a  new  church  and  much  more  commo- 
dious for  the  hearers." 

"While  the  church  was  repairing,  I  preached  out  my  quarter 
at  St.  Bride's,  at  the  other  end  of  Fleet  Street;  where  the 
common  prayer  being  used  by  the  curate  before  sermon,  I  occa- 
sioned abundance  to  be  at  common  prayer,  who  before  avoided 
it:  and  yet  my  accusations  still  continued.  On  the  week  days, 
Mr.  Ashurst,  with  about  twenty  citizens,  desired  me  to  preach 
a  lecture  in  Milk  Street;  for  which  they  allowed  me  forty 
pounds  per  annum,  which  I  continued  near  a  year,  till  we  were 
all  silenced.  At  the  same  time  I  preached  once  every  Lord's 
day  at  Blackfriars,  were  Mr.  Gibbons,  a  judicious  man,  was 
minister.  In  Milk  Street,  I  took  money,  because  it  came  not 
from  the  parishioners,  but  from  strangers,  and  so  was  no  wrong 
to  the  minister,  Mr.  Vincent,  a  very  holy,  blameless  man.  But 
at  Blackfriars  I  never  took  a  penny,  because  it  was  the  parish- 
ioners who  called  me,  who  would  else  be  less  able  and  ready 
to  help  their  worthy  pastor,  who  went  to  God  by  a  consump- 
tion, a  litde  after  he  was  silenced  and  put  out.  At  these  two 
churches  I  ended  the  course  of  my  public  ministry,  unless 
God  cause  an  undeserved  resurrection. 

"Before  this,  I  resolved  to  go  to  the  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, then  bishop  of  London,  to  ask  him  for  his  license  to 
preach  in  his  diocese.  Some  brethren  blamed  me  for  it,  as 
being  an  owning  of  prelatical  usurpation.  I  told  them,  that 
the  king  had  given  him  a  power  to  suffer  or  hinder  me  in 
my  duty,  besides  liaving  power  as  the  church  magistrate  or 
officer  of  the  king;  and  though  I  was  under  no  necessity,  I 
would  not  refuse  a  lawful  thing,  when  authority  required  it. 
The  archbishop  received  me  with  veiy  great  expression  of  re- 
spect, offered  me  his  license,  and  would  let  his  secretary  take  no 
money  of  me.  But  when  he  offered  me  the  book  to  subscribe 
in,  I  told  him  that  he  knew  the  king's  declaration  exempted  us 
from  subscription.  He  bade  me  write  what  I  would:  I  told 
him  what  I  resolved,  and  what  I  thought  meet  of  him  to  expect, 
I  would  do  of  choice,  though  I  might  forbear.  And  so,  in 
Latin,  1  subscribed  my  promise  not  to  preach  against  the  doc- 
trine of  the  church,  or  the  ceremonies  established  by  law  in  his 
diocese,  while  I  used  his  license.  I  told  him  also  how  grievous 
it  was  to  me  to  be  daily  taunted  with  such  general  accusations 
behind  my  back,  and  asked  him  why  I  was  never  accused  of  any 
particulars.  He  confessed  to  me,  that  if  they  had  got  any  par- 
ticulars that  would  have  deserved  notice,  I  should  have  heard 


(o)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  301,  302. 


OF     RICHAUD  BAXTER. 


203 


particTilaily  from  him.    I  scarce  think  tliat  cvor  I  preached  a 
sermon  witliout  a  spy  to  give  them  his  report  of  it.'' 

"Shortly  after  onr  disputation  at  the  Savoy,  1  went  to  Rick- 
mansworth,  in  Hertfordshire,  and  preached  there  but  once,  from 
Matt.  xxii.  12,  'And  he  was  speechless.'  1  spake  not  a  word 
that  was  any  nearer  kin  to  sedition,  or  that  had  any  greater  tend- 
ency to  provoke  them,  than  by  showing  that  wicked  men,  and 
the  refusers  of  grace,  Iiowever  they  may  now  have  many  things 
to  say  to  excuse  their  sin,  will,  at  last,  be  speechless,  and  not 
dare  stand  to  their  wickedness  before  God.  Yet  did  the  bishop 
of  Worcester  tell  me,  when  he  silenced  me,  that  the  bishop  of 
London  had  showed  him  letters  from  one  of  the  hearers,  assur- 
ing him  that  I  preached  seditiously.  So  litde  security  was  any 
man's  innocency,  who  dis[)leased  the  bishops,  to  his  reputation 
with  that  party,  if  he  had  but  one  auditor  that  desired  to  get 
favor  by  accusing  him.  A  multitude  of  such  experiences  made 
me  perceive,  when  I  was  silenced,  that  there  was  some  mercy  in 
it,  in  the  midst  of  judginent;  for  I  should  scarcely  have  preached 
a  sermon,  or  put  up  a  prayer  to  God,  which  one  or  other,  through 
malice  or  hope  of  favor,  would  not  have  been  tempted  to  accuse 
as  guilty  of  some  heinous  crime.'' 

"Soon  after  my  return  to  London,  I  went  into  Worcestershire, 
to  try  whether  it  were  possible  to  have  any  honest  terms  from 
the  reading  vicar  there,  that  I  might  preach  to  my  former  flock; 
but  when  I  had  preached  twice  or  thrice,  he  denied  me  liberty 
to  preach  any  more.  I  offered  then  to  take  my  lecture,  which 
he  was  bound  to  allow  me,  under  a  bond  of  £500;  but  he  re- 
fused it.  I  next  offered  to  be  his  curate,  and  he  refused  it.  I 
then  offered  to  preach  for  nothing,  and  he  refused  it:  and,  lastly, 
I  desired  leave  but  once  to  administer  the  sacrament  to  the  peo- 
ple, and  preach  my  farewell  sermon  to  them;  but  he  would  not 
consent.  At  last,  I  understood  that  he  was  directed  by  his  su- 
periors to  do  what  he  did:  but  Mr.  Baldwin,  an  able  preacher, 
whom  1  left  there,  was  yet  permitted. 

"At  that  time,  my  aged  father  lying  in  great  pain  of  the  stone 
and  stranguary,  I  went  to  visit  him,  twenty  miles  further:  and 
while  I  was  there,  Mr.  Baldwin  came  to  me,  and  told  me  that 
he  also  was  forbidden  to  preach.  We  returned  both  to  Kidder- 
minster, and  having  a  lecture  at  Shiffnal  in  the  way,  I  preached 
there,  and  staid  not  to  hear  the  evening  sermon,  because  I 
would  make  haste  to  the  bishop.  It  fell  out  that  my  turn  at 
another  lecture  was  on  the  same  day  with  that  at  Shiffnal,  viz., 
at  Cleobury,  in  Shropshire;  and  many  were  met  in  expectation 
to  hear  me.  But  a  company  of  soldiers  were  there,  as  the 
country  thought,  to  have  apprehended  me;  who  shut  the  doors 


(p)  Life,  part  i.  p.  302. 


(q)  Life,  part  i.  p.  374. 


204 


THE    LIFE   AND  TIMES 


against  the  ministers  tliat  would  have  jireached  in  my  stead, 
bringing  a  command  to  the  cluirchvvarden  to  hinder  any  one  who 
had  not  got  a  license  from  the  bishoj);  so  that  the  poor  people 
who  had  come  from  far,  were  fain  to  go  home  with  grieved 
hearts. 

"The  next  day  it  was  confidently  reported,  that  a  certain 
knight  offered  the  bishop  his  troop  to  apprehend  me,  if  I  offered 
to  preach:  and  the  people  dissuaded  me  from  going  to  the 
bishop,  supposing  my  liberty  in  danger.  I  went  that  morning, 
with  Mr.  Baldwin,  and  in  the  hearing  of  him  and  Dr.  Warm- 
estry,  then  dean  of  Worcester,  I  reminded  the  bishop  of  his 
promise  to  grant  me  his  license,  &;c.,  but  he  refused  me  liberty 
to  preach  in  his  diocese;  though  I  offered  to  preach  only  on  the 
Creed,  the  Lord's-prayer,  and  the  Ten  Commandments — cate- 
chistical  principles,  and  only  to  such  as  had  no  preaching. 

"Bishop  Morley  told  me  when  he  silenced  me,  that  he  would 
take  care  that  the  people  should  be  no  losers,  but  should  be 
taught  as  well  as  they  were  by  me.  When  I  was  gone,  he  got 
awhile  a  few  scandalous  men,  with  some  that  were  more  civil  to 
keep  up  the  lecture,  till  the  paucity  of  their  auditors  gave  them 
a  pretence  to  put  it  down.  He  came  himself  one  day  and 
preached  a  long  invective  against  them  and  me  as  Presbyterians, 
and  I  know  not  what;  so  that  the  people  wondered  that  a  man 
would  venture  to  come  up  into  a  pulpit  and  speak  so  confidently 
to  those  he  knew  not,  the  things  which  they  commonly  knew  to 
be  untrue.  But  this  sermon  was  so  far  from  winning  any  of 
them  to  the  estimation  of  their  new  bishop,  or  curing  what  he 
called  the  admiration  of  my  person,  which  was  his  great  endea- 
vor, that  they  were  much  confirmed  in  their  former  judgments. 
But  still  the  bishop  looked  at  Kidderminster  as  a  factious,  schis- 
matical,  Presbyterian  people,  that  must  be  cured  of  their  over- 
valuing of  me,  and  then  they  would  be  cured  of  all  the  rest. 
Whereas  if  he  had  lived  with  them  the  twentieth  part  so  long  as 
I  had  done,  he  would  have  known  that  they  were  neither  Pres- 
byterians, nor  factious,  nor  schismatical,  nor  seditious;  but  a 
people  that  quietly  followed  their  hard  labor,  learned  the  holy 
Scriptures,  lived  a  holy,  blameless  life,  in  humility  and  peace 
with  all  men,  and  never  had  any  sect  or  separated  party  among 
them,  but  abhorred  all  faction  and  sidings  in  religion,  and  hved 
in  love  and  Christian  unity. 

"When  the  bishop  was  gone,  the  dean  came  and  preached 
about  three  hours  to  cure  them  of  the  admiration  of  my  person; 
and  a  month  after  came  again  and  preached  over  the  same,  per- 
suading the  people  that  they  were  Presbyterians,  and  schismati- 
cal, and  were  led  to  it  by  their  overvaluing  of  me.  The  people 
admired  the  temerity  of  these  men,  and  really  thought  that  they 
were  scarce  well  in  their  wits,  who  would  go  on  to  speak  things 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


205 


SO  far  IVom  truth,  of  men  whom  they  never  knew,  and  that  to 
then-  own  faces.  Many  have  gone  about  by  backbitins;  to  make 
people  behcve  a  false  report  of  others,  but  few  will  think  to  per- 
suade men  to  believe  it  of  tlieinselves,  who  know  the  matter 
much  better  than  the  reprover  doth.  Yet  beside  all  this,  their 
lecturers  went  on  in  the  same  strain;  and  one  Mr.  Pitt,  who 
lived  in  Sir  John  Paekington's  house  with  Dr.  Hammond,  was 
often  at  this  work,  being  of  the  judgment  and  spirit  of  Dr.  Gun- 
ning, and  Dr.  Peirce,  calling  them  Presbyterians,  rebellious, 
serpents,  and  generation  of  vipers,  unlikely  to  escape  the  damna- 
tion of  hell,  yet  not  knowing  his  accusation  to  be  true  of  one 
man  of  thorn.  For  there  was  but  one,  if  one  Presbyterian  in 
the  town;  the  plain  honest  people  minding  nothing  but  piety, 
unity,  charity,  and  their  callings.  This  dealing,  instead  of  win- 
ning them  to  the  preacher,  drove  them  from  the  lecture,  and 
tlien,  as  I  said,  they  accused  the  people  of  deserting  it,  and  put 
it  down. 

"In  place  of  this  ordinary  preacher,  they  set  up  one,  of  the 
best  parts  they  could  get,  who  was  far  from  what  his  patrons 
spake  him  to  be;  he  was  quickly  weary  and  went  away.  They 
next  set  up  a  poor  dry  man,  who  had  been  a  schoolmaster  near 
us,  and  after  a  litde  time  he  died.  They  then  took  another 
course,  and  set  up  a  young  man,  the  best  they  could  get,  who 
took  the  contrary  way  to  the  first,  over  applauded  me  in  the  pul- 
pit, spoke  well  of  themselves,  and  used  them  kindl3\  They 
were  naturally  glad  of  one  that  had  some  charity.  Thus  the 
bishop  used  that  flock,  who  say  that  till  then  they  never  knew 
so  well  what  a  bishop  was,  or  were  before  so  guilty  of  that  dis- 
like of  Episcopacy  of  which  they  were  so  frequently  and  vehe- 
mently accused.  I  heard  not  of  one  person  among  them,  who 
was  won  to  the  love  of  prelacy  or  formality  after  my  removal.'' 

"Having  parted  with  my  dear  flock,  I  need  not  say  with  mu- 
tual sense  and  tears,  I  left  Mr.  Baldwin  to  live  privately  among 
them  and  oversee  them  in  my  stead,  and  visit  them  from  house 
to  house;  advising  them,  notwithstanding  all  the  injuries  they  had 
received,  and  all  the  fiiilings  of  the  ministers  that  preached  to 
them,  and  the  defects  of  the  present  way  of  worship,  that  they 
should  keep  to  the  public  assemblies  and  make  use  of  such 
helps  as  might  be  had  in  public,  together  with  their  private 
helps.  Only  in  three  cases  they  ought  to  absent  themselves. 
When  the  minister  was  one  that  was  utterly  insufficient,  as  not 
being  able  to  teach  them  the  articles  of  the  faith  and  essentials 
of  true  religion;  such  as,  alas!  they  had  known  to  their  sorrow. 
When  the  minister  preached  any  heresy,  or  doctrine  which  was 
directly  contrary  to  some  article  of  the  faith,  or  necessary  part 


(r)  Life,  part  i.  pp.  374—376. 


206 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


of  godliness.  When  in  the  application  he  set  himself  against  the 
ends  of  his  office,  to  make  a  holy  life  seem  odious,  to  keep  men 
from  it,  and  to  promote  the  interests  of  Satan;  yet  not  to  take 
every  bitter  reflection  upon  themselves  or  others,  occasioned  by 
difference  of  opinion  or  interest,  to  be  a  sufficient  cause  to  say 
that  the  minister  preacheth  against  godliness,  or  to  withdraw 
themselves." 

"When  the  Act  of  Uniformity  was  passed,  it  gave  the  minis- 
ters who  could  not  conform,  no  longer  time  than  till  Bartholo- 
mew's day,  August  24,  1G62,  and  then  they  must  be  all  cast 
out.  This  fatal  day  called  to  remembrance  the  French  massa- 
cre, when  on  the  same  day  thirty  or  foi'ty  thousand  Protestants 
perished  by  Roman  religious  zeal  and  charity.  1  had  no  place 
of  my  own;  but  I  preached  twice  a  week,  by  request,  in  other 
men's  congregations,  at  Milk  Street  and  Blackfriars.  The  last 
sermon  that  I  preached  in  public  was  on  May  25.  The  reasons 
why  I  gave  over  sooner  than  most  others  were,  because  lawyers 
interpret  a  doubtful  clause  in  the  act,  as  ending  the  liberty  of 
lecturers  at  that  time;  because  I  would  let  authority  soon  know 
that  I  intended  to  obey  in  all  that  was  lawful;  because  I  would 
let  all  ministers  in  England  understand  in  time,  whether  I  intend- 
ed to  conform  or  not:  for,  had  I  staid  to  the  last  day,  some 
would  have  conformed  the  sooner,  from  a  supposition  thai  I  in- 
tended it.  These,  with  other  reasons,  moved  me  to  cease  three 
months  before  Bartholomew  day,  which  many  censured  for 
awhile,  but,  afterwards,  better  saw  the  reasons  of  it."  ' 

Thus  ended  Baxter's  ministry  in  the  church  of  England. 
Most  persons  will  probably  think  that  he  carried  his  conscien- 
tious scruples  too  far;  and  that  he  might,  at  least,  have  continued 
his  labors  till  he  was  obliged  to  desist.  The  reasons  assigned 
for  his  conduct,  however,  possess  considerable  force;  but  wheth- 
er they  are  approved  or  not,  all  must  respect  the  man  who  was 
capable  of  acting  in  so  noble  and  disinterested  a  manner.  He 
carried  his  deference  for  authority  in  this  case  farther  than  he 
might  have  done;  but  his  example  jirobably  led  otiiers  to  act  in 
the  same  decided  manner  when  the  fatal  day  arrived,  who  might 
have  hesitated  had  there  been  a  doubt  how  such  a  man  as  Bax- 
ter was  likely  to  act. 

The  Act  of  Uniformity,  for  which  the  country  was  indebted 
chiefly  to  Hyde  and  Sheldon,  by  which  two  thousand  of  the 
most  excellent  ministers  of  the  church  of  England,  were  ejected 
from  their  livings,  took  effect,  as  stated  by  Baxter,  on  Bartholo- 
mew's day,  August  24,  1662.  Every  thing  practicable,  and 
consistent  with  what  they  regarded  as  the  will  of  God  and  the 


(s)  Life,  pait  i.  p.  37C. 


(l)  Lifespan  ii.  p.  384. 


OF    RICHARD  HAXTKR. 


207 


rights  ol"  conscience,  had  been  done  by  the  lcii(h!i  s  of  the  Non- 
conformists, to  prevent  the  passing  of  this  a(;t,  or  to  procure 
some  moihfication  of  its  provisions;  but  all  was  in  vain.  Hatred 
of  the  nonconforming  clergy,  a  desire  to  be  revenged  for  the 
wrongs  which  it  was  conceived  they  had  done  to  the  churcili,  and 
the  supposed  necessity  of  tlie  limes,  urged  forward  the  royal  and 
episcopal  party,  flushed  with  recent  success,  and  eager  to  secure 
the  advantage  which  they  had  acquired. 

To  many,  it  may  seem  as  if  the  Nonconformists  brought  their 
ejection  on  themselves  by  their  needless  scruples.  This  was  the 
charge  made  against  them  at  die  time,  and  in  which  many 
churchmen,  and  all  who  value  ease,  honor,  or  emolument,  more 
than  conscience,  continue  to  join.  Those,  however,  who  con- 
sider themselves  bound  to  follow  the  revealed  law  of  Heaven  in 
all  matters  of  religion,  and  to  submit  to  their  fellow-creatures 
only  in  things  accordant  with  that  law,  or  which  are  left  unde- 
termined l)y  it,  will  judge  very  differently  the  conduct  of  these 
sincere  confessors. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  the  ejected  ministers  were 
of  die  same  mind  on  every  point  in  which  their  separation  from 
the  church  was  involved;  on  the  contrary,  diey  differed  consid- 
erably from  each  other,  though  they  agreed  generally  in  the  un- 
lawfulness of  submitting  on  the  terms  which  were  proposed  to 
them.  Some  laid  the  chief  stress  on  one  point,  others  on  a  dif- 
ferent one;  some  would  have  gone  a  considerable  length  in  sub- 
mitting to  authority;  others  objected  more  decidedly  to  its  ex- 
ercise. Some  were,  perhaps,  influenced  by  public  opinion,  and 
regard  to  consistency;  while  the  great  majority  appear  to  have 
acted  from  a  conscientious  regard  to  duty  on  the  one  hand,  and 
fear  of  evil  on  the  other. 

The  things  imposed  on  diem,  if  they  would  keep  their  livings 
or  lectureships,  or  any  post  of  service  in  the  established  church, 
were  the  following: — They  must  submit  to  be  re-ordained,  if 
not  episcopally  ordained  before.  They  must  declare  their  un- 
feigned assent  and  consent  to  all  and  every  thing  contained  and 
prescribed  in  and  by  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  and  adminis- 
tration of  the  sacraments,  and  other  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the 
church  of  England;  together  with  the  Psalter  and  the  form  or 
manner  of  making,  ordaining,  and  consecradng  bishops,  priests, 
and  deacons,  &c.;  to  which  was  attached  an  equivalent  sub- 
scription. They  must  take  the  oath  of  canonical  obedience, 
and  promise  subjection  to  dieir  ordinary,  according  to  the  canons- 
of  die  church.  They  must  abjure  the  solemn  league  and  cove- 
nant; and  they  must  also  abjure  the  taking  of  arms,  upon  any 
pretence  whatsoever,  against  the  king,  or  any  one  commissioned 
by  him.  These  things  were  all  strictly  enjoined  without  any- 
thing to  qualify  or  soften  them,  or  room  left  for  a  dispensation. 


208 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


So  that  if  a  man  scrupled  but  at  one  point,  tiiough  he  could  have 
complied  with  all  the  rest,  he  was  as  certainly  ejected  as  if  he 
had  dis|)uted  the  whole." 

Tiiose  who  wish  to  examine  the  full  weight  of  these  five 
points,  must  consult  the  tenth  chapter  of  Dr.  Calamy's  'Abridg- 
ment,' in  which  that  learned  divine  illustrates,  at  great  length, 
their  bearing  on  many  important  matters,  and  supports,  by  rea- 
sonings which  have  never  been  fairly  met,  the  justifiable  secession 
of  the  Nonconformists  from  the  church  of  England,  on  those 
grounds.  The  conditions  were  so  framed,  that,  independently 
of  religious  considerations,  it  was  impossible  men  of  principle, 
who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  foriner  changes,  or  who 
had  approved  of  those  changes,  could  submit  to  them.  They 
extended  to  some  things  by  an  almost  wanton  stretch  of  au- 
thority, and  involved  a  total  dtsparture  from  all  just  views  of 
civil  liberty,  the  cause  of  which  must  be  regarded  as  virtually 
abandoned  by  those  who  submitted  to  them.  All  the  temporal 
interests  of  the  ejected  party  were  on  the  side  of  compliance  with 
the  requirements  of  authority;  whatever,  therefore,  may  be 
thought  of  their  judgment,  every  candid  individual  will  give 
them  full  credit  for  sincerity. 

But  it  is  not  necessary  to  rest  the  defence  of  the  Noncon- 
formist Confessors  on  this  ground.  They  were  not  a  body  of 
weak,  well-meaning  men,  for  whose  conscientiousness  we  may 
entertain  a  very  high  respect,  while  we  have  little  reverence  for 
their  understanding.  The  leading  individuals  who  influenced 
their  brethren,  were  not  only  a  match,  but  an  over-match  for 
their  opponents.  Among  the  churchmen  of  the  day,  there  were 
none  superior,  as  scholars  and  divines,  to  Calamy,  Bates,  Owen, 
Howe,  Baxter,  and  many  others  who  could  be  mentioned.  They 
were  as  capable  of  forming  enlarged  and  comprehensive  views 
of  truth  and  duty,  as  Pearson,  Gunning,  Morley,  or  any  other  of 
their  episcopal  adversaries;  while,  as  it  regards  the  evidences  of 
Christian  character  and  devotedness,  there  are  few  of  the  class 
from  which  they  seceded,  who  will  admit  of  being  compared 
with  them. 

It  is  alleged,  that  the  points  on  which  they  differed  were,  in 
themselves,  of  very  inferior  importance,  and  therefore  to  create 
so  much  altercation,  and  cause  so  extensive  a  division  about 
them,  are  proofs  of  narrow-mindedness  and  illiberality.  It  is 
demanded  often  in  a  tone  of  triumph,  whether  the  things  required 
were  in  themselves  sinful;  if  not  sinful,  it  is  inferred  they  must 
be  innocent;  and  hence  the  folly  and  impropriety  of  disputing 
about  them  is  ascertained. 

To  all  this  it  has  been  replied,  that  if  the  things  referred  to 
are  so  unimportant  in  themselves,  why  were  they  not  viewed  so 

(u)  Calamy,  vol.  i.  p.  1%. 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


209 


by  llie  imposcrs,  as  well  as  by  the  reluscrs?  It  must  have  been 
worse,  Oil  tins  principle,  to  impose  such  things,  than  to  resist 
their  iniposilicni.  In  fact,  this  was  the  grand  matter  of  dispute 
between  the  parties.  Importance  and  magnitude  were  given  to 
the  points  in  debate,  by  the  very  circumstance  ot  their  being 
enforced  by  human  authority,  and  that  hnplicit  obedience  to 
them  was  required  from  all.  It  was  not  so  much  a  question, 
whether  a  prescribed  form  of  prayer  might  be  used  in  public,  as 
whether  no  prayer  should  ever  be  employed  but  that  lorm;  and 
that  without  deviation  in  all  circumstances.  It  was  not  whether 
the  cross  in  baptism  might  be  used  by  those  who  approved  of 
it;  but  whether  any  child  should  be  baptized,  unless  tlie  min- 
ister and  the  parents  both  agreed  to  employ  it.  It  was  not, 
whether  men  might  observe  the  Lord's-supper  kneeling;  but 
whether  the  Lord's-supper  should  be  refused  to  all  who  would 
not  kneel.  The  same  kind  of  remark  will  apply  to  all  the  other 
matters  under  discussion  between  the  church  and  the  Noncon- 
formists, at  diis  time. 

Now,  will  any  man  who  has  the  least  regard  for  conscience, 
or  for  common  sense,  aver,  that  these  were  questions  of  a  trilling 
or  unimportant  nature?  It  is  obvious,  on  the  contrary,  that  they 
embrace  the  very  tirst  principles  of  religious  obligation,  and  lie 
at  the  root  of  all  enlightened  views  of  our  duty  to  God,  and  of 
what  constitutes  acceptable  obedience  in  his  sight.  In  answer 
to  the  inquiry,  how  iar  the  things  required  were  themselves  sin- 
ful; it  may  be  said,  many  of  the  Nonconformists  believed  them 
to  be  so:  and  if  this  was  their  belief,  though  they  had  been  mis- 
taken, they  were  not  only  justified  in  refusing  compliance,  but 
bound  to  do  so,  at  all  hazards.  They  regarded  them  as  human 
additions  to  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  Christ;  as  imposed  with- 
out authority  from  him;  as  calculated  to  intej'fere  with  the  obe- 
dience which  diey  owed  to  him  alone  in  all  matters  of  religion; 
as  popish  in  their  origin  and  tendency;  and  as  destructive  of 
that  liberty  with  which  Christ  has  made  his  people  free.  The 
controversy,  therefore,  was  not  about  a  few  trifling  cii-cumstances 
or  adjuncts;  it  was  a  grand  struggle  for  principle,  liberty,  and 
the  lionor  of  Christ. 

I  am  aware  it  may  be  said,  that  all  the  Nonconformists  did 
not  clearly  understand  these  principles  themselves,  and  would  not 
have  been  averse  to  impose  in  their  turn.  What  then?  does  it 
follow  that  they  had  not  truth  or  right  on  their  side,  when  they 
were  obliged  to  contend  for  principles  in  rel'erence  to  them- 
selves, the  full  extent  of  whose  operation  they  did  not  clearly 
understand?  Certainly  not.  The  principles  which  they  endeav- 
ored to  maintain,  and  for  which  many  of  them  suffered  the 
loss  of  all  things,  are  those  of  eternal  and  immutable  truth;  and 

VOL.  I.  27 


210 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


the  men  who  contributed  to  clear  off  even  a  part  of  the  rubbish 
in  which  they  had  long  been  buried,  however  imperfect  they 
may  have  been  in  some  respects,  are  entitled  to  our  deepest  rev- 
erence. 

To  do  justice  to  those  men,  we  ought  to  place  ourselves  in 
their  circumstances.  Suppose  that  the  rulers  of  the  church  of 
England  were  now  to  determine,  'That,  on  or  before  the  24th 
of  August,  1831,  the  present  occupants  of  livings,  curacies,  fee, 
shall  subscribe  a  declaration,  engaging  themselves  to  baptize 
no  child  without  the  employment  of  salt,  oil,  and  spittle,  as  a 
part  of  the  ordinance  of  baptism;  to  administer  the  Lord's- 
suppcr  to  those  only  who  should  previously  bow  to  the  sacred 
chalice,  and  submit  to  a  bread  wafer  being  put  upon  their 
tongues.'  What  would  the  serious  clergy  of  the  church  think  of 
such  a  demand?  Would  they  submit  to  it,  as  a  just  exercise  of 
ecclesiastical  authority?  Would  they  not,  to  a  man,  abandon 
their  livings,  rather  than  allow  their  consciences  thus  to  be  lord- 
ed over  and  defiled?  Or,  if  they  submitted  to  such  exactions, 
would  they  not  be  justly  regarded  by  their  flocks  and  country- 
men, as  traitors  and  time-servers?  Would  not  any  one  who 
should  speak  of  sucli  a  controversy  as  unimportant,  or  as  relating 
merely  to  a  few  innocent  circumstances,  in  no  respect  affecting' 
the  nature  of  the  ordinances  of  Christ,  be  considered  as  an  im- 
pertinent trifler?  Yet  this  supposed  case  is  not  stronger  than  that 
of  the  Nonconformists.  They  were  placed  in  this  very  situa- 
tion and  viewed  the  condition  to  which  they  were  obliged  to  sub- 
mit, as  a  similar  interference  would  now  be  regarded. 

The  injustice  and  cruelty  of  the  Bartholomew  act,  are  strik- 
ingly apparent  in  two  circumstances.  It  was  designed  to  op- 
erate as  a  post-facto  law.  Had  it  been  merely  prospective  in 
its  operation,  something  more  might  have  been  alleged  in  its 
favor  than  can  now  be  done.  A  great  multitude  of  the  ministers 
of  the  church,  had  obtained  possession  of  their  livings  while 
no  such  conformity  was  either  required  or  considered  necessary. 
Many  of  them,  indeed,  would  not  have  entered  the  church  at 
all,  if  such  conditions  had  been  prescribed  at  their  entrance,  or 
their  enactment  afterwards  anticipated.  To  pass  a  law,  then, 
which  should  compel  all  those  persons,  either  to  violate  their 
consciences,  or  to  abandon  stations  of  usefulness,  and  the  honor- 
able means  of  living,  was  most  flagrant  injustice. 

But  even  this  is  not  all  the  hardship  of  the  case.  "So  great," 
says  Locke,  "was  the  zeal  in  carrying  on  this  church  affair,  and 
so  blind  was  the  obedience  required,  that  if  you  compute  the 
time  of  passing  this  act,  with  the  time  allowed  for  the  clergy  to 
subscribe  the  book  of  Common  Prayer,  thereby  established;  you 
shall  plainly  find,  it  could  not  be  printed  and  distributed,  so  as 


OF   UICHARU  UAXTEH. 


211 


one  mnn  in  fort}'  could  liave  seen  and  road  llio  hook  tlicy  did 
so  perfectly  assent  and  consent  to."  " 

\Vhen  these  facts  are  considered,  instead  of  heiiig  surprised 
that  two  thousand  ministers  preferred  leaving  the  chtuTli  rather 
than  submit  to  such  conditions,  it  is  more  surprising  that  the 
many  thousands  who  remained,  should  have  found  means  of 
reconciling  their  consciences  to  the  terms.  It  is  not  so  much 
to  file  honor  of  the  Nonconformists  that  they  left  the  church, 
as  it  is  to  the  disgrace  of  the  Conformists  that  they  continued 
in  it.  Had  they,  as  a  body,  resisted  the  iniquitous  measure,  it 
must  have  been  abandoned.  But  their  tame  submission  in  this 
instance,  prepared  the  court  to  make  further  encroachments,  and 
to  expect  implicit  obedience  from  the  clergy,  to  whatever  should 
be  enacted.  Such  tergiversation  and  inconsistency  on  the  part 
of  ministers  of  religion,  must  have  had  a  most  injurious  in- 
fluence on  the  minds  of  worldly  men;  who  could  not  have  any 
respect  for  those  who  so  decidedly  discovered  that  they  looked 
"more  to  the  things  which  were  seen  and  temporal,  than  to  the 
things  which  are  unseen  and  eternal."  Not  a  few  of  them  were 
jus  divinum  Prelatists  in  the  time  of  Charles  I.;  took  the  Pres- 
byterian covenant  under  the  Long  Parliament;  submitted  to  the 
Independent  engagement;  and  once  more  assented  and  consent- 
ed to  an  altered  prayer-book,  which  they  had  never  seen. J' 

The  effects  resulting  both  to  the  Nonconformists  and  to  the 
nation  from  their  ejection,  were  of  a  melancholy  description. 
Multitudes  of  ministers  and  their  families  were  involved  in  great 
distress  and  povert)'.  Few  of  them  had  any  independent  prop- 
erty; and  those  to  whom  they  afterwards  ministered,  when  diey 
had  an  opportunity,  were  generally  poor,  and  therefore  little  able 
to  assist  them.  They  were  not  only  driven  out  of  the  church, 
but  persecuted  after  they  were  out.  Their  usefulness  was  cur- 
tailed; and,  in  many  instances,  entirely  destroyed.  The  churches 
they  vacated  were  generally  supplied  by  men  of  very  different 
principles  and  spirit  from  themselves.  The  established  church 
was  converted  into  a  mass  of  frigid,  outward  uniformity,  desti- 
tute of  the  vitality  of  genuine  religion;  and  more  than  a  century 
elapsed  before  it  recovered  from  the  effects  of  this  almost  fatal 
blow. 

(x)  Locke's  Works,  x.  203,  204.  The  Act  of  Uiiifoniiilv  was  passed  on  tlje  13tli 
of  May,  1662.  All  the  ministers  of  tlie  cliurch  were  required  to  suliscribo  and  con- 
form before  llie  24lh  of  August  following-.  It  is  certain  llie  Common  Prnyer-hc.ok, 
with  the  alterations  and  amendments  made  by  the  Convocation,  did  not  leave  the 
press  till  a  few  days  before  the  24th  of  August;  it  was  therefore  impossible  the  great 
body  of  the  ministers  could  possess  the  book. 

(y)  This  conduct  of  the  clergy  led  Locke  to  say  of  them,  "The  clergy  readily 
complied  with  the  Bartholomew  act;  for  you  know  that  sort  of  men  are  taught  rather 
to  obey  than  understand;  and  to  use  that  learning  they  have,  to  justify,  not  to  ex- 
amine what  their  superiors  command." — Letter  to  a  Person  of  Quality,  Works, 
X.  202.    Could  a  greater  reproach  be  uttered  against  the  ministers  of  religion? 


212 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


Out  of  evil,  however,  the  Most  High  often  educes  good,  with- 
out removing  the  blame  from  its  authors.  This  was  the  case  in 
regard  to  the  Bartholomew  ejection.  If  they  who,  imitating  the 
vicar  of  Bray,  change  with  every  change  of  the  times,  harden 
men  in  wickedness  and  infidelity,  the  contrary  practice  must,  by 
the  divine  blessing,  produce  an  opposite  effect.  The  testimony 
to  the  value  of  truth  and  the  rights  of  conscience,  borne  by  two 
thousand  men  voluntarily  suffering  the  loss  of  their  livings,  their 
worldly  respectability,  and  all  hope  of  preferment,  could  not  have 
been  altogether  in  vain.  Their  patience  and  fortitude  under 
suffering,  with  dieir  blameless  lives,  added  powerfully  to  the 
weight  of  dieir  preaching;  so  that  many  of  them  were  probably 
as  useful  without,  as  ever  they  had  been  within  the  pale  of  the 
church.  Besides,  what  they  endured  contributed  greatly  to  the 
ultimate  triumph  of  civil  and  religious  freedom.  They  were  the 
Instruments  of  forming  an  extensive  body  of  dissenters  in  all 
parts  of  the  kingdom,  by  whose  means  chiefly  the  power  of  re- 
ligion was  preserved  from  destruction  for  many  years,  and  to 
whom  the  country  has  been  indebted  for  more  blessings  than 
will  ever  be  known  or  acknowledged  in  this  world.'' 

Shortly  after  the  Bartholomew  ejection,  an  event  of  great  im- 
portance occurred  in  the  history  of  Baxter,  and  which  appears 
to  have  made  considerable  noise;  I  refer  to  his  marriage.  Some 
time  before  it  took  place,  he  tells  us  it  was  reported,  and  "rung 

(z)  It  is  deplorable  to  find  such  a  man  as  Mr.  Soiilhej',  attempting  to  defend  or 
palliate  the  iniquity  and  impolicy  of  this  wicked  act.  ''The  measure,"  he  sa^s,  "was 
complained  of  as  an  act  of  enormous  cruelly  and  persecution;  and  the  circumstances 
of  its  being  fixed  for  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  ^ave  the  complainants  occasion  to  com- 
pare it  with  the  atrocious  deed  committed  upon  that  day  against  the  Huguenots  in 
France.  They  were  careful  not  to  remember,  that  the  same  day,  and  for  the  same 
reason  (because  the  tithes  were  commonly  due  at  Michaelmas,)  had  been  appointed 
for  the  former  ejectment,  when  four  times  as  many  of  the  loyal  clergy  were  deprived 
for  fi<lolily  to  their  sovereign.  No  small  proportion  of  the  present  sufferers  had  ob- 
tained their  prefermenis  by  means  of  that  tyrannical  deprivation;  they  <li(!  but  now 
drink  of  the  cup  which  they  had  administered  to  others." — Booko/ihe  Church, u.  467. 

Seldom  has  a  larg-er  portion  of  misstatement  been  compressed  into  so  small  a  space 
as  in  the  above  passage.  It  wouhl  have  been  obliging,  if  the  learned  author  had  pro- 
duced his  authorities  lor  his  assertions.  But  these  are  carefully  suppressed  through- 
out the  work.  Hallam  remarks  on  the  passage  respecting  Bartholomew's  day:  "That 
the  day  was  chosen  in  order  to  deprive  the  incumbent  of  a  whole  year's  tithes,  Mr. 
Southey  has  learned  from  Burnet;  and  it  aggravates  the  cruelly  of  the  proceeding. 
But  wiiere  has  he  found  his  precedejit?  The  Anglican  clergy  were  ejected  for  refus- 
ing the  covenant  at  no  one  definite  period,  as.  on  reflection,  Jlr.  Southey  would  be 
aware;  nor  can  I  find  anyone  parliamentary  ordinance  in  Husband's  collection,  that 
mentions  St.  Bartholomew's  day.  There  was  a  preccdenl,  indeed,  in  that  case, 
which  the  crovernment  of  Charles  did  not  choose  to  follow.  One-fifth  of  the  income 
had  been  reserved  for  the  dispossessed  incumbents." — Constitulimml  History  of  Eng- 
land, ii.  4^0,  note. 

But  this  is  not  the  only  misrepresentation  in  the  above  passage.  Southey  asserts 
that  four  times  the  number  of  ministers  had  been  ejected  of  "the  loyal  clergy,"  as  he 
is  pleased  to  denominate  them.  Eight  thousand  ministers  of  the  church  formerly  dis- 
possessed of  their  livings?  And  for  what?  For  their  loyalty  to  their  sovereign!  And  by 
whom?  By  the  Nonconformist  ministers,  who  were  only  now  drinking  the  cup  which 
they  had  given  to  others!  The  historian  of  the  church  is  really  unbounded  in  his  de- 
mands on  the  confidence  of  his  readers,  when  he  expects  them  to  receive  such  mon- 
strous things  on  his  bare  authority. 


OF  RICHAKD  BAXTIill. 


213 


about  every  where,  partly  as  a  wonder,  and  partly  as  a  crime; 
and  lliat  the  king's  marriage  was  scarcely  more  talked  of  than 
his."  For  this,  he  had  no  doubt  furnisiied  some  occasion  by  the 
manner  in  which  he  had  expressed  himself  respecting  minister's 
marrying;  which  he  considered  barely  lawful,  and  had  for  many 
years,  while  engaged  in  the  most  laborious  part  of  his  ministry, 
dispensed  with  it  himself.  He  was  now  considerably  advanced 
in  life,  being  in  his  forty-seventh  year.  His  habits  were  formed, 
his  infirmities  of  body  many,  and  die  peculiarities  of  his  views 
and  dispositions  such,  as  not  to  afford  great  encouragement  to 
hope  that  an  individual  would  easily  be  found  with  whom  an 
alliance  could  be  formed  likely  to  be  productive  of  lasting  com- 
fort to  both  parties.  Such  a  person,  however,  was  found,  who 
appears  to  have  been  eminently  fitted  to  promote  the  happiness 
and  aid  the  usefulness  of  this  excellent  man.  From  what  he 
calls  "a  Breviate  of  her  life,"  which  will  be  noticed  in  another 
place,  I  extract  at  present  a  few  particulars. 

"We  were  born  in  the  same  county,  within  three  miles  and  a 
half  of  each  other,  but  she  of  one  of  the  chief  families  in  the 
county,  and  I  but  of  a  mean  freeholder,  called  a  gentleman,  for 
his  ancestor's  sake.  Her  father,  Francis  Charlton,  esq.,  was 
one  of  the  best  justices  of  the  peace  in  that  county,  a  grave  and 
worthy  man,  who  did  not  marry  till  he  was  aged  and  gray,  and 
died  while  his  children  were  very  young.  There  were  three  of 
them,  of  which  the  eldest  daughter  and  the  only  son  are  yet 
alive.  He  had  one  surviving  brother,  who,  after  the  father's 
death,  maintained  a  long  and  costly  suit  about  the  guardianship 
of  the  heir.  This  uncle,  Robert,  was  a  comely,  sober,  gentle- 
man; but  the  wise  and  good  mother,  Mary,  durst  not  trust  her 
only  son  in  the  hands  of  one  that  was  his  next  heir;  and  she 
thought  that  nature  gave  her  a  greater  interest  in  him  than  an 
uncle  had.  This  was  in  the  heat  of  the  late  civil  war,  and 
Robert,  being  for  the  parliament,  had  the  advantage  of  strength, 
which  put  her  to  seek  relief  at  Oxford  from  the  king,  and  after- 
wards to  marry  one  Mr.  Hanmer,  who  was  for  the  king,  to  make 
her  interest  that  way.  Her  house,  being  a  sort  of  small  castle, 
was  then  garrisoned  for  the  king.  At  last  Robert  procured  it  to 
be  besieged  by  the  parliament's  soldiers,  stormed  and  taken; 
where  the  mother  and  the  children  saw  part  of  the  buildings 
burnt,  and  some  lie  dead  before  their  eyes;  and  so  Robert  got 
possession  of  the  children. 

"Afterwards,  however,  she,  by  great  wisdom  and  diligence, 
surprised  them,  secretly  conveyed  them  to  Mr.  Bernard's,  in 
Essex,  and  secured  them  against  all  his  endeavors.  The  wars 
being  ended,  and  she,  as  guardian,  possessing  her  son's  estate, 
took  him  to  herself,  and  used  his  estate  as  carefully  as  for  her- 
self; but  out  of  it  conscientiously  paid  the  debts  of  her  husband, 


214 


THE   LIFE    AND  TIMES 


repaired  some  of  the  ruined  houses,  and  managed  things  faitliful- 
ly,  according  to  her  best  discretion,  until  her  son  marrying,  took 
his  estate  into  his  own  hands. 

"Siie,  being  before  un]<nown  to  me,  came  to  Kidderminster, 
desiring  me  to  taice  a  house  for  her  alone.  I  told  her  that  I 
would  not  be  guilty  of  doing  any  thing  which  should  separate  a 
mother  from  an  only  son,  who  in  his  youth  had  so  much  need  of 
her  counsel,  conduct,  and  comfort;  and  that  if  passion  in  her,  or 
any  fault  in  him,  had  caused  a  difference,  the  love  which  brought 
her  through  so  much  trouble  for  him,  should  teach  her  patience. 
She  went  home,  but  shortly  came  again,  and  took  a  house  with- 
out my  knowledge. 

"When  she  had  been  there  alone  awhile,  her  unmarried 
daughter,  Margaret,  then  about  seventeen  or  eighteen  years  of 
age,  came  after  her  from  her  brother's,  resolving  not  to  forsake 
the  mother  who  deserved  her  dearest  love;  though  sometimes 
she  went  to  Oxford  to  her  eldest  sister,  wife  to  Mr.  Ambrose 
Upton,  then  canon  of  Christ-church.  At  this  time,  the  good  old 
mother  lived  as  a  blessing  among  the  honest  poor  weavers  of 
Kidderminster,  strangers  to  her,  whose  company  for  their  piety 
she  chose  before  all  the  vanities  of  the  world.  In  which  time, 
my  acquaintance  with  her  made  me  know,  that  notwithstanding 
she  had  been  formerly  somewhat  passionate,  she  was  a  woman 
of  manly  patience  in  her  great  trials;  of  prudence,  piety,  justice, 
impartiality,  and  other  virtues."'' 

The  preaching  of  Baxter  appears  to  have  been  useful  to  Miss 
Charlton.  It  produced  very  powerful  impressions,  and  the  deep- 
est distress  of  mind,  which  he  was  called  to  assist  in  relieving. 
She  became,  in  due  time,  an  eminent  Christian,  and  in  all  re- 
spects worthy  to  be  the  wife  of  Richard  Baxter.  But  we  must 
give  his  own  account  of  the  marriage,  and  a  few  particulars  re- 
specting his  wife. 

"The  unsuitableness  of  our  age,'^  and  my  former  known  pur- 
poses against  marriage  and  against  the  conveniency  of  minis- 
ters marrying,  who  have  no  sort  of  necessity,  made  ours  the 
matter  of  much  public  talk  and  wonder.  But  the  true  opening 
of  her  case  and  mine,  and  the  many  strange  occurrences  which 
brought  it  to  pass,  would  take  away  the  wonder  of  her  friends  and 
mine  that  knew  us:  and  the  notice  of  it  would  much  conduce  to 
the  understanding  of  some  other  passages  of  our  lives;  yet  wise 
friends,  by  whom  I  am  advised,  think  it  better  to  omit  such  per- 
sonal particularities,  at  least  at  this  time.  Both  in  her  case  and 
mine  there  was  much  extraordinary,  which  it  doth  not  concern 

(a)  Life  of  Mrs.  Baxler,  p.  1—3. 

(b)  As  nearly  as  I  can  calculate  from  incidenlat  circumstances,  the  ago  of  Mis. 
Baxter,  at  llie  time  of  her  marriage,  must  have  been  about  twenty-two  or  twenty- 
three.  Her  husband,  as  has  already  been  slated,  was  in  his  forty-scventli  year. 
There  was  some  room,  therefore,  for  remark  on  the  disparity  of  their  ages. 


Oi-    IirCHAUn  BAXTER. 


215 


the  world  to  be  acquainted  with.  From  tlic  first  thougiUs  of  il, 
many  changes  and  stoppages  intervened,  and  long  delays,  till  1 
was  silenced  and  ejected;  and  so  being  separated  from  my  old 
pastoral  charge,  which  was  enough  to  take  up  all  my  time  and 
labor,  some  ol  my  dissuading  reasons  were  then  over.  At  last, 
on  September  10,  1()()2,  we  were  married  in  Bennet-Fink 
church,  by  Mr.  Samuel  Clark,  having  been  before  contracted  by 
Mr.  Simeon  Ash,  both  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Henry  Ashurst  and 
Mrs.  Ash. 

"She  consented  to  these  conditions  of  our  marriage:  first, 
that  I  should  have  nothing  that  before  our  marriage  was  hers; 
that  I  who  wanted  no  earthly  supplies,  might  not  seem  to  marry 
her  for  covetousness.  Secondly,  that  she  would  so  alter  her 
affairs,  that  I  might  be  entangled  in  no  lawsuits.  Thirdly,  that 
she  would  expect  none  of  my  time  which  my  ministerial  work 
should  require. 

"When  we  were  married,  her  sadness  and  melancholy  van- 
ished; counsel  did  something  to  it,  and  contentment  something; 
and  being  taken  up  with  our  household  affairs  did  somewhat.  We 
lived  ill  inviolated  love,  and  mutual  complacency,  sensible  of  the 
benefit  of  mutual  help,  nearly  nineteen  years.  I  know  not  that 
ever  we  had  any  breach  in  point  of  love,  or  point  of  interest, 
save  only  that  she  somewhat  grudged  that  I  had  persuaded  her 
for  my  quietness  to  surrender  so  much  of  her  estate,  to  the  dis- 
abling her  from  helping  others  so  much  as  she  earnestly  desired. 

"But  that  even  this  was  not  from  a  covetous  mind,  is  evident  by 
these  instances.  Though  her  portion,  which  was  two  thousand 
pounds  beside  what  she  gave  up,  was  by  ill  debtors  two  hundred 
pounds  lost  in  her  mother's  time,  and  two  hundred  pounds  after, 
before  her  marriage;  and  all  she  had,  reduced  to  about  one 
thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  yet  she  never  grudged 
at  any  thing  that  the  poverty  of  debtors  deprived  her  of."' 

The  married  life  of  Baxter,  owing  to  the  state  of  the  times, 
was  a  very  unsettled  one.  During  a  great  part  of  it,  he  might 
literally  be  said  "to  have  had  no  certain  dwelling-place."  They 
first  took  a  house  in  Moorfields,  then  they  removed  to  Acton; 
after  that  to  another  there;  and  after  that,  he  says,  "w^e  were 
put  to  remove  to  one  of  the  former  again;  and  after  that  to 
divers  others  in  another  place  and  county."  "The  women," 
he  quietly  remarks,  "have  most  of  that  sort  of  trouble,  but  my 
wife  easily  bore  it  all." 

We  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  of  Mrs.  Baxter  again;  in 
the  mean  time,  we  must  return  to  the  more  public  events  of  her 
husband's  life  and  times.  Referring  to  the  statement  already 
given  of  the  causes  and  immediate  consequences  of  the  act  of 
uniformity,  he  thus  proceeds  in  his  personal  narrative. 

(c)  Life  of  Mrs.  Baxter,  pp.  49 — 53. 


216 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


"Having  got  past  Bartholomew's  day,  I  proceed  in  tlie  liis- 
tory  of  the  consequent  calamities.  When  I  was  absent,  resolv- 
ing to  meddle  in  such  businesses  no  more,  Mr.  Calamy  and  the 
other  ministers  of  London  who  had  acquaintances  at  court,  were 
put  in  hope  the  king  would  grant  that  by  way  of  indulgence, 
which  was  formerly  denied  them;  and  that  before  the  act  was 
passed,  it  miglit  be  provided  that  the  king  should  have  power  to 
dispense  with  such  as  deserved  well  of  him  in  his  restoration,  or 
whom  he  pleased:  but  all  was  frustrated.  After  this,  they  were 
told  that  the  king  had  power  himself  to  dispense  in  such  cases, 
as  he  did  with  the  Dutch  and  French  churches,  and  some  kind 
of  petition  they  drew  up  to  offer  die  king:  but  when  they  had 
done  it,  they  were  so  far  from  procuring  their  desires,  that  there 
fled  abroad  grievous  threatenings  against  thein,  that  they  should 
incur  a  premunire  for  such  a  bold  attempt.  When  they  were 
drawn  to  it  at  first,  they  did  it  with  much  hesitancy,  and  they 
worded  it  so  cautiously,  that  it  extended  not  to  the  Papists. 
Some  of  the  Independents  presumed  to  say,  that  the  reason  why 
all  our  addresses  for  liberty  had  not  succeeded,  was  because  we 
did  not  extend  it  to  the  Papists;  that  for  their  parts,  they  saw  no 
reason  why  the  Papists  should  not  have  liberty  of  worship  as 
well  as  others;  and  that  it  was  better  for  them  to  have  it,  than 
for  all  of  us  to  go  without  it.**  But  the  Presbyterians  still  an- 
swered, that  the  king  might  himself  do  what  he  pleased;  and  if 
his  wisdom  thought  meet  to  give  liberty  to  the  Papists,  let  the 
Papists  petition  for  it  as  we  did  for  ours;  but  if  it  were  expected 
that  we  should  be  forced  to  become  petitioners  for  liberty  to 
Popery;  we  should  never  do  it,  whatever  be  the  issue;  nor  should 
it  be  said  to  be  our  work. 

"On  the  26th  December,  1662,  the  king  sent  forth  a  declar- 
ation, expressing  his  purpose  to  grant  some  indulgence  or  liberty 
in  religion,  with  other  matters,  not  excluding  the  Papists,  many 
of  whom  had  deserved  so  well  of  him.  When  this  came  out, 
the  ejected  ministers  began  to  think  more  confidendy  of  some 
indulgence  to  themselves.  Mr.  Nye,  also,  and  some  other  of 
the  Independents,  were  encouraged  to  go  to  the  king,  and,  when 
they  came  back,  told  us,  that  he  was  now  resolved  to  give  them 
liberty.  On  the  second  of  January,  Mr.  Nye  came  to  me,  to 
treat  about  our  owning  the  king's  declaration,  by  returning  him 
thanks  for  it;  when  I  perceived  that  it  was  designed  that  we  must 
be  the  desirers  or  procurers  of  it;  but  I  told  him  my  resolution 
to  meddle  no  more  in  such  matters,  having  incurred  already  so 
much  hatred  and  displeasure  by  endeavoring  unity.    The  rest 

(d)  It  is  gratifying  to  find  that  such  were  the  opinions  of  some  of  the  Independ- 
ents of  this  time.  It  shows,  that  correct  views  of  rehgious  liberty  were  still  to  be 
found  iu  that  body,  though  much  can  be  said  in  vindication  of  the  conduct  of  the  Pres- 
byterians. 


OK   HICHAKI)  BAXTEK. 


217 


of  tlie  ministers  also  had  enough  of  it,  and  resolved  that  they 
would  not  meddle;  so  that  Mr.  Nye  and  his  hrcthren  thought  it 
partly  owing  to  us  that  they  missed  their  intended  liherty.  But 
all  were  averse  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  the  indulgence  or 
toleration  of  the  Papists,  thinking  it  at  least  unfit  for  tlicMii."' 

However  we  may  he  disposed  to  hlame  the  conduct  of  die 
Nonconformists  towards  the  Roman  Catholics  on  Uiis  occasion, 
great  allowance  must  he  made  for  them,  considering  the  circum- 
stances in  which  they  were  placed.  No  favor  shown  by  the 
court  to  the  Catholics  was  intended  to  operate  beneficially  on 
the  Nonconformists.  It  was  not  love  for  liberty,  but  the  desire 
to  promote  arbitrary  power,  that  dictated  all  die  measures  which 
then  seemed  to  confer  common  privileges  on  Catholics  and 
Protestant  dissenters.  All  the  leanings  of  the  court  were  in 
favor  of  a  system  which  was  not  less  inimical  to  constitutional 
freedom  than  it  was  opposed  to  the  interests  of  true  religion. 
On  these  accounts,  the  Nonconformists  were  willing  to  endure 
temporary  privations  and  persecutions  rather  than,  through  impa- 
tience to  get  rid  of  them,  perpetuate  the  civil  and  religious 
degradation  of  the  country;  which  would  certainly  follow  on  the 
establishment  of  Popery. 

The  personal  narrative  of  Baxter  abounds  with  notices,  more 
or  less  in  extent  and  interest,  of  numerous  Confessors  among  the 
ejected  ministers.  To  introduce  them  all,  would  be  impracti- 
cable within  the  limits  of  this  work.  But  were  they  entirely 
omitted,  injustice  would  be  done  to  the  memory  of  those  holy 
men,  who  suffered  for  conscience'  sake;  and  an  imperfect  im- 
pression would  be  left  of  the  state  of  the  period.  I  have  already 
introduced  statesmen  and  politicians;  soldiers  and  churchmen. 
I  must  now  make  room  for  Baxter's  sketch  of  two  Nonconform- 
ists, who  died  shortly  after  the  enforcement  of  the  act. 

"Good  old  Simeon  Ash  was  buried  on  the  eve  of  Bartholo- 
mew day,  and  went  seasonably  to  heaven  at  the  very  time  when 
he  was  to  be  cast  out  of  the  church.  He  was  one  of  our  oldest 
Nonconformists;  a  Christian  of  primitive  simplicity;  not  made 
for  controversy,  nor  Inclined  to  disputes,  but  of  a  holy  life,  a 
cheerful  mind,  and  of  a  fluent  elegancy  in  prayer;  full  of  matter 
and  excellent  words.  His  ordinary  speech  was  holy  and  edify- 
ing. Being  much  confined  by  the  gout,  and  having  a  good  estate 
and  a  very  good  wife,  inclined  to  entertainments  and  liberality, 
his  house  was  very  much  frequented  by  ministers.  He  was 
always  cheerful,  without  profuse  laughter  or  levity:  never  trou- 
bled with  doublings  of  his  interest  in  Christ,  but  tasting  the  con- 
tinual love  of  God,  was  much  disposed  to  the  communicating  of 
it  to  others,  and  the  comforting  of  dejected  souls.    His  eminent 


(e)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  429,  430. 

VOL.  I.  28 


218 


THK   LIt'K     AND  TIMF.S 


sincerity  made  liiiii  exceedingly  loved  and  honored;  insomuch 
that  Mr.  Gataker,  Mr.  Wliiitaker,  and  others,  the  most  excellent 
divines  of  London,  when  they  went  to  God,  desired  him  to 
preach  their  funeral  sermons.  He  was  zealous  for  bringing  in 
the  king.  Having  been  chaplain  to  the  Earl  of  Manchester  in 
the  wars,  he  fell  under  the  obloquy  of  the  Croinwellians,  for 
crossing  their  designs.  He  wrote  to  Colonel  Sanders,  Colonel 
Barton,  and  others  in  the  army,  when  Monk  came  in  to  engage 
them  for  the  king. 

"Plaving  preached  his  lecture  in  Cornhill,  being  heated,  he 
caught  cold  in  the  vestry,  and  thinking  it  would  prove  but  one  of 
his  old  fits  of  the  gout,  he  went  to  Highgate,  where  it  turned  to 
a  fever.  He  died  as  he  lived,  in  great  consolation,  and  cheerful 
exercise  of  faith,  molested  with  no  fears  or  doubts  discernible; 
exceedingly  glad  of  the  company  of  his  friends,  and  gready  en- 
couraging all  about  him  with  his  joyful  expressions  in  respect  of 
death  and  his  approaching  change;  so  that  no  man  could  seem 
to  be  more  fearless  of  it.  Wlien  he  had,  towards  the  last, 
Iain  speechless  for  some  time,  as  soon  as  I  came  to  him,  glad- 
ness so  excited  his  spirits,  that  he  spake  joyfully  and  freely  of 
his  going  to  God,  to  those  about  him.  I  staid  with  him  his  last 
evening,  till  we  had  long  expected  his  change,  being  speechless 
all  that  day;  and  in  the  night  he  departed.*' 

"On  the  first  of  January  following  was  buried  good  Mr. 
James  Nalton,  another  minister  of  primitive  sincerity:  a  good 
linguist,  a  zealous,  excellent  preacher,  commonly  called  the 
weeping  jirophct^  because  his  seriousness  oft  expressed  itself  by 
tears;  of  a  most  holy,  blameless  life;  and  though  learned,  greatly 
averse  to  controversy  and  dispute.  In  almost  all  things  he  was 
like  Mr.  Ash,  except  his  natural  temper,  and  the  influence  it  had 
upon  his  soul;  bodi  of  them  so  composed  of  humility,  piety,  and 
innocence,  that  no  enemy  of  godliness  that  knew  them  had  a 
word  to  say  against  them.  They  were  scorned  as  Puritans,  like 
their  brethren,  but  escaped  all  the  particular  exceptions  and  ob- 
loquy which  many  others  underwent.  But  as  one  was  cheerful, 
so  the  other  was  from  his  youth  surprised  with  violent  fits  of 
melancholy  once  in  every  few  years;  which,  though  it  distracted 
him  not,  yet  kept  him,  till  it  was  over,  in  a  most  despondent 
state.  In  his  health  he  was  over  humble,  and  had  too  mean 
thoughts  of  himself  and  all  that  was  his  own,  and  never  put  out 
himself  among  his  brethren  into  any  employment  which  had  the 
least  show  of  ostentation.  Less  than  a  year  before  his  death, 
he  fell  into  a  grievous  fit  of  melancholy,  in  which  he  was  so  con- 
fident of  his  gracelessness,  that  he  usually  cried  out  'O,  not  one 

(f)  Mr.  Ash  was  one  of  the  ministers  engaged  at  the  Savoy  conference,  but  per- 
sonally took  little  pari  in  the  discussion. 


OF  RICHAUD  BAXTER. 


219 


spark  of  grace,  not  one  good  desire  or  tlioiiglit!  I  can  no  more 
pray  than  a  post.  If  an  angel  from  heaven  would  tell  me  that  I 
have  true  grace,  I  would  not  believe  him.'  And  yet  at  that 
time  did  he  pray  very  well;  and  I  coidd  demonstrate  his  sin- 
cerity so  much  to  him  in  his  desires  and  life,  that  he  had  not  a 
word  to  say  against  it,  hut  yet  was  harping  still  on  the  same  string, 
and  would  hardly  be  j)ersuaded  that  he  was  melancholy.  It 
pleased  God  to  recover  him  from  this  fit,  and  shortly  after  he 
confessed  that  what  I  said  was  true,  that  his  despair  was  all  the 
effect  of  melancholv;  and  rejoiced  much  in  God's  deliverance. 
Shortly  after  this  came  out  the  Bartholomew  Act,  which  cast 
him  out  of  his  place  and  ministry,  and  iiis  heart  being  troubled 
with  the  sad  case  of  the  church,  and  the  multitude  of  ministers 
cast  out  and  silenced,  and  at  his  own  unserviceableness,  it  roused 
his  melancholy,  which  began  also  to  work  with  some  fears  of 
want  and  his  family's  distress;  all  which  cast  him  so  low,  that 
the  violence  of  it  wore  him  away  like  a  true  marasmus.  So 
that  without  any  other  disease,  but  mere  melancholy,  he  con- 
sumed to  dead),  continuing  still  in  sad  despondency  and  self- 
condemning  views.  By  which  it  appeareth  how  little  judgment 
is  to  be  made  of  a  man's  condition  by  his  melancholy  apprehen- 
sions, or  the  sadness  of  his  mind  at  death;  and  in  what  a  differ- 
ent manner  men  of  the  same  eminency  in  holiness  and  sincerity 
may  go  to  God.  Which  I  have  the  rather  showed  by  the  in- 
stance of  those  two  saints,  than  whom  this  age  hath  scarce  pro- 
duced and  set  up  a  pair  more  pious,  humble,  just,  sincere,  labo- 
rious in  their  well-performed  work,  unblamable  in  their  lives, 
not  meddling  with  state  matters,  nor  secular  affairs,  and  there- 
fore well  spoken  of  by  all."  s 

Such  is  a  specimen  of  the  men,  whom  the  leaders  of  the 
church  of  England  thought  it  needful  to  eject  from  the  office  of 
the  ministry,  because  they  could  not  submit  to  the  exercise  of 
an  unrighteous  authority.  Such  were  some  of  the  fathers  of 
Nonconformity.  The  church  and  the  world  were  not  worthy 
of  them,  but  they  were  counted  worthy  not  only  to  believe,  but 
also  to  suffer  for  the  sake  of  Christ;  and  their  names  will  be 
held  in  everlasting  remembrance. 

The  intolerable  hardships  which  many  excellent  men  were 
called  to  endure,  it  is  not  possible  fully  to  exhibit.  They  were 
harassed  and  tormented  by  all  sorts  of  interferences,  even  when 
they  could  escape  fines  and  imprisonment.  The  following  may 
be  regarded  as  a  specimen. 

"As  we  were  forbidden  to  pi-each,  so  we  were  vigilantly- 
watched  in  private,  that  we  might  not  exhort  one  another,  or 
pray  together;  and,  as  I  foretold  them  oft,  how  they  would  use 


(g)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  430,  431. 


220 


THi;   I. IKK   AND  TIME? 


US  when  Uiey  had  silenced  us,  every  meeting  for  prayer  was 
called  a  dangerous  meeting  for  sedition,  or  a  conventicle  at  least. 
I  will  now  give  but  one  instance  of  their  kindness  to  myself. 
One  Mr.  Beale,  in  Hatton  Garden,  having  a  son,  his  only  child, 
who  being  long  sick  of  a  dangerous  fever  was  brought  so  low 
that  the  physicians  thought  he  would  die,  desired  a  few  friends, 
of  whom  I  was  one,  to  meet  at  his  house  to  pray  for  him.  Be- 
cause it  pleased  God  to  hear  our  prayers,  and  that  very  night 
to  restore  him;  his  mother  shortly  after  falling  sick  of  a  fever,  we 
were  desired  to  meet  to  pray  for  her  recovery,  the  last  day  when 
she  was  near  to  death.  Among  those  who  were  to  be  there,  it 
fell  out  that  Dr.  Bates  and  I  did  f;iil  them,  and  could  not  come; 
but  it  was  known  at  Westminster,  that  we  were  appointed  to  be 
there,  whereupon  two  justices  of  the  peace  were  procured  from 
the  distant  parts  of  the  town,  one  from  Westminster  and  one 
from  Clerkenwell,  to  come  with  the  parliament's  serjeant  at  arms 
to  apprehend  us.  They  came  in  the  evening,  when  part  of  the 
company  were  gone.  There  were  then  only  a  few  of  their  kin- 
dred, beside  two  or  three  ministers  to  pray.  They  came  upon 
them  into  the  room  where  the  gentlewoman  lay  ready  to  die, 
drew  the  curtains,  and  took  some  of  their  names;  but,  missing 
their  prey,  returned  disappointed.  What  a  joy  would  it  have 
been  to  them  that  reproached  us  as  Presbyterian,  seditious 
schismatics,  lo  have  found  but  such  an  occasion  as  praying  with 
a  dying  woman,  to  have  laid  us  up  in  prison!  Yet,  that  same 
week,  there  was  published,  a  witty,  malicious  invective  against 
the  silenced  ministers;  in  which  it  was  affirmed,  that  Dr. 
Bates  and  I  were  at  Mr.  Beal's  house,  such  a  day,  keeping  a 
conventicle.  The  liar  had  so  much  extraordinary  modesty  as, 
within  a  day  or  two,  to  print  a  second  edition,  in  which  those 
words,  so  easy  to  be  disproved,  were  left  out.  Such  eyes  were 
every  where  then  lifted  upon  us." 

In  the  beginning  of  June,  1663,  the  old,  peaceable  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  Dr.  Juxon,  died;  and  was  succeeded  by  Dr. 
Gilbert  Sheldon,  bishop  of  London.  Juxon  was  a  very  respec- 
table prelate,  and  worthy  of  the  character  which  is  given  him  by 
Baxter.  His  conduct  during  the  trying  period  of  the  civil  wars, 
exhibited  great  moderation.  He  attended  Charles  I.  on  the 
scaffold,  and  received  his  last  commands  in  the  emphatical 
word,  "Remember."  At  the  restoration,  he  was  made  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury;  and  crowned  Charles  11.;  by  whom  he 
appears  to  have  been  not  greatly  respected.  He  seems  to  have 
been  an  amiable  man,  but  had  no  great  energy  of  mind.  Sheldon 
was  his  superior  for  learning  and  talents;  dexterous  in  business, 
and  a  thorough  courtier;  but  more  of  a  politician  than  is  consist- 


(h)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  431,  432. 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


221 


ent  with  integrity  of  character  and  religious  principle.    He  was 
an  implacable  enemy  of  the  Nonconformists. 

"About  tliese  times,  the  talk  of  liberty  to  the  silenced  minis- 
ters, ihv  wliat  end,  I  knew  not,  was  revived  again,  and  we  were 
blamed  by  many  that  \vc  had  never  once  petitioned  the  parlia- 
ment; for  which  wo  had  sufficient  reasons.  It  was  said,  that 
they  were  resolved  to  grant  us  cither  an  indulgence  by  way  of 
dispensation,  or  a  comprehension  by  some  additional  act;  taking 
in  all  that  could  conform  in  some  particular  points.  Hereupon 
there  was  great  talk  about  the  question,  whether  the  way  of  in- 
dulgence or  the  way  of  comprehension  was  the  more  desirable. 
It  was  debated  as  seriously,  as  if,  indeed,  such  a  thing  as  one  of 
them  iiad  been  expected.  And  parliament  men  themselves  per- 
suaded us  that  it  would  be  done. 

"For  my  own  part,  I  meddled  but  little  with  any  such  busi- 
ness, since  the  failing  of  that  which  incurred  so  much  displeas- 
ure: and  the  rather,  because  though  the  brethren  commissioned 
with  me  stuck  to  me  as  to  the  cause,  yet  they  were  not  forward 
enough  to  bear  their  part  of  die  ungrateful  management,  nor  of 
the  consequent  displeasure.  But  yet,  when  an  honorable  per- 
son was  earnest  with  me,  to  give  him  my  judgment,  whether 
the  way  of  indulgence  or  comprehension  was  the  more  desirable, 
that  he  might  discern  which  way  to  go  in  parliament  himself,  I 
gave  him  my  mind,  though  I  thought  it  was  to  little  purpose.' 

"Instead  of  indulgence  and  comprehension,  on  the  last  day  of 
June,  1663,  the  bill  against  private  meetings  for  religious  exer- 
cises passed  the  House  of  Commons,  and  shortly  after  was 
made  a  law.  The  sum  of  it  was,  'that  every  person  above  six- 
teen years  old,  who  should  be  present  at  any  meeting  under 
color  or  pretence  of  any  exercise  of  religion,  in  other  manner 
than  is  allowed  by  the  liturgy  or  practice  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, where  there  are  five  persons  more  than  the  household,  shall, 
for  the  first  offence,  by  a  justice  of  peace  be  recorded,  and  sent 
to  jail  three  months,  till  he  pay  five  pounds;  and,  for  the  second 
offence,  six  months,  till  he  pay  ten  pounds;  and  the  third  time, 
being  convicted  by  a  Jury,  shall  be  banished  to  some  of  the 
American  plantations,  excepting  New  England  or  Virginia.' 
The  calamity  of  the  act,  beside  the  main  matter,  was,  that  it  was 
made  so  ambiguous,  that  no  man  that  ever  I  met  with  could  tell 
what  was  a  violation  of  it,  and  what  not;  not  knowing  what  was 
allowed  by  the  liturgy  or  practice  of  the  church  of  England  in 
families,  because  the  liturgy  meddleth  not  with  families;  and 
among  the  diversity  of  family  practice,  no  man  knoweth  what  to 
call  the  practice  of  the  church.  Too  much  power  was  given  to 
the  justices  of  the  peace  to  record  a  man  an  offender  whhout  a 


(i)  Life,  part  ii.  p.  433. 


222 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


jury,  and  if  he  did  it  carelessly,  we  were  without  any  remedy, 
seeing  he  was  made  a  judge.  According  to  the  plain  words  of 
the  act,  if  a  man  did  but  preach  and  pray,  or  read  some  licensed 
book,  and  sing  psalms,  he  might  have  more  than  four  present, 
because  these  are  allowed  by  the  practice  of  the  church  in  the 
church;  and  the  act  seemeth  to  grant  an  indulgence  for  place 
and  number,  so  be  it  the  quality  of  the  exercise  be  allowed  by 
the  church;  which  must  be  meant  publicly,  because  it  mcddleth 
with  no  private  exercise.  But  when  it  came  to  the  trial,  these 
pleas  with  the  justices  were  vain:  for  if  men  did  but  pray,  it  was 
taken  for  granted,  that  it  was  an  exercise  not  allowed  by  the 
church  of  England,  and  to  jail  they  went. 

"And  now  came  the  people's  trial,  as  well  as  the  ministers'. 
While  the  dangers  and  sufferings  lay  on  the  ministers  alone,  the 
people  were  very  courageous,  and  exhorted  them  to  stand  it  out 
and  preach  till  they  went  to  prison.  But  when  it  came  to  be 
their  own  case,  they  were  venturous  till  they  were  once  surprised 
and  imprisoned;  but  then  their  judgments  were  much  altered, 
and  they  that  censured  ministers  before  as  coAvardly,  because 
they  preached  not  publicly,  whatever  followed,  did  now  think 
that  it  was  better  to  preach  often  in  secret  to  a  few,  than  but 
once  or  twice  in  public  to  many;  and  that  secrecy  was  no  sin, 
when  it  tended  to  the  furtherance  of  the  work  of  the  Gospel, 
and  to  the  church's  good.  The  rich  especially  were  as  cautious 
as  the  ministers.  But  yet  their  meetings  were  so  ordinary,  and 
so  well  known,  that  it  greatly  tended  to  the  jailers'  commodity. 

"The  people  were  in  a  great  strait,  those  especially  who 
dwelt  near  any  busy  officer,  or  malicious  enemy.  Many  durst 
not  pray  in  their  families,  if  above  four  persons  came  in  to  dine 
with  them.  In  a  gendeman's  house,  where  it  was  ordinary  for 
more  than  four  visitors,  neighbors,  messengers,  or  one  sort  or 
other,  to  be  most  so  many  days  at  dinner  with  them,  many 
durst  not  then  go  to  prayer,  and  some  scarcely  durst  crave  a 
blessing  on  their  meat,  or  give  God  thanks  for  it.  Some  thought 
they  might  venture  if  they  withdrew  into  another  room,  and 
left  the  strangers  by  themselves:  but  others  said,  it  is  all  one  if 
they  be  in  the  same  house,  though  out  of  hearing,  when  it 
Cometh  to  the  judgment  of  the  justices.  In  London,  where  the 
houses  are  contiguous,  some  thought  if  they  were  in  several 
houses  and  heard  one  another  through  the  wall  or  a  window,  it 
would  avoid  the  law:  but  others  said,  it  is  all  in  vain  whilst  the 
justice  is  judge  whether  it  was  a  meeting  or  no.  Great  lawyers 
said,  if  you  come  on  a  visit  or  business,  though  you  be  present 
at  prayer  or  sermon,  it  is  no  breach  of  the  law,  because  you 
met  not  on  pretence  of  a  rtligious  exercise:  but  those  that  tried 
them  said,  such  words  are  but  wind,  when  the  justices  come  to 
judge  you. 


OF    lUClIAIlU  llAXTER. 


223 


"And  here  the  Quakers  did  greatly  relieve  the  sober  people 
for  a  time;  for  they  were  so  resolute,  and  so  gloried  in  their 
constancy  and  sufFcrings,  that  they  assembled  openly  at  the 
Bull  and  Month,  near  Aldersgate,  and  were  dragged  away 
daily  to  the  common  jail;  and  yet  desisted  not,  hut  the  rest 
came  the  next  day,  nevcrdieless:  so  that  the  jail  at  Newgate 
was  filled  with  them.  Abundance  of  them  died  in  prison,  and 
yet  they  continued  their  assemblies  still.  They  would  some- 
times meet  only  to  sit  still  in  silence,  when,  as  they  said,  the 
Spirit  did  not  move  them:  and  it  was  a  great  question,  whether 
tliis  silence  was  a  religious  exercise  not  allowed  by  the  liturgy, 
&ic.  Once,  upon  some  such  reasons  as  these,  when  they  were 
tried  at  die  sessions,  in  order  to  a  banishiTient,  the  jury  acquitted 
them;  but  were  grievously  threatened  for  it.  After  that, 
another  jury  did  acquit  them,  and  some  of  them  were  fined  and 
imprisoned  for  it.  But  thus  the  Quakers  so  employed  Sir 
K.  B.,  and  the  other  searchers  and  prosecutors,  that  they  had 
the  less  leisure  to  look  after  the  meetings  of  soberer  men; 
which  was  mucii  to  their  present  ease.'' 

"The  divisions,  or  rather  the  censures  of  the  nonconforming 
people,  against  their  ministers  and  one  another,  began  now  to 
increase;  which  was  long  foreseen,  but  could  not  be  avoided. 
I  that  had  incurred  so  much  the  displeasure  of  the  prelates, 
and  all  their  party,  by  pleading  for  the  peace  of  the  Noncon- 
formists, did  fall  under  more  of  their  displeasure  than  any  one 
man  beside,  as  far  as  I  could  learn.  With  me  they  joined  Dr. 
Bates,  because  we  went  to  the  public  assemblies,  and  also  to 
the  common-prayer,  even  at  the  beginning  of  it.  Not  that  they 
thought  worse  of  us  than  of  odiers,  but  that  they  thought  our 
example  would  do  more  harm;  for  I  must  bear  them  witness, 
that  in  the  midst  of  all  their  censures  of  my  judgment  and 
actions,  they  never  censured  my  affections  and  intentions,  nor 
abated  their  charitable  estimation  of  me  in  the  main.  Of  the 
leading  prelates,  I  had  so  much  favor  in  their  hottest  indigna- 
tion, that  they  thought  what  I  did  was  only  in  obedience  to  my 
conscience.  So  that  I  see  by  experience,  that  he  who  is  impar- 
tially and  sincerely  for  tputh,  and  peace,  and  piety,  against  all 
factions,  shall  have  his  honesty  acknowledged  by  the  several 
factions,  whilst  his  actions,  as  cross  to  their  interest,  are  detested: 
whereas,  he  that  joineth  with  one  of  the  factions,  shall  have 
both  his  person  and  actions  condemned  by  the  other,  though 
his  party  may  applaud  both."  ' 

(k)  Had  there  been  more  of  the  sarrje  determined  spirit  among  others,  which  the 
Friends  (hsplayed,  the  sufferings  of  all  parties  would  sooner  liave  come  to  an  end. 
The  government  must  have  given  way,  as  the  spirit  of  the  country  would  have  been 
effectually  roused.    The  conduct  of  the  Quakers  was  infinitely  to  their  honor. 

(I)  Life,  part  ii.  pp.  435,  13G. 


224 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


That  Baxter  acted  conscientiously,  no  doubt  can  be  enter- 
tained; and  it  must  have  been  a  comfort  to  him,  to  enjoy  the 
testimony  of  a  good  conscience  amidst  the  conflict  through 
which  he  was  called  to  pass.  But  we  cannot  be  surprised  that 
his  conduct  troubled  and  offended  both  churchmen  and  dissen- 
ters, even  while  they  gave  liim  credit  for  integrity.  Few  could 
enter  into  his  numerous,  and  often  wire-drawn  distinctions; 
sometimes,  even  with  all  his  acuteness,  they  were  founded  on  a 
mistaken  view  of  the  case.  The  attempt  to  meet  all  parties, 
and  to  reconcile  them,  was  the  vainest  in  which  this  most  wor- 
thy and  devoted  individual  ever  engaged.  His  catholic  spirit 
grasped  and  hoped  for  that  which  is  reserved  for  happier  times 
than  his  own,  or  than  has  yet  blessed  the  church  of  God. 

"Having  lived  three  years  and  more  in  London,  and  finding 
it  neither  agree  with  my  health  nor  studies,  the  one  being 
brought  very  low  and  the  other  interrupted,  and  all  public  ser- 
vice being  at  an  end,  I  betook  myself  to  live  in  the  country,  at 
Acton,  that  I  might  set  myself  to  writing,  and  do  what  service  I 
could  for  posterity,  and  live  as  much  as  possibly  I  could  out  of 
the  world.  Thither  I  went  on  the  14th  of  July,  16G3,  where 
I  followed  my  studies  privately,  in  quietness,  and  went  every 
Lord's-day  to  the  public  assembly,  when  there  was  any  preach- 
ing or  catechising,  and  spent  the  rest  of  the  day  with  my  famil}', 
and  a  few  poor  neighbors  that  came  in;  spending  now  and  then 
a  day  in  London.  The  next  year,  1664, 1  had  the  company  of 
divers  godly,  faithful  friends  that  tabled  with  me  in  summer, 
with  whom  I  solaced  myself  with  much  content.  Having 
almost  finished  a  large  treatise  called  'A  Christian  Directory,  or 
Sum  of  Practical  Divinity,'  that  I  might  know  whether  it  would 
be  licensed  for  the  press,  I  tried  the  licensers  with  a  small 
treatise,  the  'Character  of  a  Sound  Christian,  as  differenced 
from  the  weak  Christian  and  the  Hypocrite.'  I  offered  it  Mr. 
Grig,  the  Bishop  of  London's  chaplain,  who  had  been  a  Non- 
conformist, and  professed  an  extraordinary  respect  for  me;  but 
he  durst  not  license  it.  Yet  after,  when  the  plague  began,  I 
sent  three  single  sheets  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury's  chap- 
lain, without  any  name,  that  they  might  have  passed  unknown; 
but,  accidentally,  they  knew  them  to  be  mine,  and  they  were 
licensed.  The  one  was  Directions  for  the  sick;  the  second  was 
Directions  for  the  conversion  of  the  ungodly;  and  the  third  was 
Instructions  for  a  holy  life:  for  the  use  of  poor  families  that  can- 
not buy  greater  books,  or  will  not  read  them." 

Beside  these  works,  he  wrote  or  published,  between  the 
time  of  his  leaving  Kidderminster  and  the  year  1665,  several 
considerable  works,  both  practical  and  controversial.  Among 


(m)  Life,  pari  ii.  pp.  440,441. 


OF   RICHARD  BAXTER. 


225 


these  were,  his  'Life  of  Faith,'  'Tlie  Successive  Visibility  of  the 
Church,'  'The  Viiiu  Religion  of  the  Formal  Hypocrite,'  'The 
Last  Work  of  a  Ik-liever,'  'The  Mischiefs  of  Self-ignorance,' 
his  Controversy  with  the  Bishop  of  Worcester  about  the  Causes 
of  his  leaving  Kidderminster,  his  'Saint,  or  Brute,'  'Now  or 
Never,'  and  'The  Divine  Life.'  These  works,  considering  the 
public  business  in  which  he  was  engaged,  and  his  various  trials 
and  changes,  must  have  found  him  very  full  employment;  and 
only  a  mind  of  unceasing  activity,  and  a  pen  of  more  than  ordi- 
nary dispatch,  could  have  accomplished  so  much. 

"March  26,  1665,  being  the  Lord's-day,  as  I  was  preaching 
in  a  private  house,  where  we  received  the  Lord's  supper,  a  bul- 
let came  in  at  the  window  among  us,  j)assed  by  me,  and  nar- 
rowly missed  the  head  of  a  sister-in-law  of  mine  that  was  there, 
but  hurt  none  of  us.    We  could  never  discover  whence  it  came. 

"In  June  following,  an  ancient  gentlewoman,  with  her  son 
and  daughter,  came  four  miles  in  her  coach  to  hear  me  preach 
in  my  family,  as  out  of  special  respect  to  me.  It  fell  out,  con- 
trary to  oui  custom,  tliat  we  let  her  knock  long  at  the  dooi',  and 
did  not  open  it:  and  so  a  second  time,  when  she  had  gone 
away  and  come  again;  and  the  third  lime  she  came  when  we 
had  ended.  She  was  so  earnest  to  know  when  she  might  come 
again  to  hear  me,  that  I  appointed  her  a  time;  but  before  she 
came  I  had  secret  intelligence  from  one  tiiat  was  nigh  her,  that 
she  came  v.'itb  a  heart  exceeding  full  of  malice,  resolving,  if 
possible,  to  do  me  what  mischief  she  could  by  accusation,  and 
so  that  danger  was  avoided."  " 

During  this  period,  some  foreign  ministers  of  eminence,  who 
had  heard  of  Baxter's  character  and  talents,  and  were  desirous 
of  cultivating  his  acquaintance  and  friendship,  wished  to  engage 
him  in  correspondence.  Among  these  were  Amyrald,  or  Amy- 
raut,  a  French  Protestant  minister,  and  professor  of  theology  at 
Saumur,  whose  sentiments  on  some  doctrinal  points  were  nearly 
allied  to  those  of  Baxter,  and  ZoUicofier  of  Switzerland,  who 
seems,  from  his  letter,  to  have  visited  England,  and  to  have  been 
well  acquainted  with  his  writings.  He  was  afraid,  however,  to 
answer  their  letters. 

"The  vigilant  eye  of  malice  that  some  had  upon  me,  made 
me  understand  that,  though  no  law  of  the  land  was  against 
literary  persons'  correspondencies  beyond  the  seas,  nor  had  any 
divines  been  hindered  from  it,  yet,  it  was  likely  to  have  proved 
my  ruin,  if  I  had  but  been  known  to  answer  one  of  their  letters, 
though  the  matter  had  been  ever  so  much  beyond  exception. 
So  that  I  neither  answered  this  nor  any  other,  save  only  by  word 
of  mouth  to  the  messenger,  and  that  but  in  small  part.    Our  si- 


VOL.  I. 


(n)  Life,  part  ii.  p.  444. 

29 


226 


THE  hfj:  and  times 


lencing  and  ejection,  they  would  quickly  know  by  other  means, 
and  how  much  the  judgment  of  the  English  bishops  did  differ 
from  theirs  about  the  labors  and  persons  of  such  as  we. 

"About  this  time,  1  thought  meet  to  debate  the  case  with 
some  learned  and  moderate  ejected  ministers  of  London,  about 
communicating  sometimes  at  the  parish  churches  in  the  sacra- 
ment; for  they  that  came  to  common  prayer,  came  not  yet  to 
the  sacrament.  They  desired  me  to  bring  in  my  judgment  and 
reasons  in  writing,  which  being  debated,  they  were  all  of  my 
mind  in  the  main,  that  it  is  lawful  and  a  dut)^  where  greater 
accidents  preponderate  not.  But  they  all  concurred  unani- 
mously in  this,  that  if  we  did  communicate  at  all  in  the  parish 
churches,  the  sufferings  of  the  Independents,  and  those  Presby- 
terians that  could  not  communicate  there,  would  certainly  be 
very  much  increased;  which  now  were  somewhat  moderated  by 
our  concurrence  with  them.  I  thought  the  case  very  hard  on 
both  sides;  that  we,  who  were  so  much  censured  by  them  for 
going  somewhat  further  than  they,  must  yet  omit  lhat  which  else 
must  be  our  duty,  merely  to  abate  their  sufferings  who  censure 
us:  but  I  resolved  to  forbear  with  them  awhile,  rather  than  any 
Christian  should  suffer  by  occasion  of  an  action  of  mine,  seeing 
God  will  have  mercy,  and  not  sacrifice;  and  no  duty  is  a  duty  at 
all  times." 

He  thus  concludes  his  memorials  of  the  year  1665.  The 
reader  will  be  struck,  as  the  writer  of  the  present  work  is,  that 
the  year  in  which  he  writes  this  page,  1828,  the  prayer  of 
Baxter  has  been  answered  respecting  the  Corporation  Act;  and 
that  for  the  first  time  during  one  hundred  and  sixty-three  years, 
it  can  be  said  that  the  Protestant  Dissenters  of  England  are  in 
possession  of  common  rights  and  privileges  with  their  fellow  sub- 
jects of  the  established  church.  After  such  a  delay  in  the  dis- 
charge of  justice,  let  no  man  be  sanguine  in  hi?  expectations  of 
speedy  change.  After  the  repeal  of  the  Corporation  and  Test 
Acts,  under  all  the  circumstances  in  which  it  has  been  accom- 
plished, let  no  man  despair. 

"And  now,  after  the  breaches  on  the  churches,  the  ejec- 
tion of  the  ministers,  and  impenitency  under  all,  wars  and 
plague  and  danger  of  famine  began  at  once  on  us.  War 
with  the  Hollanders,  which  yet  continueth;  and  the  dryest  win- 
ter, spring,  and  summer,  that  ever  man  alive  knew,  or  our 
forefathers  mention  of  late  ages:  so  that  the  grounds  were 
burnt  like  the  highways,  where  the  cattle  should  have  fed.  The 
meadow  grounds  where  I  lived,  bare  but  four  loads  of  hay, 
which  before  bare  forty;  the  plague  hath  seized  on  the  famousest 
and  most  excellent  city  of  Christendom,  and  at  this  time  nearly 
8,300  die  of  all  diseases  in  a  week.  It  hath  scat!fered  and  con- 
sumed the  inhabitants;  multitudes  being  dead  and  fled.  The 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


227 


calamities  and  cries  of  the  diseased  and  impoverished,  are  not 
to  be  conceived  by  those  that  are  absent  IVoin  tliem.  Every 
man  is  a  terror  to  his  neighbor  and  himself:  and  God,  for  our 
sins,  is  a  terror  to  ns  all.  O!  how  is  London,  the  place  whirh  God 
hath  honored  with  his  Gospel  above  all  places  of  the  earth, 
laid  low  in  horrors,  and  wasted  almost  to  desolation  by  the 
wrath  of  that  God,  whom  England  hath  contemned!  A  God- 
hating  generation  are  consumed  in  their  sins,  and  the  righteous 
are  also  taken  away  as  from  greater  evils  yet  to  come.  Yet, 
under  all  these  desolations,  the  wicked  are  hardened,  and  cast 
all  on  the  fanatics;  the  true  dividing  fanatics  and  sectaries  are 
not  yet  humbled  for  former  miscarriages,  but  cast  all  on  the 
prelates  and  imposers;  and  the  ignorant  vulgar  are  stupid,  and 
know  not  what  use  to  make  of  any  thing  they  feel.  But  thou- 
sands of  the  sober,  prudent,  faithful  servants  of  the  Lord  are 
mourning  in  secret,  and  waiting  for  his  salvation;  in  humility 
and  hope  they  are  staying  themselves  on  God,  and  expecting 
what  he  will  do  with  them.  From  London  the  plague  is  spread 
through  many  counties,  especially  next  London,  where  few 
places,  especially  corporations,  are  free:  which  makes  me  oft 
groan,  and  ivish  that  London,  and  all  the  corporations  of  Eng- 
land, would  review  the  Corporation  Act,  and  their  own  acts, 
and  speedily  repent. 

"Leaving  most  of  my  family  at  Acton,  compassed  about  with 
the  plague,  at  the  writing  of  this,  through  the  mercy  of  my  dear 
God,  and  Father  in  Christ,  I  am  hitherto  in  safety  and  comfort 
in  the  house  of  my  dearly  beloved  and  honored  friend,  Mr. 
Richard  Hampden,  of  Hampden,  in  Buckinghamshire,  the  true 
heir  of  his  famous  father's  sincerity,  piety,  and  devotedness  tcJ 
God;  whose  person  and  family  the  Lord  preserve;  honor  them 
that  honor  him,  and  be  their  everlasting  rest  and  portion."  " 


CHAPTER  IX.  1665—1670. 

The  Plaftne  of  London— Pieacliing  of  someofthe  Nonconformists — The  Five-Mile  Act — The 
Fire  of  London — Benevolence  of  Ashiirst  and  Gouge — Tlie  Fire  advriiitageons  to  the 
Preaching  of  the  Silenced  Ministers — Conformist  Clergy — INIore  Talk  aliont  Liberty  of 
Conscience— The  Latitudinarians — Fall  of  Clarendon — Tlie  Duke  of  nuckingliam — Sir 
Orlando  Bridgman — Preaching  of  tlie  Nonconformists  connived  at — Fresh  Discussions 
about  a  Comprehension — Dr.  Creighton — Ministers  inipris(jned — Address  to  the  King — 
Nonconformists  attiicked  from  the  Press — Baxter's  Character  of  Judge  Hale — Dr.  Rives — 
Baxter  sent  to  Prison — Advised  to  apply  for  a  Habeas  Corpus — Demands  it  from  the  Court 
of  Common  Pleas — Behavior  of  the  Judges — Discharged — Removes  to  Totteridge — His 
Works  during  this  period — Correspondence  with  Owen. 

In  the  end  of  the  preceding  chapter,  we  left  Baxter  at  Hamp- 
den, moralizing  on  the  desolation  of  London,  during  the  raging 
of  the  plague-.    Of  that  fearful  calamity,  and  also  of  the  fire, 


(o)  Life,  part  ii.  p.  448. 


228 


THE    LIFK   AND  TIMES 


which  followed  soon  after,  he  has  left  some  additional  notices, 
as  well  as  of  the  influence  of  these  events  on  the  trials  or  enlarge- 
ment of  the  Nouconformisls. 

"The  number  that  died  in  London,  he  informs  us,  beside  all 
the  rest  of  the  land,  was  about  a  hundred  thousand,  reckoning 
the  Quakers,  and  others,  that  were  never  put  in  the  bills  of  mor- 
tality. 

"The  richer  sort  removing  out  of  the  city,  the  greatest  blow 
fell  on  the  poor.  At  first  so  few  of  the  more  religious  sort  were 
taken  away  that,  according  to  the  mode  of  too  many  such,  they 
began  to  be  puffed  up,  and  boast  of  tlie  great  difference  which 
God  did  make;  but  quickly  after  they  all  fell  alike.  Yet  not 
many  pious  ministers  were  taken  away.  I  remember  only  three, 
who  were  all  of  my  acquaintance. 

"It  is  scarcely  possible  for  people  who  live  in  a  time  of  health 
and  security,  to  apprehend  the  dreadful  nature  of  that  pestilence. 
How  fearful  people  were  thirty  or  forty,  if  not  a  hundred  miles 
from  London,  of  any  thing  they  bought  from  mercers'  or  dra- 
pers' shops,  or  of  goods  that  were  brought  to  them;  or  of  any 
person  who  came  to  their  houses!  How  they  would  shut  their 
doors  against  their  friends;  and  if  a  man  passed  over  the  fields, 
how  one  would  avoid  another  as  we  did  in  the  time  of  the 
wars;  how  every  man  was  a  terror  to  another!  p  Oh,  how  sin- 
fully unthankful  are  we  for  our  quiet  societies,  habitations,  and 
health! 

"Not  far  from  the  place  where  I  sojourned,  at  Mrs.  Fleet- 
wood's, three  ministers  of  extraordinary  worth  were  together  in 
one  house,  Mr.  Clarkson,  Mr.  Samuel  Cradock,  and  Mr.  Terry, 
men  of  singular  judgment,  piety,  and  moderation.  The  plague 
came  into  the  house  where  they  were,  and  one  person  dying  of 
it,  caused  many,  that  they  knew  not  of,  earnestly  to  pray  for 
their  deliverance;  and  it  pleased  God  that  no  other  person  died. 

"One  great  benefit  the  plague  brought  to  the  city,  it  occasion- 
ed the  silenced  ministers  more  openly  and  laboriously  to  preach 
the  Gospel,  to  the  exceeding  comfort  and  profit  of  the  people; 
insomuch,  that  to  this  day  the  freedom  of  preaching,  which  this 

(p)  Among  the  places  which  the  plague  visited  at  a  distance,  was  the  village  of 
Loughborough,  in  the  county  of  Leicester;  it  there  entered  the  house  of  the  Rov. 
Samuel  Shaw,  the  ejected  minister  of  Long  Whatlon.  He  buried  two  of  his  children, 
two  friends,  and  a  servant,  who  had  died  of  the  distemper.  Roth  his  wife  and  him- 
self were  attacked,  but  mercifully  escaped.  His  house  was  shut  up  for  three  months, 
none  being  permitted  to  enter  it;  so  that  he  had  to  attend  the  sick  himself,  and  after- 
wards to  bury  ihem  in  his  own  garden.  It  was  in  those  circumstances  he  produced 
that  beautiful  and  impressive  little  volume,  'The  Welcome  to  the  Plague.'  It  was 
originally  a  sermon,  preached  to  his  own  family,  and  affords  an  admirable  illustra- 
tion of  the  power  and  blessedness  of  true  religion.  If  the  reader  has  not  seen  this 
little  work,  or  another  of  Shaw's,  'Immanuel;  or,  a  Discovery  of  True  Religion,'  I 
beg  to  recommend  them  to  his  attention,  as  among  the  finest  specimens  of  the  Non- 
conformist school  of  theology.  The  author  died  iu  1696. — See  the  Mevimr  prefixed  to 
Jmmamiel. 


OF     RICHARD  BAXTKR. 


229 


occasioned,  can  not  by  the  daily  guards  of  soldiers  nor  by  the 
imprisoiunent  of  multiuides  be  restrained.  The  ministers  that 
were  silenced  for  Nonconformity,  had  ever  since  1GG2  done 
their  work  very  privately  and  to  a  few:  not  so  much  through 
their  tiniorousncss,  as  their  loathness  to  offend  the  king,  and  in 
hope  that  their  forbearance  might  procure  them  some  liberty, 
and  through  some  timorousness  of  the  people  that  would  hear 
them.  When  the  plague  grew  hot,  most  of  the  conformable 
ministers  fled,  and  left  their  flocks  in  the  time  of  their  extremity; 
whereupon  divers  Nonconformists,  pitying  the  dying  and  dis- 
tressed people,  who  had  none  to  call  the  impenitent  to  repent- 
ance, or  to  help  men  to  prepare  for  another  world,  or  to  com- 
fort them  in  their  terrors,  when  about  ten  thousand  died  in  a 
week,  resolved  that  no  obedience  to  the  laws  of  mortal  men 
whatsoever,  could  justify  them  in  neglecting  men's  souls  and 
bodies  in  such  extremities.  They,  therefore,  resolved  to  stay 
with  the  people,  and  to  go  into  the  forsaken  pulpits,  though  pro- 
hibited, and  to  preach  to  the  poor  people  before  the}'  died;  also 
to  visit  the  sick  and  get  what  relief  they  could  for  the  poor,  es- 
pecially those  that  were  shut  up. 

"Those  who  set  upon  this  work  were,  Mr.  Thomas  Vincent, 
late  minister  in  Milk-street,i  with  some  strangers  that  came 
thither  after  they  were  silenced;  as  Mr.  Chester,  Mr.  Janeway, 
Mr.  Turner,  Mr.  Grimes,  Mr.  Franklin,  and  some  others.  Often 
those  heard  diem  one  day,  who  were  sick  the  next,  and  quickly 
dead.  The  face  of  death  did  so  awaken  both  the  preachers 
and  the  hearers,  that  preachers  exceeded  themselves  in  lively, 
fervent  preaching,  and  the  people  crowded  constantly  to  hear 
them.  All  was  done  with  great  seriousness,  so  that  through  the 
blessing  of  God,  abundance  were  converted  from  their  careless- 
ness, impenilency,  and  youthful  lusts  and  vanities;  and  religion 
took  such  a  hold  on  many  hearts,  as  could  never  afterwards  be 
loosed."" 

(q)  Vincent  piihlislied  in  1667,  a  work,  enlilled  'God's  Terrible  Voice  in  the  City 
by  Plague  and  Fire,'  founded  on  these  two  awful  calamities,  hoth  of  which  he  had 
witnessed.  He  remained  in  the  city,  preaching  with  great  fervor  and  effect  during 
the  whole  time  of  the  plague.  It  came  into  the  house  in  which  he  resided,  and  look 
off  three  persons,  liul  he  escape<l  alive.  The  name  of  such  a  man,  and  of  those  who 
acted  with  him,  deserve  to  he  preserved  in  an  imperishable  record.  He  died  ai  Hox- 
ton,  in  1671  —Catamij.  ii.  32. 

(r)  'De  Foe's  Journal  of  the  Plague  Year,'  though  written  as  a  fiction,  but  yet  no 
fiction,  gives  the  best  account  of  this  tremendous  calamity  which  we  liave.  It  is 
only  to  be  regretted  that  what  is  fact  and  what  is  fiction,  are  so  miiigled  together 
that  it  is  impossible  to  separate  them.  While  the  description  is  not  more  terrible  than 
the  reality,  and  many  of  the  narratives  are  probably  descriptive  of  real  occurrences, 
the  book  cannot  be  used  as  authority.  There  are  some  affecting  notices  of  it  in  the 
'Diary  of  Pepys;'  and  several  letters  are  given  by  Ellis  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his 
second  series  of  'Original  Letters,  illustrative  of  English  History,'  relative  lo  it. 
They  are  by  the  Rev.  Stephen  Bingand  Dr.  Tillotson,  and  addressed  to  Dr.  Sancroft, 
then  dean  of  Si  Paul's.  It  appears  from  them  that  the  Bishop  of  London  threatened 
those  of  his  clergy  who  had  deserted  their  flocks,  in  consequence  of  the  plague,  that  if 
they  did  not  return  to  their  charges  speedily,  he  would  put  others  in  their  places. 


230 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


"Whilst  God  was  consuming  tiie  people  by  these  judgments, 
and  the  Nonconformists  were  laboring  to  save  men's  souls,  the 
parliament,  which  sat  at  Oxford,  whither  the  king  removed 
from  the  danger  of  the  plague,  was  busy  with  an  act  of  con- 
finement to  make  the  silenced  ministers' case  incomparably  hard- 
er than  it  was  before,  by  putting  upon  them  a  certain  oath,  which 
if  they  refused,  they  must  not  come,  except  on  the  road,  within 
five  miles  of  any  city,  or  of  any  corporation,  or  any  place  that 
sendeth  burgesses  to  the  parliament;  or  of  any  place  wherever 
they  had  been  ministers,  or  had  preached  since  the  Act  of  Ob- 
livion. So  little  did  the  sense  of  God's  terrible  judgments,  or 
of  the  necessities  of  many  hundred  thousand  ignorant  souls,  or 
the  groans  of  the  poor  people  for  the  teaching  which  they  had 
lost,  or  the  fear  of  the  great  and  final  reckoning,  affect  the 
hearts  of  the  prelatists,  or  stop  them  in  their  way.  The  chief 
promoters  of  this  among  the  clergy  were  said  to  be  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  and  Dr.  Seth  Ward,  the  bishop  of  Salis- 
bury. One  of  the  greatest  adversaries  of  it  in  the  Lord's 
House,  was  the  Earl  of  Soutliampton,  lord  treasurer  of  Eng- 
land, a  man  who  had  ever  adhered  to  the  king,  but  understood 
the  interest  of  his  country  and  of  humanity.  It  is,  without  con- 
tradiction, reported  that  he  said  no  honest  man  would  take  that 
oath.'  The  lord  chancellor  Hyde,  also,  and  the  rest  of  the 
leaders  of  that  mind  and  way,  promoted  it,  and  easily  procur- 
ed it  to  pass  the  houses,  notwithstandmg  all  that  was  said 
against  it. 

"By  this  act,  the  case  of  the  ministers  was  made  so  hard, 
that  many  thought  themselves  obliged  to  break  it,  not  only  by 
the  necessity  of  their  office,  but  by  a  natural  impossibility  of 
keeping  it,  unless  they  should  murder  themselves  and  their 
families."  * 

The  oath  imposed  on  them  by  the  act  was  as  follows: 
"I,  A.  B.,  do  swear  that  it  is  not  lawful,  upon  any  pretence 
whatsoever,  to  take  arms  against  the  king;  and  that  I  do 
abhor  that  traitorous  position  of  taking  arms  by  his  authority 
against  his  person,  or  against  those  that  are  commissioned  by 
him,  in  pursuance  of  such  commission:  and  that  I  will  not,  at 
any  time,  endeavor  any  alteration  of  the  government,  either  in 
church  or  state."  " 

We  are  at  a  loss  which  most  to  be  astonished  at — the  impiety, 
the  folly,  or  the  cruelty  of  the  men  who  could  impose  this  oath. 

(si  Burnet  tells  u?,  Soutliampton  spoke  vehemenlly  against  the  bill,  and  saifl  "lie 
could  take  no  such  oath  himself;  how  firm  soever  he  had  always  been  to  the  church, 
as  things  were  man;iged  he  did  not  know  but  he  himself  might  see  cause  to  endeavor 
an  alteration." — Own  Times,  vol.  i.  p.  329.  Soulhampton  was  a  very  able  man, 
exemplary  in  private  life,  and  of  invincible  integrity  in  his  public  conduct.  He  died 
in  1667. 

(t)  Life,  partiii.pp.  1—3.  (u)  Ibid.  p.  4. 


OF    KU'HAKl)  BAXTER. 


231 


They  could  not  suppose  that  rehgious  men  would  p;encrally  take 
it;  they  must  dierelbre  have  contemplated  the  iiilliction  of  the 
most  grievous  wrongs  on  some  of  the  best  friends  of  die  coun- 
try. It  was  carried  through  the  House  of  Lords  chiefly  by 
the  influence  of  the  archbisliop  and  die  lord  chancellor.  In 
the  House  of  Commons,  an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  to 
insert  the  word  "legally"  before  "commissioned;"  but  tlie  bill 
passed  without  a  division,  the  lawyers  declaring  that  the  word 
"legally"  must  be  understood.  Some  Nonconformist  minis- 
ters took  the  oath  on  this  construction:  but  the  far  greater 
number  refused.  Even  if  they  could  have  borne  the  solemn 
assertion  of  the  principles  of  passive-obedience  in  all  possible 
cases,  their  consciences  revolted  from  a  pledge  to  endeavor  no 
kind  of  alteration  in  church  or  state;  an  engagement,  in  its 
extended  sense,  irreconcilable  with  their  religious  principles, 
and  with  the  civil  duties  of  Englishmen.  Yet,  to  quit  the  towns 
where  they  had  long  been  connected,  and  where  alone  they  had 
friends  and  disciples,  for  a  residence  in  country  villages,  was  an 
exclusion  from  the  ordinary  means  of  subsistence.  The  Church 
of  England  had,  doubtless,  her  provocations;  but  she  made 
retaliation  much  more  than  commensurate  to  the  injury.  No 
severity  comparable  to  this  cold-blooded  persecution  had  been 
inflicted  by  the  late  powers,  even  in  the  ferment  and  fury  of  a 
civil  war.'' 

Baxter  submitted  the  consideration  of  the  oath  to  his  kind 
friend,  Serjeant  Fountain,  with  a  series  of  queries,  to  which  that 
learned  person  replied  at  considerable  length.  The  answers, 
however,  could  by  no  means  satisfy  Baxter  that  it  was  lawful 
to  take  the  oath  the  reasons  for  which  he  assigns  with  his  usual 
minuteness. 

"The  act  which  imposed  this  oath,"  he  says,  "openly  accused 
the  nonconformable  ministers,  or  some  of  them,  of  seditious  doc- 
trine, and  such  heinous  crimes,  wherefore,  when  it  first  came 
out,  I  thought  that  at  such  an  accusation  no  innocent  persons 
should  be  silent;  especially  when  Papists,  strangers,  and  poster- 
ity, may  think  that  a  recorded  statute  is  a  sufficient  history  to 
prove  us  guilty;  and  the  concernments  of  the  Gospel,  and  our 
callings,  and  men's  souls,  are  herein  touched.  I  therefore  drew 
up  a  profession  of  our  judgment  about  the  case  of  loyalty,  and 
obedience  to  kings  and  governors;  and  the  reasons  why  we  re- 
fused the  oath.  But  reading  it  to  Dr.  Seaman,  and  some  others 
wiser  than  myself,  they  advised  me  to  cast  it  by,  and  to  bear  all 
in  silent  patience;  because  it  was  not  possible  to  do  it  so  fully 
and  sincerely  but  that  the  malice  of  our  adversaries  would  make 
an  ill  use  of  it,  and  turn  it  all  against  ourselves:  and  the  wise 


(x)  Hallam's  constitutional  History,  vol  ii.  p.  i74. 


232 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


Statesmen  laughed  at  me  for  thinking  that  reason  would  be  re- 
garded by  such  men  as  we  had  to  do  with,  and  would  not  ex- 
asperate them  the  more." ' 

Sheldon  determined  to  execute  the  act  as  strictly  as  possible, 
and  therefore,  on  the  7th  of  July,  1G65,  orders  were  issued  to 
the  several  bishops  in  the  province  of  Canterbury,  requiring 
among  other  things,  a  return  of  the  names  of  all  the  ejected  min- 
isters, with  their  place  of  abode,  and  manner  of  life.  The  re- 
turns of  the  several  bishops  are  said  to  be  still  preserved  in  the 
Lambeth  library. 

"After  this,  the  ministers  finding  the  pressure  of  this  act  so 
heavy,  and  the  loss  likely  to  be  so  great  to  cities  and  corpora- 
tions, some  of  them  studied  how  to  take  the  oath  lawfully.  Dr. 
Bates  being  much  in  favor  with  the  Lord  Keeper  Bridgman.* 
consulted  with  him,  who  promised  to  be  at  the  next  sessions,  and 
there,  on  the  bench,  to  declare  openly  that,  by  endeavor,  to 
change  the  church  government,  was  meant  unlawful  endeavor; 
which  satisfying  him,  he  thereby  satisfied  others,  who,  to  avoid 
the  imputation  of  seditious  doctrine,  were  willing  to  go  as  far  as 
they  durst;  and  so  twenty  ministers  came  in  at  the  sessions,  and 
took  the  oath."  ^ 

Dr.  Bates'  reasons  for  taking  the  oath  may  be  seen  in  the 
letter  which  he  addressed  to  Baxter  on  the  occasion;  but  the 
reasoning  of  Baxter  seems  fully  to  justify  his  declining  to  do  so. 
The  oath  was  a  wicked  device,  to  ensnare  and  injure  the  minis- 
ters; and  those  of  them  who  took  it,  even  with  the  Lord  Keeper 
Bridgman's  explanation,  that  only  seditious  endeavors  were 
meant,  seem  not  to  have  added  to  their  reputation  among  the 
people. 

"The  plague  which  began  at  Acton,  July  29,  1G65,  having 
ceased  on  the  first  of  the  following  March,  I  returned  home,  and 
found  the  church-yard  like  a  ploughed  field,  with  graves,  and 
many  of  my  neighbors  dead;  but  my  house,  near  the  church- 
yard, uninfected,  and  that  part  of  my  family  which  I  left  there 
all  safe,  through  the  great  mercy  of  God,  my  merciful  pro- 
tector. 

"On  the  second  of  September,  1666,  after  midnight,  London 
was  set  on  fire;  next  day  the  Exchange  was  burnt,  and,  in  three 
days,  almost  all  the  city  within  the  walls,  and  much  without 

(y)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  13.  (z)  Calamy  vol.  i.  p.  313. 

(a)  Sir  Orlando  Bridgman  was  a  son  of  the  Bishop  of  Cliesicr.  Soon  after  the 
Restoration,  he  was  made  lord  chief  liaron  of  the  Exchequer,  and,  a  few  months  after, 
was  removed  to  the  Common  Pleas,  in  which  he  presided  with  great  dignity.  He 
possessed  sufficient  integrity  for  the  high  office  of  lord  keeper,  but  not  sufficient  firm- 
ness for  the  difficulties  which  belonged  to  it  He  is  said,  however,  to  have  lost  the 
office  for  refusing  to  affix  the  seal  to  the  king's  unconstitutional  declaration  for  liberty 
of  conscience.  He  wished,  as  will  afterwards  be  seen,  the  comprehension  of  the  Dis- 
senters in  the  church,  but  was  opposed  to  the  toleration  of  Popery. 

(b)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  13.  (c)  Ibid.  p.  14. 


OF    RICHAlll)  HAXTKlt. 


233 


them.  The  season  had  been  exceeding  dry  before,  and  the 
wind  m  the  east  when  the  fire  began.  Tlio  people  having  none 
to  conduct  them  aright,  could  do  nothing  to  resist  it,  but 
stand  and  see  their  houses  burn  widiout  remedy,  the  engines  be- 
ing presently  out  of  order,  and  useless.  The  streets  were 
crowded  with  people  and  carts,  to  carry  away  what  goods  they 
coidd  get  out;  they  that  were  most  active  and  befriended  by 
tlieir  wealth,  got  carts  and  saved  much,  and  the  rest  lost  almost 
all.  The  loss  in  houses  and  goods  is  scarcely  to  be  valued,  and 
among  die  rest,  the  loss  of  books  was  an  exceeding  great  detri- 
ment to  the  interests  of  piety  and  learning.  Mostly  all  the  book- 
sellers in  St.  Paul's  Church-yard  brought  their  books  into  vaults 
under  St.  Paul's  church,  where  it  was  thouglit  almost  impossi- 
ble that  fire  should  come.  J3ut  the  church  itself  taking  fire,  die 
exceeding  weight  of  the  stones  falling  down,  did  break  into  the 
vauh,  and  let  in  the  fire,  and  ihey  could  not  come  near  to  save 
the  books.  The  library  of  Sion  college  was  burned,  and  most 
of  the  libraries  of  ministers,  conformable  and  nonconformable,  in 
the  city;  witli  the  libraries  of  many  Nonconformists  of  the  coun- 
try, which  had  lately  been  brought  up  to  the  city.  I  saw  the 
half-burnt  leaves  of  books  near  my  dwelling  at  Acton,  six  miles 
from  London;  but  others  found  them  near  Windsor,  twenty 
miles  distant. 

"At  last  the  seamen  taught  tiiem  to  blow  up  some  of  the 
houses  with  gunpowder,  which  stopped  the  fire,  though  in  some 
places  it  stopped  as  wonderfully  as  it  had  proceeded,  without  any 
known  cause.  It  stopped  at  Holborn-bridge,  and  near  St.  Dun- 
stan's  church,  in  Fleet-street;  at  St.  Sepulchre's  church,  when 
the  church  was  burnt;  at  Christ's  church,  when  it  was  burnt; 
and  near  Aldersgate  and  Cripplegate,  and  other  places  at  the 
city  wall.  In  Austin-Friars,  the  Dutch  church  stopped  it,  and 
escaped;  in  Bishopsgate-sireet,  and  Leadenhall-street,  and  Fen- 
church-street,  in  the  midst  of  the  streets  it  stopped  short  of  the 
Tower:  and  all  beyond  the  river,  escaped. 

"Thus  was  the  best,  and  one  of  the  fairest  cities  in  the  world 
turned  into  ashes  and  ruins  in  three  days'  s|:)ace,  with  many 
scores  of  churches,  and  the  wealth  and  necessaries  of  the  inhab- 
itants. It  was  a  sight  which  might  have  given  any  man  a  lively 
sense  of  the  vanity  of  this  world,  and  of  all  its  wealth  and  glory, 
and  of  the  future  conflagration,  to  see  the  flames  mount  towards 
heaven,  and  proceed  so  furiously  without  restraint;  to  see  the 
streets  filled  with  people  so  astonished  that  many  had  scarcely 
sense  left  them  to  lament  their  own  calamity;  to  see  the  fields 
filled  with  heaps  of  goods,  costly  furniture,  and  household  stuff, 
while  sumptuous  buildings,  warehouses,  and  furnished  shops  and 
libraries,  &c.,  were  all  on  flames,  and  none  durst  come  near  to 
secure  any  thing;  to  see  the  king  and  nobles  ride  about  the 

VOL.  I.  30 


234 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


streets,  beholding  all  these  desolations,  and  none  could  afford 
the  least  relief;  to  see  the  air,  as  far  as  could  be  beheld,  so  filled 
with  the  smoke,  that  the  sun  shined  through  it  with  a  color  like 
blood;  yea,  even  when  it  was  setting  in  the  west,  it  so  appeared 
to  them  that  dwelt  on  the  west  side  of  the  city.  But  the  dole- 
fullest  sight  of  all  was  afterwards,  to  see  what  a  ruinous,  confused 
place  the  city  was,  by  chimneys  and  steeples  only  standing  in 
the  midst  of  cellars  and  heaps  of  rubbish;  so  that  it  was  hard  to 
know  where  the  streets  had  been;  and  dangerous,  for  a  long 
time,  to  pass  through  the  ruins,  because  of  vaults,  and  fire  in 
them.  No  man  that  seeth  not  such  a  thing  can  have  a  right 
apprehension  of  the  dreadfulness  of  it." 

Baxter  seems  to  have  been  fully  convinced  that  the  fire  was 
caused  by  the  emissaries  of  Popery.  In  this  belief  he  was  not 
alone;  and  many  circumstances  afforded  some  ground  at  the 
time  for  entertaining  it.''  It  it  highly  probable,  however,  not- 
withstanding the  testimony  of  "London's  tall  pillar,"  that  it  was 
a  groundless  prejudice,  excited  by  hatred  of  the  Catholics,  and 
the  apprehensions  of  danger  from  them  with  which  multitudes 
were  then  haunted.  Among  the  individuals  who  distinguished 
themselves  by  their  exertions  to  relieve  the  distresses  occasioned 
by  this  frightful  calamity,  were  Mr.  Henry  Ashurst  and  Mr. 
Gouge.  Baxter  bears  the  following  honorable  testimony  to 
their  benevolent  exertions. 

"The  most  famous  person  in  the  city,  who  purposely  addicted 
himself  to  works  of  mercy,  was  ray  very  dear  friend  Mr.  Henry 
Ashurst,  a  draper,  a  man  of  the  primitive  sort  of  Christians  for 
humility,  love,  blamelessness,  meekness,  doing  good  to  all  as  he 
was  able,  especially  needy,  silenced  ministers,  to  whom,  in 
Lancashire  alone,  he  allowed  one  hundred  pounds  per  annum; 
and  in  London  was  most  famous  for  their  succor  and  for  doing 
hurt  to  none.  His  care  was  now  to  solicit  the  rich  abroad,  for 
the  relief  of  the  poor,  honest  Londoners.  Mr.  Thomas  Gouge, 
the  silenced  minister  of  Sepulchre's  parish,  son  to  Dr.  William 
Gouge,  was  such  another  man,  who  made  works  of  charity  a 
great  part  of  the  business  of  his  life:  he  was  made  the  treasurer 
of  a  fund  collected  for  this  purpose.  Once  a  fortnight  they 
called  a  great  number  of  the  needy  together  to  receive  their 
alms.  I  went  once  with  Mr.  Ashurst  to  his  meeting  to  give 
them  an  exhortation  and  counsel,  as  he  gave  them  alms,  and  saw 
more  cause  than  I  was  sensible  of  before,  to  be  thankful  to  God, 
that  I  never  much  needed  relief  from  others. 

(d)  Life,  pai  l  i.  pp.  98 — 100.  Pepys  has  preserved  some  interesting  memorials  of 
this  second  dire  calamity  which  bel'el  the  city  of  London  within  two  years.  Calamy, 
then  drooping,  was  driven  tlirough  t)ie  ruins,  afterthe  fire  had  been  e.'itinguished,  and 
it  is  said  was  so  affected  by  the  sight,  that  he  went  home  and  never  lelt  his  house 
again  till  he  died,  which  was  shortly  after. — Ca/a?ni/,  vol.  ii.  p.  7. 

(c)  See  'Slate  Trials/  vol.  vi.,  Burnei,  i.  pp.  336—341;  Hallam,  vol.  ii.  512. 


OF   RICHARD  BAXTER. 


235 


"It  was  not  the  least  observable  thins;  in  the  time  of  the  fire, 
and  afliM-  it,  considering  the  late  wars,  the  inultilndo  of  disband- 
ed soldiers,  and  the  great  s;rief  and  discontent  of  tlie  Londoners 
for  the  silencinf?  and  banishing  of  their  pastors,  that  tiiere  were 
heard  no  passionate  words  of  discontent,  or  dishonor  against 
their  governors;  even  when  their  enemies  had  so  often  accused 
them  of  seditious  inclinations,  and  when  extremity  might  possi- 
bly have  made  them  desperate. 

"Some  good,  however,  rose  out  of  all  these  evils:  the 
churches  being  burnt,  and  the  parish  ministers  gone,  for  want  of 
places  and  maintenance,  the  Nonconformists  were  now  more 
resolved  than  ever  to  preach  till  they  were  Imprisoned.  Dr. 
Manton  had  his  rooms  full  in  Convent  Garden;  Mr.  Thomas 
Vincent,  Mr.  Thomas  Doolittle,  Dr.  Samuel  Annesly,  Mr. 
Wadsworth,  Mr.  Janeway  at  Rotherliithe,  Mr.  Chester,  Mr. 
Franklin,  Mr.  Turner,  Mr.  Grimes,  Mr.  Nathaniel  Vincent, 
Dr.  Jacomb  in  the  Countess  of  Exeter's  house,  and  Mr.  Thomas 
Watson,  &c.,  all  kept  their  meetings  very  openly,  and  prepared 
large  rooms,  and  some  of  them  plain  chapels,  with  pulpits,  seats, 
and  galleries,  for  the  reception  of  as  many  as  could  come.  The 
people's  necessity  was  now  unquestionable.  They  had  none 
other  to  hear,  save  in  a  few  churches  that  would  hold  no  con- 
siderable part  of  them;  so  that  to  forbid  them  to  hear  the  Non- 
conformists, was  all  one  as  to  forbid  them  all  public  worship;  to 
forbid  them  to  seek  heaven  when  they  had  lost  almost  all 
that  they  had  on  earth;  to  take  from  them  their  spiritual  comforts, 
after  all  their  outward  comforts  were  gone.  They  thought  this 
a  species  of  cruelty  so  barbarous,  as  to  be  mibeseeming  any 
man  who  would  not  own  himself  to  be  a  devil.  But  all  this  lit- 
tle moved  the  ruling  prelates,  saving  that  shame  restrained  them 
from  imprisoning  the  preachers  so  hotly  and  forwardly  as  before. 
The  Independents  also  set  up  their  meetings  more  openly  than 
formerly.  Mr.  Griffiths,  Mr.  Brooks,  Mr.  Caryl,  Mr.  Barker, 
Dr.  Owen,  Mr.  Philip  Nye,  and  Dr.  Thomas  Goodwin,  who 
were  their  leaders,  came  to  the  city.  So  that  many  of  the  citi- 
zens went  to  those  meetings  called  private,  more  than  went  to 
the  public  parish  churches. 

"At  the  same  time  it  also  happily  fell  out  that  the  parish 
churches  which  were  left  standing  had  the  best  and  ablest  of  the 
Conformists  in  them;  especially  Dr.  Stillingfleet,  Dr.  Tillotson, 
Mr.  White,  Dr.  Outram,  Dr.  Patrick,  Mr.  Giftbrd,  Dr.  Whitch- 
cot,  Dr.  Horton,  Mr.  Nest,  &c.  So  that  the  moderate  class  of 
the  citizens  heard  either  sort  in  public  and  private  indifferently; 
whilst  those  on  the  one  extreme  reproached  all  men's  preaching 
save  their  own,  as  being  seditious  conventicles;  and  those  on 
the  other  extreme  would  hear  none  that  did  conform;  or  if  any 


236 


THE    I,IFF.   AND  TIMF.S 


heard  them,  they  would  not  join  in  the  common  prayers  or  the 
sacraments."*" 

Baxter's  account  of  these  Conformists  is  creditable  to  his  can- 
dor, and  shows  his  willingness  to  do  justice  to  men  of  all  de- 
scriptions. The  individuals  whom  he  mentions  were  doubtless 
men  highly  respectable  both  for  character  and  talents;  but  they 
were  the  principal  means  of  introducing  into  the  pulpits  of  the 
established  church,  that  cold,  inaccurate,  and  imperfect  mode  of 
preaching  the  Gospel  which  characterised  even  the  respectable 
part  of  the  clergy  for  more  than  a  century.  In  the  writings  of 
Tillotson,  Stillingfleet,  and  men  like  them,  the  leading  doctrines, 
such  as  the  Trinity,  the  atonement  of  Christ,  the  work  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  &ic.,  are  clearly  stated;  with  much  important  argu- 
ment on  the  truth  of  Christianity,  and  the  duty  of  all  to  receive 
and  obey  it.  But  in  vain  do  we  look  to  their  discourses,  with 
those  of  their  successors,  for  correct  and  striking  views  of  the 
grace  of  the  gospel,  or  of  justification  by  faith  alone;  and  much 
less  do  we  find  warm  and  pungent  appeals  to  the  conscience  and 
the  heart.  They  were  afraid  of  being  thought  puritanical,  and 
enthusiastic.  They  studied  to  reconcile  the  world  to  the  Gos- 
pel, by  modifying  its  statements,  and  endeavoring  to  meet,  by 
cautious  approaches,  the  enmity  of  the  human  heart  to  Christ 
and  godliness.  The  effect  of  this  style  of  preaching  has  been 
exceedingly  injurious. 

"About  this  time,  the  talk  of  liberty  of  conscience  was  re- 
newed: whereupon  many  wrote  for  it,  especially  Mr.  John  Hum- 
fries,  and  Sir  Charles  Wolsley;  and  many  wrote  against  it,  as 
Dr.  Perinchef,  and  others,  mostly  without  names.  The  Con- 
formists were  now  grown  so  hardened,  as  not  only  to  do  all  them- 
selves that  was  required  of  them,  but  also  to  think  themselves 
sufficient  for  the  whole  ministerial  work  through  the  land;  and 
not  only  to  consent  to  the  silencing  of  their  brethren,  but  also  to 
oppose  their  restitution,  and  write  most  vehemently  against  it, 
and  against  any  toleration  of  them.  So  little  do  men  know, 
when  they  once  enter  into  an  evil  way,  where  they  shall  stop. 
Not  that  it  was  so  with  all,  but  with  too  many,  especially  with 
most  of  the  young  men,  that  were  of  pregnant  wits,  and  ambi- 
tious minds,  and  set  themselves  to  seek  preferment. 

"On  this  account,  a  great  number  of  those  who  were  called 
Latitudinarians  began  to  change  their  temper,  and  to  contract 
some  malignity  against  those  that  were  much  more  religious  than 
themselves.  At  first  they  were  only  Cambridge  Arminians,  and 
some  of  them  not  so  much;  and  were  much  for  new  and  free 
philosophy,  and  especially  for  De  Cartes,  and  not  at  all  for  any 
thing  ceremonious.    Being  not  so  strict  in  their  theology  or  way 


(f)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  17— 19. 


OF   RICHARD  liAXTER. 


237 


of  piety  as  some  others,  they  thought  that  conformity  was  too 
small  a  matter  to  keep  them  out  of  the  ministry.  But  after- 
wards, many  of  them  grew  into  such  a  distaste  of  th.e  weakness 
of  many  serious  Christians,  who  would  have  some  harsh  phrases 
in  prayer,  preaching,  and  discourse,  that  thence  they  seemed  to 
be  out  of  love  with  their  very  doctrine,  and  their  manner  of  wor- 
shipping God."  8^ 

After  noticing  the  burning  of  London,  the  loss  and  disgrace 
sustained  by  the  country  from  the  Dutch,  who  sailed  up  the 
Thames  in  Triumph,  Baxter  says: — 

"The  parliament  at  last  laid  all  upon  the  lord  chancellor  Hyde: 
and  the  king  was  content  it  should  be  so.  Whereupon  many 
speeches  were  made  against  him,  and  an  impeachment  or  charge 
brought  in  against  him,  and  vehemently  urged.  Among  other 
things,  it  was  alleged  that  he  counselled  the  king  to  rule  by  an 
army,  which  many  thought,  bad  as  he  was,  he  was  the  chief 
means  of  hindering.  To  be  short,  when  they  had  first  sought 
his  life,  at  last  it  was  concluded  that  his  banishment  should  satisfy 
for  all;  and  so  he  was,  by  an  act  of  parliament,  banished  during 
his  life.  The  sale  of  Dunkirk  to  the  French,  and  a  great  comely 
house  which  he  had  newly  buik,  increased  the  displeasure  that 
was  against  him:  but  there  were  greater  causes  which  I  must 
not  name. 

"It  was  a  notable  providence  that  this  man,  who  had  been  the 
great  instrument  of  state,  and  had  dealt  so  cruelly  with  the  Non- 
conformists, should  thus,  by  his  own  friends,  be  cast  out  and 
banished,  while  those  that  he  had  persecuted  were  the  most 
moderate  in  his  cause,  and  many  of  them  for  him.  It  was  a 
great  ease  that  befel  good  people  throughout  the  land  by  his 
dejection.  For  his  way  had  been  to  decoy  men  into  conspira- 
cies, or  to  pretend  plots,  upon  the  rumor  of  which  the  innocent 
people  of  many  counties  were  laid  in  prison;  so  that  no  man 
knew  when  he  was  safe.  Since  then  the  laws  have  been  made 
more  and  more  severe,  yet  a  man  knoweth  a  little  better  what 
to  expect,  when  it  is  by  a  law  that  he  is  to  be  tried.  It  is  also 
notable  that  he,  who  did  so  much  to  make  the  Oxford  law  for 

(g)  Life,  pari  iii.  pp.  19,  20.  The  Latitudinarians  spoken  of  by  Baxter,  were  such 
men  as  More,  Worlhington,  Whitchcot,  Ciidworth,  Will<ins,  mostly  of  Cambridge, 
■who  joined  with  the  others  of  whom  we  have  already  spoken,  in  introducing  a  very 
inefficient  mode  of  preaching  into  the  established  church.  They  endeavored  to  ex- 
amine all  the  principles  of  morality  and  religion  on  philosophical  principles,  and  to 
maintain  them  by  the  reason  of  things.  They  declared  against  superstition  on  the 
one  hand,  and  enthusiasm  on  the  other.  They  were  attached  to  the  constitution  and 
forms  of  the  church;  but  moderate  in  their  opposition  to  those  who  dissented  from  it. 
They  were  mostly  Arminians  of  the  Dutch  school,  hut  admitted  of  a  considerable 
latitude  of  sentiment,  both  in  philosophy  and  theology.  On  this  account,  they  ob- 
tained the  name  which  Baxter  assigns  to  them.  They  were,  in  fact,  low  churchmen 
of  Arminian  principle?;  moderate  in  piety,  in  sentiment,  and  in  zeal.  Some  of  them, 
it  appears,  gradually  became  {to  use  a  phrase  well  understood  in  the  northern  part  oi" 
the  island)  "fierce  for  moderation."    See  'Burnet's  Own  Times,'  vol.  i.  p.  274. 


238 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


banishing  ministers  from  corporations  who  took  not  that  oath, 
doth,  in  his  letter  from  France,  since  his  banishment,  say,  that  he 
never  was  in  favor  since  the  parliament  sat  at  Oxford.'' 

"Before  this,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  being  at  the  head  of 
Clarendon's  adversaries,  had  been  overtopped  by  hini,  and  was 
fain  to  hide  himself,  till  the  Dutch  put  us  in  fear.  He  then  sur- 
rendered himself,  and  went  prisoner  to  the  Tower;  but  with 
such  acclamations  of  the  people,  as  was  a  great  discouragement 
to  the  chancellor;  the  duke  accordingly  was  quickly  set  at  lib- 
erty. Whereupon,  as  the  chancellor  had  made  himself  tlie  head 
of  the  prelatical  party,  who  were  for  setting  up  themselves  by 
force,  and  suffering  none  that  were  against  them;  so  Bucking- 
ham would  now  be  the  head  of  all  those  parties  that  were  for 
hberty  of  conscience.  The  man  was  of  no  religion,  but  noto- 
riously and  professedly  lustful;  and  yet  of  greater  wit  and  parts, 
and  sounder  principles,  as  to  the  interests  of  humanity  and  the 
common  good,  than  most  lords  in  the  court.  Wherefore  he 
countenanced  fanatics  and  sectaries,  among  others,  without  any 
great  suspicion,  because  he  was  known  to  be  so  far  from  them 
himself.  He  married  the  daughter  and  only  child  of  Lord  Fair- 
fax, late  general  of  the  parliament's  army,  and  became  his  heir 
hereby,  yet  was  he  far  enough  from  his  mind;  though  still  de- 
fender of  the  privileges  of  humanity.' 

"When  the  chancellor  was  banished.  Sir  Orlando  Bridgman 
was  made  lord  keeper:  a  man  who,  by  his  becoming  modera- 
tion to  the  Nonconformists,  though  a  zealous  patron  of  prelacy, 
got  himself  a  good  name  for  a  time.  At  first,  whilst  the  Duke 
of  Buckingham  kept  up  the  cry  for  liberty  of  conscience,  he 
seemed  to  comply  with  th^t  design,  to  the  great  displeasure  of 
the  ruling  prelates.    But  when  he  saw  that  the  game  would  not 

(h)  "The  estran2:ement  of  tlie  king's  favor  is  sufficient  to  occoiinl  for  Clareiulon's 
loss  of  power:  Ijiil  his  enlire  ruin  was  ralher  accomi^lisliefl  liy  a  strange  coalition  of 
enemies,  which  his  virtues,  or  his  errors  and  ioHrniiiles,  hacl  l)rought  into  union.  The 
Cavaliers  hated  him  on  account  of  llie  act  of  indemnit)',  and  the  Presbyterians 
for  that  of  uniformity.  Yet  the  laller  were  not  in  gfeneral  so  eager  in  his  prosecution 
as  the  others.  A  dislingnished  characteristic  of  Clarendon,  had  lieen  his  firmness, 
called,  indeed,  by  most,  pride  and  olistinacy,  which  no  circumstances,  no  perils, 
seemed  likely  to  bend.  But  his  siiirit  sunk  all  at  once  with  his  fortune.  Clinging  loo 
long  lo  office,  and  cheating  himself,  agaiu'it  ah  probability,  with  a  hope  of  his  mas- 
ter's kindness, when  he  had  lost  his  confidence,  heabandojied  ihiU  dignified  philosophy, 
which  ennoiiles  a  voluntary  retirement,  that  stern  courage  which  innocence  ought  to 
inspire;  and  hearkening  to  the  king's  treacherous  counsels,  fled  before  his  enemies 
into  a  foreign  country." — Hallati<.  vol.  ii.  pp.  494 — '^3.  Ellis  has  given  a  letter  from 
Charles  to  the  Duke  of  Oi  inond,  i  i  which  he  assigns  as  the  reason  for  depriving  Clar- 
endon of  the  seals,  "that  his  boliavioi  and  humor  had  grown  so  unsupporlabic  to 
himself,  anil  to  all  the  world  else,  that  he  could  not  longer  endure  it." — OriqinnI  Let- 
ters, second  series,  vol.  iv.  pp.  38 — 40.  Clarendon  deserved  all  that  befel  him;  but 
the  conduct  of  his  royal  master  to  him  was  base  and  ungrateful. 

fi)  All  who  are  conversant  with  the  times  of  C^harles  II..  are  familiar  with  the  char- 
acter of  Villiers,  duke  of  riuckingham.  Gay,  witty,  and  profligate,  he  was  a  fit 
servant  of  such  a  master.  He  was  the  alchemist  and  the  philsopher,  the  fiddler  and 
the  poet,  the  mimic  and  the  statesman.  In  the  last  capacity,  Baxter  seems  to  have 
had  a  better  opinion  of  his  principles  than  he  was  entitled  to. 


OF   RICirAKD  BAXTER. 


239 


go  on,  he  turned  as  zealous  the  otlicr  way,  and  vvliolly  servf^d 
the  prelatical  interest;  yet  was  he  not  much  vahied  by  cidier 
side,  but  taken  for  an  uncertain,  timorous  man.  Hij^h  places, 
great  business  and  difliculties,  do  so  try  men's  abilities  and  their 
morals,  that  many,  who  in  a  low  or  middle  station  acquired  and 
kept  up  a  great  name,  do  quickly  lose  it,  and  grow  despised 
and  reproached  persons,  when  exaltation  and  trial  h  ive  made 
them  known;  besides  that,  as  in  prosperous  times  the  chief 
state  ministers  are  praised,  so  in  evil  and  suffering  times  they 
bear  the  blame  of  what  is  amiss. 

"When  die  Duke  of  Buckingham  came  first  into  this  high 
favor,  he  was  looked  on  as  the  chief  minister  of  state,  instead 
of  the  chancellor,  and  showed  himself  openly  for  toleration,  or 
liberty  for  all  parties,  in  matters  of  God's  worship.  Others 
also  then  seemed  to  look  that  way,  thinking  that  the  king  was 
for  it.  Whereupon  those  who  were  most  against  it  grew  into 
seeming  discontent.  The  bishop  of  Winchester,  Morley,  was 
put  out  of  his  place,  as  dean  of  the  chapel  royal,  and  Bishop 
Crofts,  of  Hereford,  who  seemed  then  to  be  for  moderation, 
was  put  into  it.  But  it  was  not  long  till  Crofts,  was  ehher  dis- 
couraged, or,  as  some  said,  upon  the  death  of  a  daughter,  for 
grief  left  both  it  and  the  court;  ^  the  Bishop  of  Oxford  was 
brought  into  his  place,  and  Dr.  Crew,  the  son  of  that  wise  and 
pious  man  the  Lord  Crew,  was  made  clerk  of  die  closet.' 

"At  the  same  time,  the  ministers  of  London,  who  had  ven- 
tured to  keep  open  meetings  in  their  houses,  and  preached  to 
great  numbers  contrary  to  the  law,  were,  by  the  king's  favor, 
connived  at:  so  that  the  people  went  openly  to  hear  them  with- 
out fear.  Some  imputed  this  to  the  king's  own  inclination  to 
liberty  of  conscience;  some  to  the  Duke  of  Buckingham's 
prevalency;  and  some  to  the  Papists'  influence,  who  were  for 
liberty  of  conscience,  for  their  own  interest.  But  others  thought 
that  the  Papists  were  really  against  liberty  of  conscience,  and 
did  rather  desire  that  the  utmost  severities  might  ruin  the  Puri- 
tans, and  cause  discontents  and  divisions  among  ourselves,  till 
we  had  broken  one  another  all  into  pieces,  and  turned  all  into 
such  confusion  as  might  advantage  them  to  play  a  more  success- 
ful game  than  ever  toleration  was  likely  to  be.  Whatever  was 
the  secret  cause,  it  is  evident  that  the  great  visible  cause,  was 
the  burning  of  London,  and  the  want  of  churches  for  the  peo- 

(k)  Burnet  says,  "Crofts  was  a  warm,  devout  man,  but  of  no  discretion  in  his  con- 
duct; so  he  lost  ground  quickly.  He  usfd  much  freedom  with  the  king;  but  it  was  in 
the  wrong  place,  not  in  private,  but  in  llie  pulpit  '' — Own  Times,  vol.  i.  p.  379. 

(1)  Crow,  who  was  afterwards  raised  (o  the  bishopric  of  Durham,  was  vain, ambi- 
tious, unsteady,  and  insincere;  more  compliant  with  all  tlie  measures  of  court,  than  any 
of  his  brethren.  He  was  regarded.  Granger  says,  as  the  grand  inquisitor  in  the  reign  of 
James  II.;  in  whose  fate  he  very  nearly  shared,  as,  at  the  revolution,  he  was  excepted 
from  the  act  of  indemnity;  but  he  afterwards  obtained  a  pardon  through  the  influence 
chiefly  of  Dr.  Bates.— JSh-c/i's  Life  of  Tillotson,  pp.  137,  138. 


240 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


plOjito  meet:  it  being,  at  the  first,  a  tiling  too  gross,  to  forbid  an 
undone  people  all  public  worship,  with  too  great  rigor;  and  if 
they  had  been  so  forbidden,  poverty  had  left  so  little  to  lose  as 
would  have  made  them  desperately  go  on.  Therefore  some 
thought  all  this  was  to  make  necessity  seem  a  favor. 

"Whatever  was  the  cause  of  the  connivance,  it  is  certain  that 
the  country  ministers  were  so  much  encouraged  by  the  bold- 
ness and  liberty  of  those  in  London,  that  they  did  the  like  in 
most  parts  of  England,  and  crowds  of  the  most  religiously-in- 
clined people  were  their  hearers.  Some  few  got,  in  the  way  of 
travelling,  into  pulpits  where  they  were  not  known,  and  the  next 
day  went  away  to  another  place.  This,  especially  with  the 
great  discontents  of  the  people,  for  their  manifold  payments, 
and  of  cities  and  corporations  for  the  great  decay  of  trade,  and 
breaking  and  impoverishing  of  many  thousands,  by  the  burning 
of  the  city;  together  whh  the  lamentable  weakness  and  badness 
of  great  numbers  of  tlie  ministers,  that  were  put  into  the  Non- 
conformists' places,  did  turn  the  hearts  of  most  of  die  common 
people  in  all  parts  against  the  bishops  and  their  ways,  and  in- 
clined them  to  the  Nonconformists,  though  fear  restrained  men 
from  speaking  what  they  thought,  es[)ecially  tlie  richer  sort. 

"In  January,  1668,  I  received  a  letter  from  Dr.  Manton, 
that  Sir  John  Babor  told  him  it  was  the  lord  keeper's  desire  to 
speak  with  him  and  me,  about  a  comprehension  and  toleration. 
On  coming  to  London,  Sir  John  Babor  told  me,  that  the  lord 
keeper  spake  to  him  to  bring  us  to  him  for  the  aforesaid  end, 
as  he  had  certain  proposals  to  offer  us;  that  many  great  cour- 
tiers were  our  friends  in  the  business,  but  that,  to  speak  plainly, 
if  we  would  carry  it,  we  must  make  use  of  such  as  were  for  a 
toleration  of  the  Papists  also.  He  demanded  how  we  would 
answer  the  common  question.  What  will  satisfy  you'?  I  an- 
swered him  that  other  men's  judgments  and  actions,  about  the 
toleration  of  the  Papists,  we  had  nothing  to  do  with  at  this  time; 
for  it  was  no  work  for  us  to  meddle  in.  But  to  this  question, 
we  were  not  so  ignorant  whom  we  had  to  do  with,  as  to  expect 
full  satisfaction  of  our  desires  as  to  church  affairs.  The  answer 
must  be  suited  to  the  sense  of  his  question:  and  if  we  knew 
their  ends,  what  degree  of  satisfaction  they  were  minded  to 
grant,  we  would  tell  them  what  means  are  necessary  to  attain 
them.  There  are  degrees  of  satisfaction,  as  to  the  number  of 
persons  to  be  satisfied;  and  there  are  divers  degrees  of  satisfy- 
ing the  same  persons.  If  they  will  take  in  all  orthodox,  peace- 
able, worthy  ministers,  the  terms  must  be  larger.  If  they  will 
take  in  but  the  greater  part,  somewhat  less  and  harder  terms 
may  do  it.  If  but  a  few,  yet  less  may  serve:  for  we  are  not  so 
vain  as  to  pretend  that  all  Nonconformists  are,  in  every  particu- 
lar, of  one  mind. 


OF   RICHARD  HAXTER. 


241 


"Wlien  vvc  came  to  the  lord  keeper,  we  resolved  to  tell  him 
that  Sir  John  Babor  told  us  his  lordship  desired  to  speak  with 
us,  lest  it  should  be  after  said,  that  we  intended,  or  were  the 
movers  of  it;  or  lest  it  had  been  Sir  John  Babor's  forwardness 
that  had  been  the  cause.  He  told  us  why  he  sent  for  us;  that 
it  was  to  think  of  a  way  of  our  restoration;  to  which  end  he 
had  some  proposals  to  offer  us,  whicli  were  for  a  comprehension 
for  the  Presbyterians,  and  an  indulgence  for  the  Independents 
and  the  rest.  We  asked  him  whether  it  was  his  lordship's 
pleasure  that  we  should  offer  him  our  opinion  of  the  means,  or 
only  receive  what  he  offered  to  us.  He  told  us,  that  he  had 
somewhat  to  offer  us,  but  we  might  also  offer  our  own  to  him. 
I  told  him,  that  I  did  think  we  could  offer  such  terms,  which, 
while  no  way  injurious  to  the  welfare  of  any,  might  take  in 
both  Presbyterians  and  Independents,  and  all  sound  Christians, 
into  the  established  ministry.  He  answered,  that  was  a  thing 
he  would  not  have;  but  only  a  toleration  for  the  rest;  which 
being  none  of  our  business  to  debate,  we  desired  him  to  con- 
sult such  persons  about  it  as  were  concerned  in  it;  and  so  it  was 
agreed  that  we  should  meddle  with  the  comprehension  only. 
A  few  days  after  he  accordingly  sent  us  his  proposals. 

"When  we  saw  the  proposals,  we  perceived  that  the  business 
of  the  lord  keeper,  and  his  way,  would  made  it  unfit  for  us  to 
debate  such  cases  with  himself;  and  therefore  we  wrote  to  him, 
requesting  that  he  would  nominate  two  learned,  peaceable 
divines  to  treat  with  us,  till  we  had  agreed  on  the  fittest  terms; 
and  that  Dr.  Bates,  might  be  added  to  us.  He  nominated  Dr. 
Wilkins,  who,  we  then  found,  was  the  author  of  the  proposals, 
and  of  the  whole  business, and  his  chaplain,  Mr.  Burton." 
When  we  met,  we  tendered  them  some  proposals  of  our  own, 
and  some  alterations  which  we  desired  in  their  proposals;  for 
they  presently  rejected  ours,  and  would  hear  no  more  of  them; 
so  that  we  were  fain  to  treat  upon  theirs  alone."" 

According  to  the  heads  of  agreement  which  had  been  entered 
into  between  the  parties  in  private,  a  bill  was  prepared  for  par- 
liament by  Lord  Chief  Justice  Hale;  but  Bishop  Wilkins,  an 
honest  and  open-hearted  man,  having  disclosed  the  affair  to 

(m)  Bisliop  Wilkins  was  one  of  tlie  best  members  of  llie  episcopacj-  during  his 
lime.  His  character  as  a  philosopher  is  well  known;  his  moderation  as  a  churchman 
appears  from  his  conduct  in  the  aH'air  of  the  comprehension,  which  failed  from  no 
want  of  firmness  and  principle  in  hmi,  but  from  the  violence  of  the  his;h-church  party. 

(n)  Dr.  Hezekiali  Ikn  ton  was  chaplain  to  the  lord  keeper,  and  a  person  of  great 
respectability.  Beside  the  persons  engaged  in  this  afTair  mentioned  by  Baxter,  it  ap- 
pears that  Tillotson  and  Stillingfleet  were  also  concerned  in  it. — Birch's  Life  of  Til- 
lotson,  p.  42. 

(o)  l,ife,  part  iii.  pp.  20 — 21.  Hallam  says,  "The  design  was  to  act  on  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  declaration  of  1660,  so  that  Presbyterian  ordination  should  pass  sub  modo. 
Tillotson  and  Stillingfleet  were  concerned  in  it.  The  king  was  at  this  time  exasper- 
ated against  the  bishops  for  their  support  of  Clarendon." — Constitutional  Hist.  vol. 
ii.  p.  506. 

VOL.   I.  31 


242 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


Bishop  Ward,  in  hope  of  his  assistance,  he  alarmed  the  bishops; 
who,  instead  of  promoting  the  design,  concerted  measures  to 
defeat  it.  As  soon  as  parlimnent  met,  it  was  mentioned  that 
there  were  rumors  out  of  doors  that  a  bill  was  to  be  proposed 
for  comprehension  and  indulgence;  on  which  a  resolution  was 
passed,  that  no  man  should  bring  such  a  bill  into  the  House.!' 
To  crush  the  Nonconformists  more  effectually.  Archbishop 
Sheldon  wrote  a  circular  letter  to  the  bishops  of  his  province  to 
send  him  a  particular  account  of  the  conventicles  in  their  sev- 
eral dioceses,  and  of  the  numbers  that  frequented  them;  and 
whether  they  thought  they  might  be  easily  suppressed  by  the 
magistrate. 1  When  he  obtained  this  information,  he  went  to  the 
king  and  got  a  proclamation  to  put  die  laws  in  execution  against 
the  Nonconformists,  and  particularly  against  the  preachers,  ac- 
cording to  the  statute  which  forbade  their  living  in  corporate 
towns.'' 

This  treaty  not  only  shared  the  fate  of  all  former  treaties  of 
the  same  kind,  but  eventually  increased  the  sufferings  of  the  Non- 
conformists. It  amused  and  occupied  attention  for  a  time,  and 
then  came  to  nothing.  The  papers  given  in  showed  how  much 
the  Nonconformists  were  disposed  to  yield  for  the  sake  of  peace; 
but  they  were  ])erpetually  doomed  to  be  first  tantalized  and  then 
disappointed.  The  bishops,  who  ought  to  have  been  ministers 
of  peace  and  reconciliation,  were  generally  the  means  of  retard- 
ing or  preventing  them. 

"How  joyfully,"  says  Baxter,  "would  1400,  at  least,  of  the 
nonconformable  ministers  of  England  have  yielded  to  these 
terms  if  they  could  have  got  them!  But,  alas!  all  this  labor  was 
in  vain;  for  the  active  prelates  and  prclatists  so  far  prevailed, 
that  as  soon  as  ever  the  parliament  met,  they  prevented  all  talk 
or  motion  of  such  a  thing;  and  the  lord  keeper,  that  had  called 
us,  and  set  us  on  work,  himself  turned  that  way,  and  talked  after 
as  if  he  understood  us  not. 

(p)  "Sir  Tlinmas  Littleton  spoke  in  favor  of  the  oompreliension,  as  did  Seymour 
and  Waller;  all  of  tliein  enemies  of  Clarendon,  and  probably  eonnetted  with  the 
BuckinKbain  faction;  but  ibe  cluirch  pai  ly  was  nincb  too  siron;!!^  for  Ihein.  Pepys  says 
the  Commons  were  furious  against  the  project:  it  was  .said,  that  whoever  proposed 
new  laws  about  religion,  must  do  it  with  a  rope  about  his  neck. — January  10,  1668. 
This  is  the  first  instance  of  a  triumph  obtaijied  by  the  church  over  the  crown,  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  Ralph  observes  upon  it,  'It  is  not  lor  nought  that  the  words 
Church  and  State  are  so  often  coupled  togedier,  and  that  the  first  has  so  insolently 
usurped  the  precedency  of  the  last.'" — Uallam,  vo\.  ii.  p.  50G. 

(q)  It  is  said  there  were  private  instructions  given  to  some  of  the  clergy,  "to  make 
the  conventicles  as  few  and  inconsiderable  as  might  be;"  vvitli  which  they  were  re- 
quested to  answer  the  question,  "Whether  they  thought  they  might  be  easily  suppress- 
ed by  the  assistance  oi'  the  civil  magistrate'/" — 7/ic  Coiiforinisl's  Flea  for  Noncon- 
formists, part  i.  p.  40. 

(r)  Neal,  vol.  iv.  pp.  385,  SUfi.  Neal  gives  a  full  detail  of  the  nature  of  the  terms 
proposed  in  this  treaty,  to  which  the  reader  may  easily  refer,  if  he  wishes  to  enter 
more  minutely  into  the  subject. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


243 


"In  April,  1GG8,  Dr.  Crcigliton,  dean  of  Wells,  the  most  fa- 
mous loquacious,  ready-tongtied  preacher  of  the  court,  who  was 
used  to  preach  Calvin  to  hell,  and  the  Calvinisls  to  the  gallows, 
and  by  his  scornful  revilings  and  jests,  to  set  the  court  on  a  laugh- 
ter, was  suddenly,  in  the  pulpit,  without  any  sickness,  sui  prised 
with  astonishment,  worse  than  Dr.  South,  the  Oxford  orator,  had 
been  before  hini.  When  he  had  repeated  a  sentence  over  and 
over,  he  was  so  confounded  that  he  could  go  no  further  at  all, 
and  was  fain,  to  all  men's  wonder,  to  come  down.  His  case  was 
more  wonderful  than  almost  any  other  man's,  being  not  only  a 
fluent  extempore  speaker,  but  one  that  was  never  known  to  want 
words,  especially  to  express  his  satirical  or  bloody  thoughts. 

"In  July,  Mr.  Taverner,  late  minister  of  Uxbridge,  was  sen- 
tenced to  Newgate,  for  teaching  a  few  children  at  Brentford,  but 
paying  his  fine  prevented  it.  Mr.  Button,  of  Brentford,  a  most 
humble,  worthy,  godly  man,  who  never  had  been  in  orders,  or  a 
preacher,  but  had  been  canon  of  Christ's  church,  in  Oxford, 
and  orator  to  the  University,  was  sent  to  gaol  for  teaching  two 
knight's  sons  in  his  house,  not  having  taken  the  Oxford  oath. 
Many  of  his  neighbors,  of  Brentford,  were  sent  to  the  same 
prison  for  worshipping  God  in  private  together,  whei-e  they  all 
lay  many  months.  I  name  these  because  they  were  my  neigh- 
bors, but  many  counties  had  the  like  usage:  yea.  Bishop  Crofts, 
that  had  pretended  great  moderation,  sent  Mr.  Woodward,  a 
worthy,  silenced  minister,  of  Herefordshire,  to  gaol  for  six 
months.  Some  were  imprisoned  upon  the  Oxford  Act,  and 
some  on  the  Act  against  Conventicles. 

"In  September,  Colonel  Phillips,  a  courtier  of  the  bed-cham- 
ber, and  my  next  neighbor,  who  spake  to  me  fair,  complained 
to  the  king  of  me,  for  preaching  to  great  numbers;  but  the  king 
put  it  by,  and  nothing  was  done  at  that  time. 

"About  this  time.  Dr.  Manton,  being  nearest  the  court,  and  of 
great  name  among  the  Presbyterians,  and  being  heard  by  many 
of  great  quality,^  was  told  by  Sir  John  Babor  that  the  king  was 
much  uiclined  to  favor  the  Nonconformists,  that  an  address  now 
would  be  acceptable,  and  that  the  address  must  be  a  thankful 
acknowledgment  of  the  clemency  of  his  majesty's  government, 

(s)  Dr.  Manton  was  a  person  of  very  excellent  character  nnd  talents  as  a  minister; 
and  seems  to  have  enjoyed  a  considerable  portion  of  po|)u!arity.  He  had  a  good 
deal  of  intercourse  with  the  king,  and  could  number  among-  his  hearers  many  of  tlie 
nobility.  If  we  may  attach  any  importance  to  Clarendon's  joke,  and  a  good  plump 
portrait,  we  should  regard  Manton  as  a  remarkably  pleasant,  good-lujnpered,  easy 
man.  Such  probably  he  was;  but  he  was  far  from  being  a  timid,  or  a  time-serving, 
courtier.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  a  man  of  invincible  integrity  and  principle,  com- 
bined with  great  prudence,  which  were  put  to  the  test  on  various  occasions  m  his  life. 
He  was  a  very  voluminous  preacher,  as  some  of  his  published  works  prove.  Lord 
Bolingbroke  appears  to  have  been,  in  early  life,  one  of  his  hearers,  who  says,  "He 
taught  uiy  youth  to  yawn,  and  prepared  me  to  be  a  high  churchman,  that  1  might 
never  hear  him  read  or  read  him  more."  See  his  life,  prefixed  to  his  sermons  on  the 
119th  Psalm;  Granger's  Biog.  Hist.;  and  Palmer's  Noncon.  Mem. 


244 


THE    LIFE   AND  TIMES 


and  the  liberty  which  we  thereby  enjoy,  &c.  Accordingly,  they 
drew  up  an  address  of  thanksgiving,  and  I  was  invited  to  join  in 
the  presenting  of  it,  but  not  in  the  penning,  for  I  had  marred 
their  matter  oft  enough:  but  I  was  both  sick  and  unwilling,  hav- 
ing been  often  enough  employed  in  vain.  I  told  them,  however, 
only  of  my  sickness;  so  Dr.  Manton,  Dr.  Bates,  Dr.  Jacomb, 
and  Mr.  Ennis,  presented  it."' 

The  address  of  the  ministers  was  most  graciously  received; 
and  Charles  on  this,  as  on  many  other  occasions,  played  the 
hypocrite  very  successfully."  " 

"But  after  all  this,"  says  Baxter,  "we  were  as  before.  The 
talk  of  liberty  did  but  occasion  the  writing  many  bitter  pamph- 
lets against  toleration.  Among  others,  they  gathered  out  of  mine 
and  other  men's  books  all  that  we  had  there  said  against  liberty 
for  Popery,  and  for  Quakers  railing  against  the  ministers  in  open 
congregations,  which  they  applied  as  against  a  toleration  of  our- 
selves; for  the  bare  name  of  toleration  did  seem  in  the  people's 
ears  to  serve  their  turn  by  signifying  the  same  thing.  Because 
we  had  said  that  men  should  not  be  tolerated  to  preach  against 
Jesus  Christ  and  the  Scriptures,  they  would  thence  justify  them- 
selves for  not  tolerating  us  to  preach  for  Jesus  Christ,  unless  we 
would  be  deliberate  liars,  and  use  all  their  inventions.  Those 
same  men,  who,  when  commissioned  with  us  to  make  such  alter- 
ations in  the  liturgy  as  were  necessary  to  satisfy  tender  con- 
sciences, did  maintain  that  no  alteration  was  necessary  to  satisfy 
them,  and  did  moreover,  contrary  to  all  our  importunity,  make 
so  many  new  burdens  of  their  own  to  be  anew  imposed  on  us, 
had  now  little  to  say  but  that  they  must  be  obeyed,  because  they 
were  imposed."  " 

We  cannot  but  sympathise  with  the  Nonconformists  in  the 
treatment  diey  experienced;  and  yet  those  of  them  who  had  con- 
tended for  a  limhed  toleration,  were  scarcely  entided  to  complain 
when  they  found  their  own  weapons  turned  against  themselves. 
The  parties  who  did  so,  however,  had  no  great  ground  for  boast- 
ing, for  the  doctrine  of  toleration  they  nehher  understood  nor 
acted  on,  except  while  they  were  themselves  tolerated.  Among 
those  who  distinguished  themselves  in  writing  against  the  minis- 
ters, were,  Dr.  Patrick  in  his  'Friendly  Debate  between  a  Con- 
formist and  a  Nonconformist,'  which  was  answered  by  several 
writers;  and  Samuel  Parker,  whose  'Ecclesiastical  Polity'  called 
forth  the  weight  of  Owen's  displeasure,  and  the  pungency  of 
Marvel's  wit.    But  the  controversial  affairs  of  the  period,  we 

|t)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  36. 

(u)  Dr.  Manton,  in  a  letter  to  Baxter,  g-ives  him  an  account  of  the  reception  which 
they  experienced  from  his  majesty,  and  of  the  reference  which  Charles  made  to  his 
preaching  at  Acton;  the  popularity  of  which  seems  not  to  have  been  acceptable  to 
the  higher  powers. — Life,  part  iii.  p.  37. 

(X)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  38.  39. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


245 


must  defer  to  a  subsequent  part  of  this  work,  and  return  to 
Baxter's  narrative. 

"Wliile  I  lived  at  Acton,  as  long  as  the  act  agninst  conventi- 
cles was  in  force,  though  I  preached  to  my  family,  few  of  the 
town  came  to  hear  me;  partly  because  they  thought  it  would 
endanger  me,  and  partly  for  fear  of  suffering  themselves,  but 
especially  because  tliey  were  an  ignorant  poor  people,  and  had 
no  appetite  for  such  things.  When  the  act  expired,  there  came 
so  many,  that  I  wanted  room;  and  when  once  they  had  come 
and  heard,  they  afterwards  came  constantly;  insomuch,  that  in  a 
little  time,  there  was  a  great  number  of  them,  who  seemed  very 
seriously  affected  with  the  things  they  heard,  and  almost  all  the 
town  and  parish,  besides  abundance  from  Brentford  and  the 
neighboring  parishes,  came;  and  I  know  not  of  three  in  the 
parish  that  were  adversaries  to  us  or  our  endeavors,  or  wished 
us  ill."y 

It  was  while  residing  at  Acton,  that  Baxter  first  became  ac- 
quainted with  Sir  Matthew  Hale,  then  lord  chief  baron  of  the 
Exchequer,  and  one  of  the  most  eminent  men  for  integrity  and 
worth  in  his  profession,  as  well  as  for  pure  and  enlightened  views 
as  a  Christian,  whom  this  country  has  been  honored  to  produce. 
As  Baxter  has  drawn  his  character  at  large  with  considerable 
power,  die  reader,  I  am  sure,  will  be  glad  to  have  it  placed 
before  him. 

"He  was  a  man  of  no  quick  utterance,  but  spake  with  great 
reason.  He  was  most  precisely  just;  insomuch  that,  I  believe, 
he  would  have  lost  all  he  had  in  the  world  rather  than  do  an 
unjust  act.  Patient  in  hearing  the  most  tedious  speech  which 
any  man  had  to  make  for  himself.  The  pillar  of  justice,  the 
refuge  of  the  subject  who  feared  oppression,  and  one  of  the 
greatest  honors  of  his  majesty's  government;  for,  with  some 
other  upright  judges,  he  upheld  the  honor  of  the  English  nation, 
that  it  fell  not  into  the  reproach  of  arbitrariness,  cruelty,  and 
utter  confusion.  Every  man  that  had  a  just  cause,  was  almost 
past  fear,  if  he  could  but  bring  it  to  the  court  or  assize  where  he 
was  judge;  for  the  other  judges  seldom  contradicted  him.  He 
was  the  great  instrument  for  rebuilding  London:  for  when  an 
act  was  made  for  deciding  all  controversies  that  hindered  it,  he 
was  the  constant  judge,  who,  for  nothing,  followed  the  work,  and, 
by  his  prudence  and  justice,  removed  a  multitude  of  great  im- 
pediments. 

"His  great  advantage  for  innocency  was,  that  he  was  no  lover 
of  riches  or  of  grandeur.  His  garb  was  too  plain;  he  studiously 
avoided  all  unnecessary  familiarity  with  great  persons,  and  all 


(y)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  46. 


246 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


that  manner  of  living  wliich  signifieth  wealth  and  greatness. 
He  kept  no  greater  a  family  than  myself.  I  lived  in  a  small 
house,  which,  for  a  pleasant  back  opening,  he  had  a  mind  to; 
but  caused  a  stranger,  that  he  might  not  be  suspected  to  be 
the  man,  to  know  of  me  whether  I  were  willing  to  part  with 
it,  before  he  would  meddle  with  it.  In  that  house  he  lived 
contentedly,  without  any  pomp,  and  without  costly  or  trouble- 
some retinue  or  visitors;  but  not  without  charity  to  the  poor. 
He  continued  the  study  of  physics  and  mathematics  still,  as  his 
great  delight.  He  hath  himself  written  four  volumes  in  folio, 
three  of  which  I  have  read,  against  atheism,  Sadduceism,  and 
infidelity,  to  prove  first  the  Deity,  and  then  the  immortality  of 
man's  soul,  and  then  the  truth  of  Christianity,  and  the  Holy 
Scripture,  answering  the  infidel's  objections  against  Scripture. 
It  is  strong  and  masculine,  only  too  tedious  for  impatient 
readers.  He  said,  he  wrote  it  only  at  vacant  hours  in  his  cir- 
cuits, to  regulate  his  meditations,  finding  that  while  he  wrote 
down  what  he  thought  on,  his  thoughts  were  the  easier  kept 
close  to  work,  and  kept  in  a  method.  But  I  could  not  persuade 
him  to  publish  them. 

"The  conference  which  I  had  frequently  with  him,  mostly 
about  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  and  other  philoso[)hical  and 
foundation  points,  was  so  edifying,  that  his  very  questions  and 
objections  did  help  me  to  more  light  than  other  men's  solutions. 
Those  who  take  none  for  religious,  who  frequent  not  private 
meetings,  fee,  took  him  for  an  excellently  righteous,  moral 
man:  but  I,  who  heard  and  read  his  serious  expressions  of  the 
concernments  of  eternity,  and  saw  his  love  to  all  good  men, 
and  the  blamelessness  of  his  life,  thought  better  of  his  piety  than 
my  own.  When  the  people  crowded  in  and  but  of  my  house  to 
hear,  he  openly  showed  me  so  great  respect  before  them  at  the 
door,  and  never  spake  a  word  against  it,  as  was  no  small  en- 
couragement to  the  common  people  to  go  on;  though  the  other 
sort  muttered  that  a  judge  should  seem  so  far  to  countenance 
that  which  they  took  to  be  against  the  law.  He  was  a  great 
lamenter  of  the  extremities  of  the  times,  and  of  the  violence 
and  foolishness  of  the  predominant  clergy;  and  a  great  desirer  of 
such  abatements  as  might  restore  us  all  to  serviceableness  and 
unity.  He  had  got  but  a  very  small  estate,  though  he  had  long 
the  greatest  practice,  because  he  would  take  but  little  money, 
and  undertake  no  more  business  than  he  could  well  dispatch. 
He  often  offered  to  the  lord  chancellor  to  resign  his  place, 
when  he  was  blamed  for  doing  that  which  he  supposed  was 
justice.  He  had  been  the  learned  Selden's  intimate  friend,  and 
one  of  his  executors;  and  because  the  Hobbians,  and  other 
infidels  would  have  persuaded  the  world  that  Selden  was  of  their 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


247 


mind,'  I  desired  him  to  tell  me  the  trulli  therein.  He  assured  me 
tliat  Seidell  was  an  earnest  professor  of  the  Christian  faith,  and 
so  angry  an  adversary  to  Hohbcs,  that  he  hath  rated  iiim  out  of 
the  room."  ' 

Such  is  Baxter's  account  of  this  distinguished  man,  whose 
moral  worth  threw  a  glory  over  his  high  prolessional  attainments, 
and  rendered  him  an  eminent  blessing  to  his  country.  Unfor- 
tunately, few  of  the  clergy  were  like  this  ornament  to  the  law, 
either  in  religious  character,  or  in  peaceable  disi)osition.  Very 
difierent,  for  example,  was  the  clergyman  of  the  parish  in  which 
Judge  Hale  and  Baxter  resided.  The  conduct  of  this  individual 
brought  Baxter  into  such  trouble,  that  1  must  leave  him  to  de- 
scribe both  his  character  and  his  behavior. 

"The  parson  of  this  parish  was  Dr.  Ryves,  dean  of  Windsor 
and  of  Wolverhampton,  parson  of  Hasely  and  of  Acton,  chap- 
lain in  ordinary  to  the  king,  &ic.  His  curate  was  a  weak  young 
man,  who  spent  most  of  his  time  in  the  ale-houses,  and  read  a 
few  dry  sentences  to  the  people  once  a  day.  Yet,  because  he 
preached  true  doctrine,  and  I  had  no  better  to  hear,  I  constantly 
heard  him  when  he  preached,  and  went  to  the  beginning  of  the 
common  prayer.  As  my  house  faced  the  church  door,  and  was 
within  hearing  of  it,  those  that  heard  me  before,  went  with 
me  to  the  church;  scarcely  three,  that  I  know  of,  in  the  parish 
i-efusing.  When  1  preached,  after  the  public  exercise,  they  went 
out  of  the  church  into  my  house.  Jt  pleased  the  doctor  and 
parson,  that  I  came  to  church  and  brought  others  with  me,  but 
he  was  not  able  to  bear  the  sight  of  people  crowding  into  my 
house,  though  they  heard  him  also;  so  that  though  he  spake  me 
fair,  and  we  lived  in  seeming  love  and  peace  while  he  was  there, 
yet  he  could  not  long  endure  it.  When  I  had  brought  the  people 
to  church  to  hear  him,  he  would  fall  upon  them  with  groundless 

(z)  I  am  at  a  loss  lo  understand  on  what  grounds  the  class  of  persons  to  whom  Baxter 
refers,  could  claim  SeUIen  as  one  of  them.  I  suspect  the  insinuation  must  have 
originated  with  the  high-cliurch  party,  to  whoso  claims  Seldcn  was  certainly  no  friend. 
His  attack  on  the  divine  riijht  of  tithes,  the  piiiiliculiou,  not  the  doctrine  of  which  he 
retracted,  gave  great  offence  to  the  church.  His  Erastianism,  in  regard  to  church 
government,  made  him  unacceptable  to  the  Presbyterians;  while  his  Jokes  at  the 
expense  of  the  Westminster  Asseinhly,  of  which  he  was  a  lay  member,  probably  ren- 
dered his  serious  piety  a  Irltle  doubtful.  Nothing  in  his  writings,  however,  can  induce 
any  one  to  suppose  that  Selden  was  either  infidel  or  sceptical  in  his  notions  of  religion; 
but  more  firmness  of  character  than  he  appears  to  have  possessed,  would  have  greatly 
increased  the  lustre  of  his  eminent  talents  and  profound  learning. 

(a)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  47,  4f!.  Kishop  liuruei  published  an  interesting  little  volume, 
'The  Life  and  Death  of  Sir  iVIallhew  liale,'  which  confirms  all  that  Baxter  has  said  of 
his  illustrious  friend.  Burnet  was  not  himself  acquainted  u  iih  Hale,  but  does  great 
justice  to  his  character.  He  mentions  that  -'he  held  great  conversation  with  Mr.  Ba.v- 
ter  who  was  his  neighbor  at  Acion;  on  whom  he  looked  as  a  person  of  great  devotion 
and  piety,  and  of  a  very  subtile  and  quick  apprehension.  'I'heir  conversation  lay- 
most  in  metaphysical  and  abstracted  ideas  and  schemes." — p.  4.^.  Burnet  concludes 
his  memoirs  of  the  judge  by  saying,  "He  was  one  of  the  greatest  patterns  this  age  has 
aflbrded,  whether  in  his  private  deportment  as  a  Christian,  or  in  his  public  employ- 
ments either  at  the  bar,  or  on  the  bench." — p.  128.  A  second  edition  of  this  life  was 
accompanied  with  notes  by  Baxter. 


248 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


reproaches;  as  if  he  had  done  it  purposely  to  drive  them  away, 
and  yet  he  thought  that  my  preaching  to  them,  because  it  was 
in  a  house,  did  all  the  mischief;  though  he  never  accused  me  of 
any  thing  that  1  spake,  for  I  preached  nothing  but  Christianity 
and  submission  to  our  superiors,  faith,  repentance,  hope,  love, 
humility,  self-denial,  meekness,  patience,  and  obedience. 

"He  was  the  more  offended,  because  I  came  not  to  the  sacra- 
ment with  him;  though  I  communicated  in  the  other  parish 
churches  in  London  and  elsewhere.  I  was  loth  to  offend  him, 
by  giving  him  the  reason;  which  was,  that  he  was  commonly 
reputed  a  swearer,  a  curser,  a  railer,  &lc.  In  those  tender  times, 
it  would  have  been  so  great  an  offence  to  the  Congregational 
brethren,  if  I  had  communicated  with  him,  and  perhaps  have 
hastened  their  sufferings  who  durst  not  do  the  same,  that  I 
thought  it  would  do  more  harm  than  good."  ^ 

It  is  a  pity  Baxter  did  not  put  his  refusal  to  communicate 
with  such  a  man,  on  a  better  footing  than  merely  that  of  giving 
offence  to  his  brethren.'^  An  individual  acting  in  a  manner  so 
openly  profane,  ought  not  to  have  been  countenanced  as  a  re- 
ligious teacher  by  any  Christian.  It  is,  indeed,  difficult  to  con- 
ceive how  Baxter  could  reconcile  himself  even  to  hear  such  a 
man,  and,  by  his  example,  to  influence  others  to  do  the  same; 
when  we  reflect  on  his  strong  views  of  the  mischief  and  sin- 
fulness of  countenancing  ungodly  ministers.  His  love  of  peace, 
and  desire  to  prevent  schism  in  the  established  church,  were  the 
impelling  motives,  which,  in  this  instance,  certainly  carried  him 
too  far. 

"At  Wolverhampton,  in  Staffordshire,  where  Ryves  was  dean, 
were  abundance  of  Papists  and  violent  formalists.  Amongst 
whom  was  one  Brasgirdle,  an  apothecary,  who,  in  conference 
with  Mr.  Reynolds  (an  able  preacher  there  silenced  and  turned 
out,)  by  his  bitter  words,  tempted  him  into  so  much  indiscre- 
tion as  to  say,  that  the  Nonconformists  were  not  so  contemp- 
tible for  number  and  quality  as  he  made  them;  that  most  of 
the  people  were  of  their  mind;  that  Cromwell,  though  an  usur- 
per, had  kept  up  England  against  the  Dutch;  and  that  he  mar- 

(b)  Life,  part  iir.  pp.  46,  47. 

(c)  The  account  wliicli  Baxter  gives  of  the  conduct  of  Dean  Ryves  corresponds 
accurately  with  the  opinion  which  we  should  have  formed  of  him  from  some  of  his 
writings.  He  was  a  violent  royalist;  and  as  he  had  suffered  for  his  principles  during 
the  civil  wars,  he  probably  thought  himself  justified  in  retaliating  on  the  Noncon- 
formists. His  'Mercurius  Rusticus,  or  the  Country's  Complaint  of  the  barbarous 
outrages  committed  by  the  Sectaries  of  this  late  flourishing  Kingdom,'  contains  some 
curious  accounts  of  the  battles,  sieges,  and  combats,  between  Ihe  king's  and  the  par- 
liament's forces,  to  the  year  1646.  lie  represents  the  treaty  of  the  royal  party  to  have 
been,  in  many  instances,  intolerably  severe,  which  was  probably  the  case.  His  ac- 
count of  the  treatment  of  the  sectaries,  is,  I  apprehend,  a  good  deal  aggravated.  The 
'Querela  Cantabrigensis,'  which  is  commonly  ascribed  to  him,  is  also  ascribed  to 
Dr.  John  Barwick  —See  'Life  of  Barwick,  pp.  32,  33.  Dr.  Ryves  died  in  1677,  in 
the  81st  year  of  his  age. 


OK    RICHARD  UAXTKll. 


249 


veiled  ho  would  be  so  hoi  against  private  meetings,  when 
at  Acton  the  dean  sufi'ei-ed  tlieai  at  the  next  door.  Having 
this  advantage,  Brasgirdle  writeth  all  this,  greatly  aggravated, 
to  the  dean.  The  dean  hastens  away  with  it  to  the  king,  as  if 
it  were  the  discovery  of  treason.  Mr.  Reynolds  is  questioned, 
hut  the  justices  of  tlie  county  to  whom  it  was  referred,  upon 
iiearing  of  the  business,  found  mere  imprudence  heightened  to  a 
crime,  and  so  released  him.  lJut  before  this  could  be  done,  the 
king,  exasperated  by  the  name  of  Cromwell,  and  other  unad- 
vised words,  as  the  dean  told  me,  bid  him  go  to  the  Bishop  of 
London  from  him,  and  bid  him  see  to  the  suppression  of  my 
meeting,  which  was  represented  to  jiim  as  mucli  greater  than  it 
was.  Whereupon,  two  justices  were  chosen  for  tlieir  turn  to  do 
it.  One  Ross,  of  Brentford,  a  Scotsman,  and  one  Phillips,  a 
steward  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury." 

In  consequence  of  this  complaint,  a  warrant  was  granted  to 
bring  Baxter  before  the  justices  at  Brentford.  After  maintaining 
a  considerable  conflict  with  them,  in  which  tliey  treated  him  very 
indecorously,  he  was,  by  their  mittimus,  sent  to  Clerkenwell 
prison,  for  holding  a  conventicle,  not  having  taken  the  Oxford 
oath,  and  refusing  it  when  tendered  to  him. 

"They  would  have  given  me  leave  to  stay  till  Monday,  be- 
fore 1  went  to  gaol,  if  I  would  have  promised  them  not  to  preach 
the  next  Lord's  day,  which  I  refused.  This  was  made  a  hei- 
nous crime  against  me  at  the  court,  and  it  v/as  also  said  that  it 
could  not  be  out  of  conscience  that  I  preached,  else  why  did 
not  my  conscience  put  me  on  it  so  long  before?  Whereas  I  had 
ever  preached  to  my  own  family,  and  never  once  invited  any 
one  to  hear  me,  or  forbade  any;  so  that  the  difference  was  made 
by  the  people,  and  not  by  me.  If  they  came  more  at  last  than 
at  first,  before  they  had  heard  me,  that  signified  no  change  in 
me.  But  thus  must  we  be  judged  of,  where  we  are  absent,  and 
our  adversaries  present;  and  there  are  many  to  speak  against  us 
what  diey  please,  and  we  are  banished  from  cities  and  corpora- 
tions, and  cannot  speak  for  ourselves. 

"The  whole  town  of  Acton  were  greatly  exasperated  against 
the  dean,  when  I  was  going  to  prison;  so  much  so,  that  ever 
after  they  abhorred  him  as  a  selfish  persecutor.  Nor  could  he 
have  devised  to  do  more  to  hinder  the  success  of  his  seldom 
preaching  there;  but  it  was  his  own  choice, — 'Let  them  hate 
me,  so  they  fear  me.' 

"Thus  1  finally  left  that  place,  being  grieved  most  that  Satan 
had  prevailed  to  stop  the  poor  people  in  such  hopeful  beginnings 
of  a  common  reformation,  and  that  I  was  to  be  deprived  of  the 
exceeding  grateful  neighborhood  of  the  Lord  Chief  Baron  Hale, 


VOL.  I. 


(d)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  48. 

32 


250 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


who  could  scarce  refrain  from  tears  when  he  heard  of  the  first 
warrant  for  my  appearance. 

"As  I  went  to  prison,  I  called  on  Serjeant  Fountain,  my 
special  friend,  to  take  his  advice;  for  I  would  not  be  so  injurious 
to  Judge  Hale.  He  perused  my  mittimus,  and,  in  short,  advis- 
ed me  to  seek  for  a  habeas  corpus,  but  not  in  the  usual  court 
(the  King's  Bench),  for  reasons  known  to  all  that  knew  the 
judges;  nor  yet  in  the  Exchequer,  lest  his  kindness  to  me  should 
be  an  injury  to  Judge  Hale,  and  so  to  the  kingdom;  but  at  the 
Common  Pleas,  which  he  said  might  grant  it,  though  it  is  not 
usual. 

"My  greatest  doubt  was,  whether  the  king  would  not  take  it 
ill,  that  I  rather  sought  to  the  law  than  unto  him;  or  if  I  sought 
any  release  rather  than  continue  in  prison.  My  imprisonment 
was  at  present  no  great  suffering  to  me,  for  I  had  an  honest 
jailor,  who  showed  me  all  the  kindness  he  could.  I  had  a  large 
room,  and  the  liberty  of  walking  in  a  fair  garden.  My  wife  was 
never  so  cheerful  a  companion  to  me  as  in  prison,  and  was  very 
much  against  my  seeking  to  be  released.  She  had  brought  so 
many  necessaries,  that  we  kept  house  as  contentedly  and  com- 
fortably as  at  home,  though  in  a  narrower  room,  and  had  the 
sight  of  more  of  my  friends  in  a  day,  than  I  had  at  home  in  half 
a  year.  I  knew  also  that  if  I  got  out  against  their  will,  my  suf- 
ferings would  be  never  the  nearer  to  an  end.  But  yet,  on  the 
other  side,  it  was  in  the  extreme  heat  of  summer,  when  London 
was  wont  to  have  epidemical  diseases.  The  hope  of  my  dying 
in  prison,  1  have  reason  to  think  was  one  great  inducement  to 
some  of  the  instruments  to  move  to  what  they  did.  My  chamber 
being  over  the  gate,  which  was  knocked  and  opened  with  noise 
of  prisoners,  just  under  me  almost  every  night,  I  had  litde  hope 
of  sleeping  but  by  day,  which  would  have  been  likely  to  have 
quickly  broken  my  strength,  which  was  so  litde  that  I  did  but 
live.  The  number  of  visiters  daily,  put  me  out  of  hope  of  stu- 
dying, or  of  doing  any  thing  but  entertain  them.  I  had  neither 
leave  at  any  time  to  go  out  of  doors,  much  less  to  church  on  the 
Lord's  days,  nor  on  that  day  to  have  any  come  to  me,  or  to 
preach  to  any  but  my  family. 

"Upon  all  these  considerations  the  advice  of  some  was,  that  I 
should  petition  the  king.  To  this  I  was  averse;  and  my  coun- 
sellor, Serjeant  Fountain,  advised  me  not  to  seek  to  it,  nor  yet 
to  refuse  their  favor  if  they  offered  it,  but  to  be  wholly  passive 
as  to  the  court,  and  to  seek  my  freedom  by  law,  because  of  my 
great  weakness  and  the  probability  of  future  peril  to  my  life:  and 
this  counsel  I  followed. 

"The  Earl  of  Orrery,  I  heard,  did  earnestly  and  specially 
speak  to  the  king,  how  much  my  imprisonment  was  to  his  dis- 
service. The  Earl  of  Manchester  could  do  little  but  by  Lord 
Arlington,  who,  with  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  seemed  much 


OP  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


251 


concerned  in  it;  but  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  who  would  have 
been  most  forward,  had  he  known  the  king's  mind  to  be  other- 
wise, said  nothing.  So  all  my  great  friends  did  me  not  the  least 
service,  but  made  a  talk  of  it,  with  no  fruit  at  all.  The  mod- 
erate, honest  part  of  the  episcopal  clergy  were  much  offended, 
and  said  I  was  chosen  out  designedly  to  make  them  all  odious  to 
the  people.  But  Sir  John  Babor,  often  visiting  me,  assured  me 
that  he  had  spoken  to  the  king  about  it,  but  that,  after  all  had 
done  their  best,  he  was  not  willing  to  be  seen  to  relax  the  law 
and  discourage  justices  in  executing  it,  he;  but  that  his  majesty 
would  not  be  offended  if  I  sought  my  remedy  at  law,  which  most 
tliought  would  come  to  nothing. 

"While  I  was  thus  unresolved  which  way  to  take,  Sir  John 
Babor  desiring  a  narrative  of  my  case,  I  gave  him  one,  which  he 
showed  to  Lord  Arlington.  The  lord  chief  baron,  about  the 
same  time,  at  the  table  at  Serjeant's  Inn,  before  the  rest  of  the 
Judges,  gave  such  a  character  of  me,  without  fear  of  any  man's 
displeasure,  as  is  not  fit  for  me  to  own  or  recite.  He  was  so 
much  reverenced  by  the  rest,  who  were  every  one  strangers  to 
me,  save  by  hearsay,  that  I  believe  it  much  setded  these  resolu- 
tions. The  lord  chief  justice  Vaughan  was  no  friend  to  Non- 
conformity, or  Puritans;  but  he  had  been  one  of  Selden's  exec- 
utors, and  so  Judge  Hale's  old  acquaintance.  Judge  Tyrell 
was  a  well-affected,  sober  man,  and  Serjeant  Fountain's  brother- 
in-law  by  marriage,  and  sometime  his  fellow-commissioner  for 
keeping  the  great  seal  and  chancery.  Judge  Archer  was  one 
that  privately  favored  religious  people:  and  Judge  Wild,  though 
greatly  for  the  prelates'  w^ay,  was  noted  for  a  righteous  man. 
These  were  the  four  judges  of  the  court. 

"My  habeas  corpus  being  demanded  at  the  Common  Pleas, 
was  granted,  and  a  day  appointed  for  my  appearance.  When  I 
came,  the  judges,  I  believe,  having  not  before  studied  the  Ox- 
ford act,  when  Judge  Wild  had  first  said  I  hope  you  will  not 
trouble  this  court  with  such  causes,  asked  whether  the  king's 
counsel  had  been  acquainted  with  the  case,  and  seen  the  order 
of  the  court;  which  being  denied,  I  was  remanded  back  to  pri- 
son, and  a  new  day  set.  They  suffered  me  not  to  stand  at  the 
bar,  but  called  me  up  to  the  table,  which  was  an  unusual  respect; 
and  they  sent  me  not  to  the  Fleet,  as  is  usual,  but  to  the  same 
prison,  which  was  a  greater  favor. 

"When  I  appeared  next,  the  lord  chief  justice,  coming  to- 
wards Westminster  Hall,  went  into  Whitehall  by  the  way,  which 
caused  much  talk  among  the  people.  When  he  came,  Judge 
Wild  began,  and  having  showed  that  he  was  no  friend  to  con- 
venticles, opened  the  act,  and  then  opened  many  defaults  in  the 
mittimus,  for  which  he  pronounced  it  invalid;  but,  in  civility  to 
the  justices,  said,  that  the  act  was  so  penned,  that  it  was  a  very 


252 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


hard  thing  to  draw  up  a  mittimus  by  it;  which  was  no  compli- 
ment to  the  parliament.  Judge  Archer  next  spake  largely 
against  the  mittimus,  without  any  word  of  disparagement  to  the 
main  cause,  and  so  did  Judge  Tyrell  after  him.  Judge  Vaughan 
concluded  in  the  same  manner,  but  with  these  two  singularities 
above  the  rest.  He  made  it  an  error  in  the  mittimus,  that  the 
witnesses  were  not  named,  seeing  that  the  Oxford  act  giving  the 
justices  so  great  a  power  if  the  witnesses  be  unknown,  any  inno- 
cent person  may  be  laid  in  prison,  and  shall  never  know  where, 
or  against  whom,  to  seek  remedy,  which  was  a  matter  of  great 
moment. 

"When  he  had  done  with  the  cause,  he  made  a  speech  to  the 
people,  and  told  them  that  by  their  appearance,  he  perceived 
that  this  was  an  affair  of  as  great  expectation  as  had  been  before 
them.  It  being  usual  with  the  people  to  carry  away  things  by 
halves,  and  as  their  misreports  might  mislead  others,  he  there- 
fore acquainted  them,  that  though  he  understood  that  Mr.  Bax- 
ter was  a  man  of  great  learning  and  of  a  good  life,  yet  he  having 
this  singularity,  that  he  was  a  conventicler,  and  as  the  law  was 
against  conventicles,  it  was  only  upon  the  error  of  the  warrant 
that  he  was  released.  That  the  judges  were  accustomed,  in 
their  charges  at  assizes,  to  inquire  after  conventicles,  which  are 
against  the  law;  so  that,  if  they  that  made  the  mittimus,  had  but 
known  how  to  make  it,  they  could  not  have  delivered  him,  nor 
can  do  it  for  him,  or  any  that  shall  so  transgress  the  law. 

"This  was  supposed  to  be  that  which  was  resolved  on  at 
Whitehall,  by  the  way.  But  he  had  never  heard  what  I  had  to 
say  in  the  main  cause,  to  prove  myself  no  transgressor  of  the 
law;  nor  did  he  at  all  tell  them  how  to  know  what  a  conventicle 
is,  which  the  common  law  is  so  much  against. 

"Being  discharged  from  my  imprisonment,  my  sufferings  be- 
gan; for  I  had  there  better  health  than  I  had  for  a  long  time  be- 
fore or  after.  I  had  now  more  exasperated  the  authors  of  my 
imprisonment.  I  was  not  at  all  acquitted  as  to  the  main  cause. 
They  might  amend  their  mittimus,  and  lay  me  up  again.  I  knew 
no  way  how  to  bring  my  main  cause,  whether  they  had  power 
to  put  the  Oxford  oath  on  me  to  a  legal  trial,  and  my  counsel- 
lors advised  me  not  to  do  it,  much  less  to  quesuon  the  judges  for 
false  imprisonment,  lest  I  were  borne  down  by  power.  I  had 
now  a  house  of  great  rent  on  my  hands,  which  1  must  not  come 
to,  and  had  no  other  house  to  dwell  in.  I  knew  not  what  to  do 
with  all  my  goods  and  family.  I  must  go  out  of  Middlesex;  I 
must  not  come  within  five  miles  of  a  city,  corporation,  &.c. 
Where  to  find  such  a  place,  and  therein  a  house,  and  how  to 
remove  my  goods  thither,  and  what  to  do  with  my  house  till  my 
time  expired,  were  more  trouble  than  my  quiet  prison  by  far, 
and  the  consequents  yet  worse. 


OF     RICHARD  BAXTER. 


253 


Gratitude  commandeth  me  to  tell  the  world  who  were  my 
benefactors  in  my  imprisonment,  and  calumny  as  much  obligeth 
me,  because  it  is  said  among  some  that  I  was  enriched  by  it. 
Serjeant  Foiuitaiii's  i;;oncral  counsel  ruled  me.  Mr.  Wallop  and 
Mr.  Offlcy  lent  me  their  counsel,  and  would  take  nothing.  Of 
four  Serjeants  that  pleaded  my  cause,  two  of  them,  Serjeant 
Windham,  afterwards  baron  of  the  Exchequer,  and  Serjeant 
Sise,  would  take  nothing.  Sir  John  Bernard,  a  person  I  never 
saw  but  once,  sent  me  no  less  than  twenty  pieces;  the  Countess 
of  Exeter,  ten  pounds;  and  Alderman  Bard,  five.  I  received 
no  more,  but  I  confess  more  was  offered  me,  which  I  refused; 
and  more  would  have  been  given,  but  that  they  knew  I  needed 
it  not:  and  this  much  defrayed  my  law  and  prison  charges. 

"When  the  same  justices  saw  that  I  was  thus  discharged,  they 
were  not  satisfied  to  have  driven  me  from  Acton,  but  they  made 
a  new  mittimus  by  counsel,  as  for  the  same  supposed  fault,  nam- 
ing the  fourth  of  June  as  the  day  on  which  I  preached;  and  yet 
not  naming  any  witness,  though  the  act  against  conventicles  was 
expired  long  before.  This  mittimus  they  put  into  an  officer's 
hands,  in  London,  to  bring  me,  not  to  Clerkenwell,  but  among 
the  thieves  and  murderers,  to  the  common  jail  at  Newgate,  which 
was,  since  the  fire  which  burnt  down  all  the  better  rooms,  the 
most  noisome  place  that  I  have  heard  of,  of  any  prison  in  the 
land,  except  the  Tower  dungeon. 

"The  next  habitation  which  God's  providence  chose  for  me, 
was  at  Totteridge,  near  Barnet,  where,  for  a  year,  I  was  fain 
with  part  of  my  family  separated  from  the  rest,  to  take  a  few 
mean  rooms,  wbich  were  so  extremely  smoky,  and  the  place 
withal  so  cold,  that  I  spent  the  winter  in  great  pain;  one  quarter 
of  a  year  by  a  sore  sciatica,  and  seldom  free  from  much  an- 
guish." " 

Between  the  years  1G65  and  1670,  Baxter  labored  diligently 
on  some  of  his  most  important  works.  It  was  during  this  period 
he  produced  his  'Reasons  of  the  Christian  Religion,'  and  his 
'Directions  to  weak  Christians  how  to  grow  in  Grace.'  He 
finished,  though  he  did  not  then  print,  his  'Christian  Directory.' 
He  enlarged  his  sermon  before  the  king  into  a  quarto  volume,  on 
the  'Life  of  Faith;'  beside  some  minor  pieces,  such  as  his 
'Cure  of  Church  Divisions.'  He  wrote  also  'his  Apology  for 
the  Nonconformists,'  and  a  great  part  of  his  'Methodus,'  though 
it  was  not  published  till  some  time  afterwards. 

During  this  period  also,  he  had  a  long  discussion  in  person, 
and  in  writing,  with  Dr.  Owen,  about  the  terms  of  agreement 
among  Christians  of  all  parties.  It  was  not  productive  of  any 
practical  effect  at  the  time;  and  the  blame  of  its  failure  Baxter 
lays  upon  Owen.    The  correspondence  he  has  published,  from 

(e)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  50 — 60. 


254 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


which  it  is  not  difficult  to  account  for  the  failure,  without  attach- 
ing blame  to  either  party.  The  views  of  these  two  distinguished 
individuals  differed,  not,  indeed,  in  any  essential  points,  but  on 
various  subordinate  matters  affecting  systematic  union  and  co- 
operation. They  differed  also  in  their  dispositions  and  anticipa- 
tions. Owen  was  calm,  dignified,  and  firm,  but  respectful  and 
courteous.  Baxter  was  sharp  and  cutting  in  his  reproofs,  san- 
guine in  his  expectations  of  success;  and,  confident  of  his  own 
guileless  simplicity,  disposed  to  push  matters  further  than  the 
circumstances  of  the  times  admitted.  Though  not  superior  in 
the  substantial  attainments  of  the  Christian  character,  the  de- 
portment of  Owen  was  bland  and  conciliating,  compared  with 
that  of  Baxter.  Hence,  Owen  frequently  made  friends  of  ene- 
mies, while  Baxter  often  made  enemies  of  friends.  The  one 
expected  to  unite  all  hearts,  by  attacking  all  understandings;  the 
other  trusted  more  to  the  gradual  operation  of  Christian  feeling, 
by  which  alone  he  believed  that  extended  unity  would  finally  be 
effected.  The  issue  has  proved  that,  in  this  case,  Owen  had 
made  the  wiser  calculation. 


CHAPTER  X.  1670—1676. 

Conventicle  Act  renewed — Lord  Lauderdale — Fears  of  the  Bishops  about  the  increase  of 
Popery— Bishop  Ward — Urove — Serjeant  Fountain — Judge  Vaughan — The  King  connive« 
at  tlie  Toleration  of  the  Nonconfurniists — Phuts  up  the  Exchequer — The  Dispensing  Uecla- 
Tatiim — License  applied  for  on  Baxter's  behalf — I'iiiiier's  Hall  Lecture — liaxter  Preaches 
at  different  Places — The  King's  Declaration  vnted  illegal  by  Parliament — The  Test  Act — 
Baxter  desired  by  the  Earl  of  Orrery  to  draw  up  new  Terms  of  Agreement— Healing 
Measure  proposed  in  the  House  of  Commons,  which  fails — Cnndutt  of  some  of  the  Con- 
formists— liaxter's  Afflictions — Preaches  at  St.  .larnes's  Market  House — Licenses  recalled 
— Baxter  employs  an  Assistant — Apprehended  by  a  Warrant — Escapes  being  imprisoned 
— Another  Scheme  of  Comprehension — Informers— City  Magistrates — Parliament  falls  on 
Lauderdale  and  others — 'I'he  Bishops'  Test  Act — Baxter's  Goods  distrained — Various 
Ministerial  Labors  and  Sufferings— Controversy  with  Penn — Baxter's  Danger — His  Writ- 
ings during  this  period. 

In  the  year  1670,  the  act  against  conventicles  was  renewed,  and 
made  more  severe  than  ever,  several  new  clauses  being  inserted, 
which  Baxter  believed  to  have  a  particular  reference  to  his  own 
case.  It  was  declared,  for  instance,  contrary  to  all  justice,  that 
the  faults  of  the  mittimus  should  not  vitiate  it,  and  that  all  doubt- 
ful clauses  should  be  interpreted  in  the  sense  most  unfavorable 
to  conventicles.  It  seemed  as  if  the  intention  of  the  court  had 
been  to  extirpate  the  Nonconformists  root  and  branch;  foi-  the 
act  was  enforced  with  the  utmost  rigor  against  the  most  respect- 
able persons  among  them.*"    The  meetings  in  London  were 

(f)  Sheldon  again  addressed  the  bishops  of  the  province  of  Canterbury,  urging 
them  to  promote,  by  every  means  in  iheir  power  "so  blessed  a  work  as  the  prevent- 
ing and  suppressing  of  conventicles,"  which  the  king  and  parliament,  "out  of  their 


OF  UICHARD  BAXTER. 


255 


continually  disturbed  by  bands  of  soldiers.  Dr.  Manton,  though 
his  friends  were  numerous  and  powerful,  was  sent  six  months  to 
the  Gate-house  prison  for  preaching  in  his  own  house,  in  the 
parish  of  whic  h  he  had  formerly  been  minister. 

While  Baxter  remained  quiet  at  Totteridgc,  he  was  sent  for 
to  Barnet,  by  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  who  was  then  proceeding 
to  Scotland  with  a  project  of  making  some  alterations  in  the 
state  of  ecclesiastical  afiliirs  in  that  country.  By  the  king's 
permission,  he  consulted  Baxter,  and  offered  him,  if  he  would 
go  to  Scotland,  a  church  or  a  bishopric,  or  the  management  of 
some  of  the  colleges.  Baxter  was  not  to  be  taken  in  such  a 
trap,  for  such  iu  all  probability  it  was;  as  Lauderdale  no  sooner 
went  into  Scotland,  than  he  became  one  of  the  greatest  perse- 
cutors of  the  Presbyterian  church.  In  answer  to  his  requests 
and  offers,  Baxter,  on  the  24th  of  June,  1 670,  wrote  him  the 
following  admirable  letter,  which  illustrates  his  character  as  a 
minister,  his  courtesy  as  a  gentleman,  and  supplies  some  partic- 
ulars respecting  his  family. 

"  My  Lord, 

"Being  deeply  sensible  of  your  lordship's  favors,  and  es- 
pecially for  your  liberal  offers  for  my  entertainment  in  Scotland, 
I  humbly  return  you  my  very  hearty  thanks;  but  the  following 
considerations  forbid  me  to  entertain  any  hopes,  or  further 
thoughts  of  such  a  removal: 

"The  experience  of  my  great  weakness  and  decay  of  strength, 
and  particularly  of  this  last  winter's  pain,  and  how  much  worse 
I  am  in  winter  than  in  summer,  fully  persuade  me  that  I  should 
live  but  a  litde  while  in  Scotland,  and  that  in  a  disabled,  useless 
condition,  rather  keeping  my  bed  than  die  pulpit. 

"I  am  engaged  in  writing  a  book,  which,  if  I  could  hope  to 
live  to  finish,  is  almost  all  the  service  1  expect  to  do  God  and  his 
church  moi-e  in  the  world — a  Latin  Methodus  Theologiae.  In- 
deed I  can  hardly  hope  to  live  so  long,  as  it  requires  yet  nearly 
a  year's  labor  more.  Now,  if  I  should  spend  that  half  year,  or 
year,  which  should  finish  this  work,  in  travel,  and  the  trouble 
of  such  a  removal,  and  then  leave  it  undone,  it  would  disappoint 
me  of  the  ends  of  my  life.  I  live  only  for  work,  and  therefore 
should  remove  only  for  work,  and  not  for  wealth  and  honors,  if 
ever  I  remove. 

"If  I  were  there,  all  that  I  could  hope  for,  were  liberty  to 
preach  the  Gospel  of  salvation,  and  especially  in  some  university 
among  young  scholars.  But  I  hear  that  you  have  enough  already 
for  this  work,  who  are  likely  to  do  it  better  than  I  can. 

pious  care  for  the  welfare  of  the  church  and  kinofdom,"  had  endeavored  to  accom- 
plish in  the  late  act. — Calami/s  Abridgment ,  i.  328 — 331.  Harris  also,  in  his  'Life 
of  Charles  II.,'  has  ^iven  the  letter  entire,  vol.  ii.  pp.  106,  107.  Bishop  Wilkins  op- 
posed the  above  act  in  the  House  of  Lords,  notwithstanding  the  kini^'s  request  thai 
he  would  at  least  be  silent. 


256 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


"I  have  a  fainily,  and  in  it  a  mother-in-law  of  eighty  years  of 
age,  of  honorable  extract  and  great  worth,  whom  I  must  not  neg- 
lect, and  who  cannot  travel.  To  such  an  one  as  I,  it  is  so  great 
a  business  to  remove  a  family,  with  all  our  goods  and  books  so 
far,  that  it  deterreth  me  from  thinking  of  it,  especially  having 
paid  so  dear  for  removals  these  eight  years  as  I  have  done;  and 
being  but  yesterday  settled  in  a  house  which  I  have  newly  taken, 
and  that  with  great  trouble  and  loss  of  time.  And  if  I  should 
find  Scotland  disagree  with  me,  which  I  fully  conclude  it  would, 
I  must  remove  all  back  again. 

"All  these  things  concur  to  deprive  me  of  the  benefit  of  your 
lordship's  favor.  But,  my  Lord,  there  are  other  parts  of  it, 
which  1  am  not  altogether  hopeless  of  receiving.  When  I  am 
commanded  'to  pray  for  kings  and  all  in  authority,'  I  am  allowed 
the  ambition  of  this  preferment,  which  is  all  that  ever  I  aspired 
after,  'to  live  a  quiet  and  peaceable  life,  in  all  godliness  and  hon- 
esty.   Diu  nimis  habitavit  anima  mea  inter  osores  pads. 

"I  am  weary  of  the  noise  of  contentious  revilers,  and  have 
oft  had  thoughts  to  go  into  a  foreign  land,  if  I  could  find  where 
I  might  have  healthful  air  and  quietness,  but  to  live  and  die  in 
peace.  When  I  sit  in  a  corner,  and  meddle  with  nobody,  and 
hope  the  world  \\ill  forget  dial  I  am  alive,  court,  city,  and  coun- 
try, are  still  filled  with  clamors  against  me.  When  a  preacher 
vvanteth  preferment,  his  way  is  to  preach  or  write  a  book  against 
the  Nonconformists,  and  me  by  name;  so  that  the  menstrua  of 
the  press,  and  the  pulpits  of  some,  are  bloody  invectives  against 
myself,  as  if  my  peace  were  inconsistent  with  the  kingdom's 
happiness.  Never  did  my  eyes  read  such  impudent  untruths, 
in  matter  of  fact,  as  such  writings  contain.  They  cry  out  for 
answers  and  reasons  of  my  nonconformity,  while  they  know  the 
law  forbiddeth  me  to  answer  them  unlicensed.  I  expect  not 
that  any  favor  or  justice  of  my  superiors  should  cure  this,  but 
if  I  might  but  be  heard  speak  for  myself  before  I  be  judged  by 
them,  and  such  things  believed  (for,  to  contemn  the  judgment  of 
my  rulers,  is  to  dishonor  them,)  I  would  request  diat  I  might  be 
allowed  to  live  quietly  to  follow  my  private  studies,  and  might 
once  again  have  the  use  of  my  books,  which  I  have  not  seen 
these  ten  years.  I  pay  for  a  room  for  their  standing  in  at  Kid- 
derminster, where  they  are  eaten  by  worms  and  rats;  having  no 
sufficient  security  for  my  quiet  abode  in  any  place  to  encourage 
me  to  send  for  them.  I  would  also  ask  that  I  might  have  the 
liberty  every  beggar  hath,  to  travel  from  town  to  town.  I  mean 
but  to  London,  to  oversee  the  press,  when  any  thing  of  mine  is 
licensed  for  it.  If  I  be  sent  to  Newgate  for  preaching  Christ's 
Gospel  (for  I  dare  not  sacrilegiously  renounce  my  calling,  to 
which  I  am  consecrated  per  sacramentum  ordinis,)  I  would  re- 


OK    RICHAKI)  B.WTF.R. 


257 


quest  the  favor  of  a  better  prison,  where  1  may  but  walk  and 
write.  These  I  should  take  as  very  great  favors,  and  acknowl- 
edge your  lordship  my  benefactor  if  you  procure  them:  for  I  will 
not  so  much  injure  yon  as  to  desire,  or  my  reason  as  to  expect, 
any  great  matters;  no,  not  the  benefit  of  the  law. 

"1  think  1  broke  no  law,  in  any  of  the  preachings  of  whic  h 
I  am  accused.  I  most  confidently  think,  that  no  law  imposeth 
on  me  the  Oxford  oath,  any  more  than  on  any  conformable 
minister;  and  I  am  past  doubting  the  present  mittimus  for  my 
imprisonment  is  quite  without  law.  But  if  the  justices  think 
otherwise  now,  or  at  any  time,  1  know  no  remedy.  I  have  a 
license  to  preach  publicly  in  London  diocese,  under  the  arch- 
bishop's own  hand  and  seal,  which  is  yet  valid  for  occasional 
sermons,  though  not  for  lectures  or  cures;  but  I  dare  not  use 
it,  because  it  is  in  the  bishop's  power  to  recal  it.  Would  but 
the  bishop,  who,  one  should  think,  w^ould  not  be  against  the 
preaching  of  the  Gospel,  not  recal  my  license,  I  could  preach 
occasional  sermons,  which  would  absolve  my  conscience  from 
all  obligation  to  private  preaching.  For  it  is  not  maintenance 
that  I  expect.  I  never  received  a  farthing  for  my  preaching,  to 
my  knowledge,  since  May  1st,  1662.  I  thank  God  that  I  have 
food  and  raiment,  without  being  chargeable  to  any  man,  which  is 
all  that  I  desire,  had  I  but  leave  to  preach  for  nothing;  and  that 
only  where  there  is  a  notorious  necessity.  I  humbly  crave  your 
lordship's  pardon  for  the  tediousness  of  this  letter;  and  again 
return  you  my  very  great  thanks  for  your  great  favors,  and  re- 
main," &;c.^ 

This  touching  letter  was  followed  by  another  to  the  same 
nobleman,  in  which  Baxter  offers  some  observations  on  the  di- 
vided state  of  the  country,  and  makes  a  proposal,  that  mode- 
rate divines  should  be  appointed  to  meet  and  debate  matters, 
in  order  to  some  plan  of  concord,  which  might  afterwards 
receive  his  majesty's  approbation.  It  is  surprising,  after  all  that 
had  occurred,  he  should  have  had  any  faith  in  the  utility  or 
success  of  such  a  scheme.  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that 
any  attention  was  paid  to  it;  but  after  Lauderdale  had  gone  to 
Scodand,  Sir  Robert  Murray,  a  confidential  friend  of  his  lord- 
ship, sent  Baxter  a  frame  or  body  of  discipline  for  the  church 
of  Scotland,  on  which  he  desu'ed  his  animadversions.  It  ap- 
pears to  have  been  a  modified  system  of  episcopacy,  which  it 
was  the  great  object  of  the  court  then  to  force  upon  the  people 
of  Scotland.  Resistance  to  it  brought  on  that  country  the 
most  horrible  persecution  a  Protestant  people  was  ever  exposed 
to  from  its  own  Protestant  government;  and  has  made  the 
name  and  form  of  episcopacy  an  execration  in  Scotland  to  the 


VOL.  I. 


(g)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  75,  76. 

33 


258 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


present  time.  Baxter's  remarks  extended  not  to  the  principles 
of  the  system,  but  to  details,  into  which  it  is  quite  unnecessary 
to  enter. 

The  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  with  whom  this  correspondence  was 
held,  was  a  very  extraordinary  character.  He  had  originally 
been  a  decided  Covenanter;  and,  indeed,  remained  a  professed 
Presbyterian  to  the  last.  He  was  actuated  by  mean  and  arbi- 
trary principles,  fawning  to  those  above  him,  but  imperious 
and  violent  to  all  below.  A  man  of  learning,  being  well  ac- 
quainted with  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew;  and  possessed  of  a 
strong  but  blundering  mind.  Devoted  to  the  interests  of  Charles 
II.,  though  he  continued  to  hate  even  the  memory  of  his  royal 
father.  In  Scodand  he  acted  like  a  demon;  and  by  the  fury  of 
his  behavior,  increased  the  severity  of  his  administration,  which 
had  more  of  the  cruelty  of  the  inquisition,  than  the  legality  of 
justice. Yet  this  man  would  talk  about  religion,  and  was  spoken 
to  and  of  as  a  rehgioiis  character,  by  bishop  Burnet,  Baxter,  and 
other  religious  men  of  the  day.  I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer 
to  the  intimacy  between  Lauderdale  and  Baxter,  in  another  part 
of  this  work. 

"In  the  latter  end  of  this  year,  the  bishops  and  their  agents 
gave  out  their  fears  of  Popery,  and  greatly  lamented  that  the 
Duchess  of  York  was  turned  Papist.^  They  thereupon  pro- 
fessed a  strong  desire  that  some  of  the  Presbyterians,  as  they 
called  even  the  episcopal  Nonconformists,  might,  by  some  abate- 
ment of  the  new  oaths  and  subscriptions,  have  better  invitation 
to  conform  in  other  thmgs.  Bishop  Morley,  Bishop  Ward,  and 
Bishop  Dolben,''  spake  ordinarily  their  desires  of  it;  but  after 
long  talk,  nothing  was  done,  which  made  men  variously  inter- 
pret theii'  pretensions.  Some  thought  that  they  were  real  in 
their  desires,  and  that  the  hindrance  was  from  the  court;  while 
others  said  they  would  never  have  been  the  grand  causes  of  our 
present  situation,  if  it  had  been  against  their  wills;  that  if 
they  had  been  truly  willing  for  any  healing,  they  would  have 
shown  it  by  more  than  their  discourses;  and  that  all  this  was 
but  that  the  odium  might  be  diverted  from  themselves.  I  hope 
they  are  not  so  bad  as  this  censure  doth  suppose.  But  it  is 
strange  that  those  same  men,  who  so  easily  led  the  parliament 
to  what  was  done,  when  they  had  given  the  king  thanks  for  his 
declaration  about  ecclesiastical  affairs,  could  do  nothing  to  bring 

(f )  Burnet's  'Own  Times,'  vol.  i.  pp.  142—144. 

(g)  The  Duchess  of  York,  daughter  of  Clarendon,  embraced  the  same  creed  as  her 
husband,  and,  as  he  tells  us,  without  knowledg^e  of  his  sentiments,  but  one  year 
before  her  death,  in  1G70.  She  left  a  paper  at  her  decease,  containingthe  reasons  for 
her  change.  See  it  in  Keniiet,  p.  320.  It  is  plain  that  she.  as  well  as  the  duke,  had 
been  influenced  by  the  Romanizing  tendency  of  some  Anglican  divines. — Hallam, 
vol.  ii.  p.  515.  So  much  for  the  effects  of  the  writings  of  Hooker  and  Heylin,  and  of 
the  conduct  of  Morley  and  Sheldon. 

(h)  Afterwards  archbishop  of  York. 


OF    RlCHAUn  UAXTKU. 


259 


it  to  moderate  abatements,  and  the  liealing  of  our  breaches,  if 
they  had  been  truly  willing. 

"In  the  year  1G71,  the  diocese  of  Salisbury  was  more  fiercely 
driven  on  to  conformity,  by  Dr.  Scth  Ward,  than  any  place  else, 
or  than  all  the  bishops  in  England  did  in  theirs.'  Many  hundreds 
were  prosecuted  hy  him  witli  great  industry;  and  among  others, 
that  learned,  humble,  holy  gentleman,  Mr.  Thomas  Grove,  an 
ancient  parliament  man,  of  as  great  sincerity  and  integrity  as 
almost  any  man  I  ever  knew.  He  stood  it  out  awhile  in  a  law- 
suit, but  was  overthrown,  and  fain  to  forsake  his  country,  as 
many  hundreds  more  are  likely  to  do.  His  name  remindeth 
me  to  record  my  benefactor.  A  brother's  son  of  his,  Mr.  Rob- 
ert Grove,  was  one  of  the  Bishop  of  London's  chaplains,  and 
the  only  man  that  licensed  my  writings  for  the  press,  supposing 
them  not  to  be  against  law;  in  which  case  I  could  not  expect 
it.  Beside  him,  I  could  get  no  licenser  to  do  it.''  And  as  be- 
ing silenced,  writing  was  the  far  greatest  part  of  my  service  to 
God  for  his  church,  and  without  the  press  my  writings  would 
have  been  in  vain,  I  acknowledge  that  I  owe  much  to  this  man, 
and  one  Mr.  Cook,  the  archbishop's  chaplain,  that  1  lived  not 
more  in  vain. 

"While  I  am  acknowledging  my  benefactors,  I  add  that  this 
year  died  Serjeant  John  Fountain,  the  only  person  from  whom 
I  received  an  annual  sum  of  money;  which  though  through 
God's  mercy  I  needed  not,  yet  I  could  not  in  civility  refuse:  he 

(i)  Dr.  Selh  Ward,  h  Iio  acted  In  this  violent  manner,  was  one  ol'  those  ecclesiastical 
turn-coals  who.  during  a  succession  of  chanjies,  always  appear  lo  consult  their  worldly 
interests.  In  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth  he  look  the  engagement  to  be  true  to  the 
jgovernment  as  then  established.  He  wrote  against  the  covenant,  and  took  the 
place  of  Greaves,  as  professor  of  astronomy  in  tlie  University  of  Oxford,  who  was 
ejected  for  refusing  it.  At  the  Restoration  he  paid  court  to  the  royal  party,  by  sup- 
porting all  its  measures.  Even  Anthony  Wood  calls  him  a '"politician,"  and  speaks 
of  him  as  "winding  himself  into  favor  by  his  smooth  language  and  behavior." — Allien. 
Ox.  Bliss,  vol.  iv.  p.  2i8  Yet  Ward  was,  in  other  respects,  a  respectable  man. — 
He  was  a  profound  mathematician  and  an  able  speaker;  but  he  was  a  persecutor. 
Dr.  Pope,  the  author  of  his  life,  endeavors  to  apologise  for  his  conduct,  but  very  un- 
satisfactorily; he  admits  that  he  endeavoied  to  suppress  conventicles;  that  his  meas- 
ures produced  a  petition  against  him  from  the  principal  manufacturers  in  the  towns 
of  his  diocese,  alleging  that  their  trade  had  been  ruined  bj'  him.  In  answer  lo  all 
which  he  says,  ''he  was  no  violent  man  as  these  petitioners  represented  him;  but  if 
at  any  time  he  was  more  active  than  ordinary  against  the  dissenters,  it  was  by  ex- 
press command  from  the  court — sometimes  by  letters,  and  sometimes  given  in  charges 
by  the  judges  of  the  assizes;  which  councils  altered  frequently — now  in  favor  of  the 
dissenters,  and  then  again  in  opposition.  It  is  true  he  was  for  the  act  against  con- 
venticles, and  labored  much  to  get  it  to  pass,  not  without  the  order  and  direction  of 
the  greatest  authority,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical;  not  out  of  cnmil3' to  the  dissent- 
ers' persons,  as  they  unjustly  suggested,  but  of  love  lo  the  repose  and  the  welfare  of  the 
government.  For  he  l)elieved,  if  the  growth  of  them  were  not  timely  suppressed,  it 
would  either  cause  a  necessity  for  a  standing  army  to  preserve  the  peace,  or  a  gen- 
eral toleration,  which  would  end  in  Popery." — p.  G8.  Pope  further  informs  us,  that 
so  effectually  did  the  bishop  play  his  part,  that  there  was  scarcely  a  conventicle  left  in 
the  diocese  of  Salisbury,  except  on  the  skirts  of  Wilts,  where  there  was  not  a  settled 
militia.    Yet  Ward  was  no  persecutor! 

(k)  Mr.  Grove,  who  acted  this  friendly  part  to  Beixter,  was  afterwards  raised  lo 
the  episcopal  bench  as  bishop  of  Chichester.  This  took  place  in  1691.  and  his  death 
in  \i%.—Athen.  Ox.  vol.  iv.  p.  337. 


260 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


gave  me  ten  pounds  per  annum,  from  the  time  of  my  being 
silenced  till  his  death.  I  was  a  stranger  to  him  before  the  king's 
return;  save  that  when  he  was  judge,  before  he  was  one  of  the 
keepers  of  tlie  great  seal,  be  did  our  country  great  service 
against  vice.  He  was  a  man  of  quick  and  sound  understanding, 
and  upright,  impartial  life;  of  loo  much  testiness  in  his  weak- 
ness, but  of  a  most  believing,  serious  fervency  towards  God, 
and  open,  zealous  owning  of  true  piety  and  holiness,  without  re- 
garding the  little  partialities  of  sects,  as  most  men  that  ever  I 
came  near  in  sickness.  When  he  lay  sick,  which  was  almost  a 
year,  he  delivered  to  the  judges  and  lawyers  that  sent  to  visit 
him  such  answers  as  these,  'I  thank  your  lord  or  master  for  his 
kindness;  present  my  service  to  him,  and  tell  him,  it  is  a  great 
work  to  die  well;  his  time  is  near,  all  worldly  glory  must  come 
down;  intreat  him  to  keep  his  integrity,  overcome  temptations, 
and  please  God,  and  prepare  to  die.'  He  deeply  bewailed  the 
great  sins  of  the  times,  and  the  prognostics  of  dreadful  things 
which  he  ihouglit  we  were  in  danger  of;  and  though  in  the  wars 
he  suffered  imprisonment  for  the  king's  cause,  towards  the  end 
he  abandoned  that  party,  and  greatly  feared  an  inundation  of 
poverty,  enemies,  Popery  and  infidelity.^ 

"During  the  mayorality  of  Sir  Samuel  Stirling,  many  jury- 
men in  London  were  fined  and  imprisoned  by  the  recorder,  for 
not  finding  certain  Quakers  guilty  of  violating  the  act  against 
conventicles.  They  appealed,  and  sought  remedy."  The 
judges  remained  about  a  year  in  suspense;  and  then,  by  the 
lord  chief  justice  Vaughan,  delivered  their  resolution  against 
the  recorder,  for  the  subject's  freedom  from  such  sort  of  fines. 
When  he  had,  in  a  speech  of  two  or  three  hours  long,  spoke 
vehemently  to  that  purpose,  never  thing,  since  the  king's  return, 
was  received  with  greater  joy  and  applause  by  the  people;  so 
that  the  judges  were  still  taken  for  the  pillars  of  law  and  lib- 
erty." 

"The  parliament  having  made  the  laws  against  Nonconform- 
ists' preaching,  and  private  religious  meetings,  so  grinding  and 
terrible,  the  king,  who  consented  to  those  laws,  became  the  sole 

(I)  Fountain,  of  whom  Baxter  makes  such  honorable  mention,  was  son  of  William 
Fountain,  of  Seabroke,  in  Bucks;  and  educated  at  Christ's-church,  Oxford.  He 
adopted  the  cause  of  the  parliament,  in  whose  army  he  had  the  command  of  a  regi- 
ment. He  was  made  a  serjeaiit-at-Iaw  by  Cromwell,  and  in  1G59  one  of  the  com- 
missioners of  the  great  seal.  At  the  Restoration  he  was  made  a  serjeant  by  the  king. 
—  Wood's  Fasti,  \o\.  i.  p.  497.  Edit.  Bliss. 

(m)  Baxter  refers  here  to  the  celebrated  trial  of  Pennand  Mead,  before  the  record- 
er of  London,  who  has  thus,  widi  the  lord  mayor,  Stirling,  obtained  an  infamous  noto- 
riety.   The  trial  rendered  immense  service  to  the  cause  of  liberty. 

(n)  Sir  John  Vaughan,  lord  chief  justice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  who  acquitted  him- 
self so  nobly  on  this  occasion,  was  a  man  of  excellent  parts  and  good  learning.  He 
was  the  intimate  friend  of  Selden,  and  a  man  of  the  same  principles  and  independ- 
ence. His  son  published  his  Reports,  among  which  is  the  case  above  referred  to. 
Baxter  has  noticed  his  treatment  of  his  own  case  in  the  preceding  chapter,  in  which 
he  appears  to  have  acted  with  a  good  deal  of  tact. 


OF  niCHAKD  BAXTER. 


2G1 


patron  of  the  Nonconformists'  liberties;  not  by  any  abatements 
of  law,  but  by  his  own  connivance  as  to  the  execution;  the 
magistrates,  for  the  most  part,  doing  what  they  perceived  to  be 
his  will.  So  tliat  Sir  Richard  Ford,  all  the  time  of  his  mayor- 
alty, though  supposed  one  of  their  greatest  and  most  knowing 
adversaries,  never  disturbed  diem.  The  ministers,  in  several 
parties,  were  oft  encouraged  to  make  their  addresses  to  the  king, 
only  to  acknowledge  his  clemency,  by  which  they  held  their 
liberties,  and  to  profess  their  loyalty.  Sir  John  Babor  intro- 
duced Dr.  Manton,  Mr.  Ennis,  a  Scots  Nonconformist,  Mr. 
Whittaker,  Dr.  Annesly,  Mr.  Watson,  and  Mr.  Vincent,  he. 
The  king  told  them,  that  though  such  acts  were  made,  he  was 
against  persecution,  and  hoped  ere  long  to  stand  on  his  own 
legs,  and  then  they  should  see  how  much  he  was  against  it.  By 
this  means,  many  scores  of  Nonconformable  ministers  in  Lon- 
don kept  up  [)reaching  in  private  houses.  Some  fifty,  some  a 
hundred,  many  three  hundred,  and  many  one  thousand  or  two 
thousand  at  a  meeting;  by  which,  for  the  present,  the  city's  ne- 
cessities were  much  supplied,  for  very  few  of  the  burnt  churches 
were  yet  built  up  again.  Yet  this  never  moved  the  bishops  to 
relent,  or  give  any  favor  to  the  preaching  of  Nonconformists; 
and  though  the  best  of  the  Conformists,  for  the  most,  were  got 
up  to  London,  alas!  they  were  but  few:  and  the  most  of  the 
religious  people  were  more  and  more  alienated  from  the  prelates 
and  their  churches." 

"Those  who  from  the  beginning  saw  plainly  what  was  doing, 
lamented  all  this.  They  thought  it  was  not  without  great  cun- 
ning, that  seeing  only  a  parliament  was  formerly  trusted  with  the 
people's  liberties,  and  could  raise  a  war  against  him  (interest 
ruling  the  world,)  it  was  contrived  that  this  parliament  should 
make  the  severest  laws  against  the  Nonconformists,  to  grind 
them  to  dust,  and  that  the  king  should  allay  the  execution  at 
his  pleasure,  and  become  their  protector  against  parliaments; 
and  that  they  who  would  not  consent  to  this  should  suffer.  In- 
deed, the  ministers  themselves  seemed  to  make  little  doubt  of 
this;  but  they  thought,  that  if  Papists  must  have  liberty,  it  was 
as  good  for  them  also  to  take  theirs  as  to  be  shut  out;  that  it 
was  not  lawful  for  them  to  refuse  their  present  freedom,  though 
they  were  sure  that  evil  was  designed  in  granting  it;  and  that 
before  men's  designs  could  come  to  ripeness,  God  might,  in 

(o)  The  conduct  of  the  court  towards  tlie  dissenters  at  this  time,  can  only  be  ex- 
plained liy  a  knowledge  of  the  secret  treaty  with  France;  the  object  of  which,  on 
Charles's  part,  was  to  be  rendered  independent  of  parliament;  the  object  of  France 
was  the  re-establishment  of  Popery  in  England.  Though  the  rela.xation  of  the  per- 
secution of  the  dissenters  is  said  to  have  proceeded  from  the  advice  of  Sliaflesbury, 
who  had  no  concern  in  the  original  secret  treaty  with  France,  it  was  completely  in 
the  spirit  of  that  compact,  and  must  have  been  acceptable  to  the  king. — Hallam,  ii. 
525. 


262 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


many  ways,  frustrate  them.  All  attempts,  however,  to  get  any 
comprehension,  as  it  was  then  called,  any  abatement  of  the  rig- 
or of  the  laws,  or  legal  liberty  and  union,  were  most  effectually 
made  void.'' 

"In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1671-2,  the  king  caused  his 
Exchequer  to  be  shut;  so  that  whereas  a  multitude  of  mer- 
chants and  others  had  put  their  money  into  the  bankers'  hands, 
and  the  bankers  lent  it  to  the  king,  and  the  king  gave  orders  to 
pay  out  no  more  of  it  for  a  year,  the  murmur  and  complaint  in 
the  city  were  very  great,  that  their  estates  should  be,  as  they 
called  it,  so  surprised.  This  was  the  more  complained  of,  be- 
cause it  was  supposed  to  be  in  order  to  assist  the  French  in  a 
war  against  the  Dutch;  they  therefore  took  a  year  to  be  equal  to 
perpetuity,  and  the  stop  to  be  a  loss  of  all,  seeing  wars  com- 
monly increase  necessities,  but  do  not  supply  them.  Among 
others,  all  the  money  and  estate  that  I  had  in  the  world,  of  my 
own,  was  there,  except  ten  pounds  per  annum,  which  I  enjoyed 
for  eleven  or  twelve  years.  Indeed,  it  was  not  my  own,  which 
I  will  mention  to  counsel  those  that  would  do  good,  to  do  it 
speedily,  and  with  all  their  might.  I  had  got  in  all  my  life  the 
net  sum  of  one  thousand  pounds.  Having  no  child,  I  devot- 
ed almost  all  of  it  to  a  charitable  use,  a  free-school;  I  used 
my  best  and  ablest  friends  for  seven  years,  with  all  the  skill  and 
industry  I  could,  to  help  me  to  some  purchase  of  house  or  land 
to  lay  it  out  on,  that  it  might  be  accordingly  settled.  But 
though  there  were  never  more  sellers,  I  could  never,  by  all  these 
friends,  hear  of  any  that  reason  could  encourage  a  man  to  lay 
it  out  on,  as  secure,  and  a  tolerable  bargain;  so  that  I  told  them, 
I  did  perceive  the  devil's  resistance  of  it,  and  did  verily  sus- 
pect that  he  would  prevail,  and  I  should  never  settle,  but  it 
would  be  lost.  So  hard  is  it  to  do  any  good,  when  a  man  is 
fully  resolved.  Divers  such  observations,  verily  confirm  me, 
that  there  are  devils  that  keep  up  a  war  against  goodness  in  the 
world."  1 

The  shutting  up  of  the  Exchequer,  by  which  many  were  to- 
tally ruined,  was  one  of  the  most  infamous  transactions  of  an 
infamous  reign.  The  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  was  considered  at 
the  time  the  principal  adviser  of  the  measure;  but  he  took  care 
previously  to  withdraw  his  own  money  from  the  hands  of  his 
banker,  and  to  advise  some  of  his  friends  to  do  the  same.  The 
real  author  of  the  measure,  it  is  now  known,  was  Lord  Clifford.'' 
The  stoppage,  as  Baxter  says,  was  intended  to  last  only  for  a 

(p)  Life,  part  iii.  86—88.  (q)  Ibid,  part  iii.  p.  89. 

(r)  Shaftesbury  defends  liimself  against  the  chargo  of  having  advised  the  measure, 
or  approving  of  it,  in  a  letter  to  Locke,  which  Lord  King  has  pubhshed.  It  is  plain 
enough,  from  that  letter,  however,  that  he  had  taken  care  that  his  own  interests 
should  not  be  affected  by  the  measure.  It  was  properly  the  commencement  of  the 
national  debt,  and  produced  at  the  time  universal  dismay. 


OF   UICflAUI)  BAXTrUl. 


263 


year;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  ever  recovered  the  money. 
He  bore  the  loss,  however,  very  patiently,  and  records  the  dis- 
aster rather  lo  instruct  others  how  to  nse  their  property,  than  to 
mourn  over  it  himself.  The  diOiculty  he  experienced  in  dis- 
posing of  his  dionsand  pounds,  which  be  ascribes  to  the  devil's 
resistance,  is  a  curious  illustration  of  the  peculiarity  of  his  own 
mind.  He  appears  always  to  have  found  great  difficulty  in  sat- 
isfying himself,  where  there  was  the  least  room  for  doubt  or  ob- 
jection. Doubts  presented  themselves  to  him,  which  would 
scarcely  have  occurred  to  any  other  man.  He  possessed  great 
decision  of  character,  yet  often  strangely  manifested  a  want  of 
decision  of  mind.  It  is  to  be  regretted,  if  this  was  owing  to 
Satanic  influence,  that  he  should  have  allowed  the  devil  to  have 
such  advantage  over  him. 

We  come  now  to  a  very  important  event  in  the  histoxy  of 
these  times;  the  king's  declaration,  dispensing  with  the  penal 
laws  against  die  Nonconformists.  This  document  was  issued  on 
the  15ih  of  March,  1672,  and  declares  "that  his  majesty,  by 
virtue  of  his  supreme  power  in  matters  ecclesiastical,  suspends  all 
penal  laws  thereabout,  and  that  he  will  grant  a  convenient  num- 
ber of  public-meeting  places  to  men  of  all  soi'ts  that  conform  not. 
Provided  the  persons  are  approved  by  him;  that  they  only  meet 
in  places  sanctioned  by  him,  with  open  doors,  and  do  not  preach 
seditiously,  nor  against  the  church  of  England."^ 

The  evident  design  of  this  transaction,  projected  by  Shaftes- 
bury, was  to  secure  liberty,  not  to  the  Nonconformists,  but  to 
the  Roman  Catholics;  consequently,  the  views  of  the  London 
ministers,  as  might  be  expected,  were  not  harmonious  as  to  the 
use  which  should  be  made  of  this  just,  but  illegal  privilege. 

"When  it  came  out,"  says  Baxter,  "the  London  nonconform- 
able  ministers  were  invited  to  return  his  majesty  their  thanks. 
At  their  meeting,  Dr.  Seaman  and  Mr.  Jenkins,  who  had  been 
till  then  most  distant  from  the  court,  were  for  a  thanksgiving,  in 
such  high  applauding  terms  as  Dr.  Manton,  and  almost  all  the 
rest,  dissented  from.  Some  were  for  avoiding  terms  of  appro- 
bation, lest  the  parliament  should  fall  upon  them;  and  some,  be- 
cause they  would  far  rather  have  had  any  tolerable  state  of  unity 
with  the  public  ministry  than  a  toleration;  supposing,  that  the 
toleration  was  not  chiefly  for  their  sakes,  but  for  the  Papists, 
and  that  they  should  hold  it  no  longer  than  that  interest  required 
it:  which  is  inconsistent  with  the  interest  of  the  Protestant  relig- 

(s)  The  Lord  Keeper  Bridgman  resigned  the  great  sea!  because  he  would  not  at- 
tach it  to  this  act,  and  Shaftesbury,  the  author  of  the  measure,  succeeded  to  his  place. 
Locke  was  at  this  lime  appointed  secretary  to  Shaftesbury,  for  the  presentation  of 
benefices.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  Shaftesbury's  designs  were  not  intended  in 
hostility  to  the  dissenters. — Lord  King's  Life  of  Locke,  p.  33.  Locke's  letter  to  a 
person  of  quality  states  very  clearly  the  part  which  Shaftesbury  took  in  this  measure, 
and  the  reasons  which  influenced  him. 


264 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


ion,  and  the  church  of  England:  and  that  they  had  no  security 
for  it,  but  it  might  be  taken  from  them  at  any  time. 

"They  thought  that  it  tended  to  continue  our  divisions,  and  to 
weaken  the  Protestant  ministry  and  church;  and  that  while  the 
body  of  the  Protestant  people  were  in  all  places  divided,  one  part 
was  still  ready  to  be  used  against  the  other,  and  many  sins  and 
calamities  kept  up.  They  thought  the  present  generation  of 
Nonconformists  was  likely  to  be  soon  worn  out,  and  the  public 
assemblies  to  be  lamentably  disadvantaged  by  young,  raw,  un- 
qualified ministers,  that  were  likely  to  be  introduced;  they  con- 
cluded, therefore,  on  a  cautious  and  moderate  thanksgiving  for 
the  king's  clemency,  and  'their  own  liberty;  and  when  they 
could  not  come  to  agreement  about  the  form  of  it.  Lord  Arling- 
ton introduced  them  to  a  verbal,  extemporate  thanksgiving;  and 
so  their  difference  was  ended  as  to  that.' 

"The  question,  whether  toleration  of  us  in  our  different  as- 
semblies, or  such  an  abatement  of  impositions  as  would. restore 
some  ministers  to  the  public  assemblies  by  law,  were  more  de- 
sirable, was  a  great  controversy  then  among  the  Nonconformists, 
and  greater  it  had  been,  but  that  the  hopes  of  abatement,  called 
then  a  comprehension,  were  so  low  as  made  them  the  less 
concerned  in  the  agitation  of  it.  But  whenever  there  was  a 
new  session  of  parliament,  which  put  them  in  some  little  hope  of 
abatement,  the  controversy  began  to  revive  according  to  the 
measure  of  those  hopes.  The  Independents  and  all  the  sectaries, 
and  some  few  Presbyterians,  especially  in  London,  who  had 
large  congregations,  and  liberty  and  encouragement,  were  rather 
for  a  toleration.  The  rest  of  the  Presbyterians,  and  the  episco- 
pal Nonconformists,  were  for  abatement  and  comprehension."  " 

The  several  parties  were  influenced  by  their  respective  prin- 
ciples of  church  government  and  civil  establishments.  All  parties, 
however,  were  glad  to  obtain  what  they  could,  and  to  use  the 
temporary  freedom  which  was  allowed,  though  in  a  very  uncon- 
stitutional manner,  for  the  promotion  of  the  interests  of  religion. 
The  attachment  to  popery  on  the  part  of  the  reigning  powers, 
threatened  great  danger  to  the  country;  but  I  very  much  doubt, 
whether  if  this  had  not  created  much  anxiety  to  the  church 

(l)  I  apprehend  Baxter  has  here  fallen  into  some  mistake.  It  is  not  likely  the  min- 
isters would  have  been  received  to  deliver  an  extempore  address.  Besides,  if  they 
could  not  ajree  among  themselves  what  to  say  in  writins',  who  would  have  undertaken 
to  speak  for  them?  An  address  drawn  up  by  Owen,  though  he  seldom  appears  in  Bax- 
ter's accounts  of  the  London  ministers,  was  adopted  on  this  occasion. — Memoirs  of 
Owen,  pp.  'i72,  273.  2d  Edit.  It  was  at  this  time,  if  we  may  believe  Burnet,  that  the 
court  ordered  fifty  pounds  a  year  to  be  paid  to  most  of  the  Nonconformist  ministers  in 
London,  and  a  hundred  to  the  chief  of  them.  Baxter,  he  says,  sent  back  his  pension, 
and  would  not  touch  it;  but  most  of  the  others  took  it.  Burnet  gives  this  on  Stilling- 
fleet's  authority,  and  represents  it  as  hush  money.  It  is  very  strange,  if  this  was 
done,  that  Baxter  should  not  have  mentioned  it. — Burnet's  Own  Times,  vol.  ii.  p.  16. 
Calamy  remarks  on  this  passage,  in  'His  Own  I/ife,"  vol.  ii.  p.  468. 

(u)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  99.  100. 


OF  iiicHAUu  haxteh. 


265 


parly,  the  Nonconformists  would  not  have  been  entirely  crushed. 
From  the  conflicting  interests  of  party,  the  cause  of  the  dissent- 
ers in  this  country  has  often  been  permitted  to  gain  ground,  till 
their  body  has  arrived  at  such  a  measure  of  strength  as  even 
now  constitutes  its  best  security. 

In  the  month  of  October  of  this  year,  Baxter  fell  into  a  dan- 
gerous fit  of  sickness,  which,  he  says,  God,  in  his  wonted  mercy, 
did,  in  time,  so  far  remove  as  to  restore  him  to  some  capacity 
of  service — "I  had  till  now  forborne,  for  several  reasons,  to  seek 
a  license  for  preaching  from  the  king,  upon  the  toleration;  but 
when  all  others  had  taken  theirs,  and  were  settled  in  London  and 
odier  places,  as  they  could  get  opportunity,  I  delayed  no  longer, 
but  sent  to  seek  one,  on  condition  1  might  have  it  without  the 
title  of  Independent,  Presbyterian,  or  any  other  party,  but  only 
as  a  Nonconformist.  Belbre  I  sent,  Sir  Thomas  Player,  cham- 
berlain of  London,  had  procured  it  me  so,  without  my  knowl- 
edge or  endeavor.  I  had  sought  none  so  long,  because  I  was 
unwilling  to  be,  or  seem,  any  cause  of  that  way  of  liberty,  if  a 
better  might  have  been  had,  and  therefore  would  not  meddle  in 
it.  I  lived  ten  miles  from  London,  and  thought  it  not  just  to 
come  and  set  up  a  congregation  there  till  the  ministers  had  fully 
settled  theirs,  who  had  borne  the  burden  in  the  times  of  the  rag- 
ing plague,  and  fire,  and  other  calamities,  lest  I  should  draw 
away  any  of  their  auditors,  and  hinder  their  maintenance.  No 
one  that  ever  I  heard  of  till  mine  could  get  a  license,  unless  he 
would  be  entitled  in  it,  a  Presbyterian,  Independent,  Anabaptist, 
or  of  some  sect. 

"The  19tli  of  November,^  my  baptism  day.,  was  the  first  day, 
after  ten  years  silence,  that  I  preached  in  a  tolerated,  public 
assembly,  though  not  yet  tolerated  in  any  consecrated  church, 
but  only  against  law,  in  my  own  house.  Some  merchants  set  up 
a  Tuesday's  lecture  in  London,  to  be  kept  by  six  ministers,  at 
Pinner's  Hall,  allowing  them  twenty  shillings  a  piece  each  ser- 
mon, of  whom  they  chose  me  to  be  one.  But  when  T  had 
preached  there  only  four  sermons,  I  found  the  Independents  so 
quarrelsome  with  what  I  said,  that  all  the  city  did  ring  of  their 
backbitings  and  false  accusations;^'  so  that,  had  I  but  preached 
for  unity,  and  against  division,  or  unnecessary  withdrawing  from 
each  other,  or  against  unwarrantable  narrowing  of  Christ's 
church,  it  was  said,  abroad,  that  I  preached  against  the  Inde- 

(x)  Here  is  another  discrepancy  of  dale  from  what  is  given  in  the  'Baptismal  Reg- 
ister,' and  referred  to  in  the  first  page  of  this  volume.  According  to  this,  he  was  not 
baptised  either  on  the  sixth  or  the  sixteenth:  but  it  is  pretty  evident  he  was  born  on 
the  twelfth  of  November,  according  to  his  own  account. 

(y)  For  some  reason  or  other,  Baxter  and  the  Independents  seem  never  to  have 
agreed.  There  were  probably  faults  on  both  sides;  though,  I  apprehend,  the  princi- 
pal causes  were,  the  rashness  and  imprudence  with  which  he  eaiTied  things  to  the 
pulpit,  and  allowing  himself  to  be  influenced  by  mischievous  and  often  trifling  reports. 

VOL.  I.  34 


266 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


pendents.  Especially  if  I  did  but  say  that  man's  will  had  a 
natural  liberty,  though  a  moral  thraldom  to  vice;  that  men  might 
have  Christ  and  lite,  if  they  were  truly  willing;  and  that  men 
have  power  to  do  better  than  they  do;  it  was  cried  abroad, 
among  all  the  party,  that  I  preached  up  A.rminianism,  and  free 
will,  and  man's  power;  and,  O!  what  an  odious  crime  was 
this!^ 

"On  January  the  24th,  1672-3,  I  began  a  Tuesday  lecture 
at  Mr.  Turner's  church,  in  New  Street,  near  Fetter  Lane,  with 
great  convenience,  and  God's  encouraging  blessing;  but  I  never 
took  a  penny  of  money  for  it  from  any  one."  On  the  Lord's 
days  I  had  no  congregation  to  preach  to,  but  occasionally  to  any 
that  desired  me,  being  unwilling  to  set  up  a  church  and  become 
the  pastor  of  any,  or  take  maintenance  in  this  distracted  and  un- 
settled way,  unless  further  changes  should  manifest  it  to  be  my 
duty;  nor  did  I  ever  give  the  sacrament  to  any  one  person,  but  to 
my  flock  at  Kidderminster.  I  saw  it  offended  the  Conformists, 
and  had  many  other  present  inconveniences,  while  we  had  any 
hope  of  restoration  and  concord  from  the  parliament. 

"The  parliament  met  again  in  February,  and  voted  down  the 
king's  declaration  as  illegal.  The  king  promised  them  that  it 
should  not  be  brought  into  precedent;  and  thereupon  they  con- 
sulted of  a  bill  for  the  ease  of  Nonconformists,  or  dissenters. 
Many  of  them  highly  professed  their  resolution  to  carry  it  on; 
but  when  they  had  granted  the  tax,  they  turned  it  off,  and  left 
it  undone,  destroying  our  shelter  of  the  king's  declaration;  and 
so  leaving  us  to  the  storm  of  all  their  severe  laws,  which  some 
country  justices  rigorously  executed,  though  the  most  forbore.'' 

"On  February  the  20th,  I  took  a  house  in  Bloomsbury,  in 
London,  and  removed  thither  after  Easter,  with  my  family;  God 
having  mercifully  given  me  three  years  of  great  peace,  among 

(z)  The  Tuesday  morning  lecture  now  set  up,  continues  to  the  present  lime,  and 
is  regularly  prcaohcd  at  New  Broad-street  flleeliiig-liouse.  It  is  not  to  the  credit  ol' 
the  disscPitcrs,  that  some  of  their  most  respectable  ministers  were  long  left  to  deliver 
that  lecture  to  almost  empty  benches.  The  lecturers,  much  to  their  honor,  though  I 
believe  thej'  derive  no  pecuniar^'  benefit  from  their  labors,  continue  them,  as  there  is 
some  properly  for  the  good  of  others  entrusted  to  their  distribution. 

(a)  The  place  in  which  Baxter  oflicialed  in  Fetter  Lane,  is  that  between  Nevil's 
Court  and  Ncvv  Street,  now  occupied  by  the  IMoraviaiis.  It  appears  to  have  existed, 
Ihoiigl)  perhaps  in  a  diiTcrent  form,  before  the  fire  of  London.  Turner,  who  was  the 
lirst  minister,  was  a  very  active  man  duriligthe  plague.  He  was  ejected  from  Sun- 
bury,  in  Middlesex,  and  continued  to  preach  in  Fetter  Lane  till  towards  the  end  of 
the  reign  of  Charles  II.,  when  he  removed  to  Leather  Lane.  Baxter  carried  on  the 
Friday  morning  lecture  till  the  24th  of  August,  16(i2.  The  church  which  then  raet 
in  it  was  umlcr  the  care  of  Wr.  Lobb,  whose  predecessors  had  been  Dr.  Thomas 
Gooilwin  and  Thankful  Owen.  It  has  been  preserved  by  an  unbroken  line  of  Evan- 
gelical pastors  to  the  present  time,  in  which  it  enjoys  the  ministry  of  my  venerable 
friend  the  Rev.  George  Burder,  and  his  worthy'  co-pastor  the  Rev.  Caleb  Morris. — 
See  'Wilson's  Dissenting  Churches,'  vol.  iii.  p.  120. 

(b)  It  was  suspected  that  the  women  about  the  king  interposed,  and  induced  him 
to  withdraw  liis  declaration.  Upon  this,  Shaftesbury  turned  short  round,  provoked 
at  the  king's  want  of  steadiness,  and  especially,  at  his  giving  up  the  point  about  issu- 
ing writs  in  the  recess  of  parliament. — Hallam,  vol.  ii.  p.  530. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


2G7 


quiet  neighbors,  at  Totteridge,  and  much  more  health  or  ease 
than  T  expected,  and  some  opportunity  to  serve  liim. 

"The  parliament  grew  into  great  jealousies  of  the  prevalcncy 
of  Popery.  There  was  an  army  raised  which  lay  u|)oa  Black- 
heath,  encamped,  as  for  service  against  die  Dutch,  in  which  so 
many  of  the  commanders  were  Papists,  as  made  men  fear  the 
design  was  worse.  They  feared  not  to  talk  openly,  that  the 
Papists,  having  no  hope  of  getting  the  parliament  to  set  up  their 
religion  by  law,  did  design  to  take  down  parliaments,  and  reduce 
the  government  to  the  French  model,  and  religion  to  their  state, 
by  a  standing  army.  These  thoughts  put  them  into  dismal  ex- 
pectations, and  many  wished  that  the  army,  at  any  rate,  might 
be  disbanded.  The  duke  of  York  being  general,  the  parlia- 
ment made  an  act  that  no  man  should  be  in  any  office  of  trust 
who  would  not  take  the  oaths  of  supremacy  and  allegiance;  re- 
ceive the  sacrament  according  to  the  order  of  the  church  of 
England;  and  renounce  transubstantiation.  Some  that  were 
known,  sold  or  laid  down  their  places:  the  duke  of  York  and  the 
new  lord  treasurer,  Clifford,  laid  down  all.  It  was  said  that  they 
did  it  on  supposition  that  the  act  left  the  king  empowered  to 
renew  their  commissions  when  they  had  laid  them  down:  but  the 
lord  chancellor  told  the  king  that  it  was  not  so;  and  so  they  were 
put  out  by  themselves.  This  setded  men  in  the  full  belief  that 
the  duke  of  York  and  lord  Clifford  were  Papists.  The  Lon- 
doners had  special  hatred  against  the  duke,  ever  since  the  burn- 
ing of  London,  commonly  saying,  that  divers  were  taken  casting 
fire-balls,  and  brought  to  his  guards  of  soldiers  to  be  secured, 
whom  he  let  go,  and  both  secured  and  concealed  them."" 

It  was  in  these  circumstances  that  the  celebrated  Test  Act 
was  passed.  The  church  party,  according  to  Burnet,  showed  a 
noble  zeal  for  their  religion;  and  the  dissentere  got  great  reputa- 
tion for  their  silent  deportment.  The  design  of  the  measure  is 
very  obvious:  but  the  impropriety  of  doing  evil  diat  good  might 
come,  is  strikingly  illustrated  by  it.  To  get  rid  of  the  duke  of 
York,  and  a  Popish  party,  who  might  have  been  thrown  out  by 
other  means,  the  prostitution  of  a  sacred  ordinance  of  religion  was 
resorted  to,  by  which  a  gross  enormity  came  to  be  perpetuated 
in  the  country  for  more  than  a  century  and  a  half.  The  disin- 
terestedness of  the  dissenters  in  submitting  to  let  this  bill  pass 
quietly,  is  more  worthy  of  commendation  than  is  their  wisdom; 
while  the  injustice  and  ingratitude  of  the  party  which  then  praised 
them,  do  it  infinite  discredit.  It  is  highly  satisfactory  to  the 
enlightened  men  of  all  parties  that  this  abomination  is  now  no  more. 

Though  the  preamble  of  the  act,  and  the  whole  history  of  ihe 
transaction,  show  that  the  main  object  was  a  safeguard  against 


(c)  Life,  pari  iii.  p.  106. 


268 


THE   MFE     AND  TIMES 


Popery,  it  is  probable  that  a  majority  of  botli  houses  liked  it  the 
better  for  this  secondary  effect  of  shiilling  out  the  Presbyterians 
still  more  than  had  been  done  by  previous  statutes  of  this  reign. 
There  took  place,  however,  a  remarkable  coalition  between  the 
two  parties;  for  many  who  had  always  acted  as  high  churchmen 
and  cavaliers,  sensible,  at  last,  of  the  policy  of  their  common  ad- 
versaries, renounced  a  good  deal  of  the  intolerance  and  bigotry 
that  had  characterised  the  present  parliament.  The  dissenters, 
with  much  disinterestedness,  gave  their  support  to  the  Test  act: 
in  return,  a  bill  was  brought  in,  and,  after  some  debate,  passed 
to  the  Lords,  repealing,  in  a  considerable  degree,  the  persecuting 
laws  against  their  worship.  The  Upper  House,  perhaps  insid- 
iously, returned  it  with  amendments  more  favorable  to  the  dis- 
senters, and  insisted  upon  them,  after  a  conference.  A  sudden 
prorogation  put  an  end  to  this  bill,  which  was  as  unacceptable  to 
the  court  as  it  was  to  the  zealots  of  the  church  of  England.** 

"On  the  20th  of  October,  the  parliament  met  again,  and  sud- 
denly voted  an  address  to  the  king,  about  the  duke  of  York's 
marriage  with  the  duke  of  Modena's  daughter,  an  Italian  Papist, 
akin  to  the  pope,  and  to  desire  that  it  might  be  stopped,  she 
being  not  yet  come  over.  As  soon  as  they  had  done  that,  the 
king,  by  the  chancellor,  prorogued  them  till  Monday  follow- 
ing, because  it  was  not  usual  for  a  parliament  to  grant  money 
twice  in  a  session.  On  Monday,  when  they  met,  the  king  de- 
sired speedy  aid  of  money  against  the  Dutch;  and  the  lord  chan- 
cellor set  forth  the  reasons  and  the  unreasonableness  of  the  Dutch. 
But  the  parliament  still  stuck  to  their  former  resentment  of  the 
duke  of  York's  marriage,  and  renewed  their  message  to  the  king 
against  it,  who  answered  them'that  it  was  debated  at  the  open 
council,  and  resolved  that  it  was  too  late  to  stop  it.  On  Friday, 
October  31,  the  parliament  went  so  high  as  to  pass  a  vote  that  no 
more  money  should  be  given  till  the  eighteen  months  of  the  last 
tax  were  expired,  unless  the  Dutch  proved  obstinate,  and  unless 
we  were  secured  against  the  danger  of  Popery,  and  Popish  coun- 
sellors, and  their  grievances  were  redressed.  It  voted  also  to 
ask  of  his  majesty  a  day  of  humiliation,  because  of  the  growth 
of  Popery.  It  intended  solemnly  to  keep  the  Gunpowder  Plot, 
and  appointed  Dr.  Stillingfleet  to  preach  before  it,  who  was  then 
mostly  engaged  in  writing  against  Popery:  but  on  the  day  before, 
being  November  4th,  the  king,  to  their  great  discontent,  pro- 
rogued the  parliament  to  the  7th  of  January. 

(d)  Hallam,  vol.  ii.  pp.  532  ,  533.  Some  of  the  ablest  discussions  respecting  the 
Test  act,  and  the  circiamstances  in  which  it  was  passed,  took  place  in  the  debates  on 
the  passing  of  the  Repeal  bill,  in  the  year  18'28.  Lord  Holland's  speech,  on  intro- 
ducing the  bill  in  the  House  of  Lords,  is  a  masterly  specimen  of  historical  accuracy 
and  parliamentary  eloquence.  In  the  'Test  Act  Reporter,'  all  the  debates  are  accu- 
rately recorded. 


OP    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


269 


"On  that  day,  the  parliament  met  again,  and  voted  that  their 
first  work  should  be  to  prevent  Popery,  redress  grievances,  and 
be  secured  against  the  instruments  or  counsellors  of  these  evils. 
They  shortly  after  voted  the  dukes  of  Buckingham  and  Lau- 
derdale unfit  for  trust  about  the  king,  and  desired  their  removal. 
When  dicy  came  to  the  lord  Arlington,  and  would  have  treated 
him  in  the  same  manner,  without  an  impeachment,  it  was  carried 
against  that  attempt;  and  because  the  members  who  favored  the 
Nonconformists  were  against  the  rest,  and  helped  off  lord  Arl- 
ington, the  rest  were  greatly  exasperated  against  them,  and 
reported  that  diey  did  it,  because  he  had  furthered  the  Noncon- 
formists' licenses  for  tolerated  preaching. 

"The  3d  of  February  was  a  public  fast  against  Popery,  the 
first  which  I  remember,  beside  the  anniversary  fasts,  which  had 
ever  been  since  this  parliament  was  called,  which  had  now  sat 
longer  than  that  called  the  Long  Parliament.  The  preachers, 
Dr.  Cradock  and  Dr.  Whitchcot,  meddled  but  little  with  that 
business,  and  did  not  please  them  as  Dr.  Stilhngfleet  had  done; 
who  greatly  animated  diem  and  all  the  nation  against  Popery, 
by  his  open  and  diligent  endeavors  for  the  Protestant  cause. 

"During  this  session,  the  earl  of  Orrery''  desired  me  to  draw 
him  up,  in  brief,  the  terms  and  means  which  I  thought  would 
satisfy  the  Nonconformists,  so  far  as  to  unite  us  all  against 
Popery;  professing  that  he  met  with  many  great  men  that  were 
much  for  it,  and  particularly  the  new  lord  treasurer,  Sir  Thomas 
Osborn,  afterwards  created  lord  Danby,*^  and  Dr.  Morley, 
bishop  of  Winchester,  who  vehemently  professed  his  desires  of 
it.  Dr.  Fulwood,  and  also  divers  others,  had  been  with  me  to 
the  like  purpose,  testifying  the  said  bishop's  resolution  herein.  I 
wished  them  all  to  tell  him  from  me,  that  he  had  done  so  much 
to  the  contrary,  and  never  any  thing  this  way,  since  his  profes- 
sions of  that  sort,  that  till  his  real  endeavors  convinced  men,  it 
would  not  be  believed  that  he  was  serious.  But  when  I  had 
given  the  earl  of  Orrery  my  papers,  he  returned  them  me  with 
bishop  Morley's  strictures,  or  animadversions,  as  by  his  words 
and  the  hand-writing  I  had  reasons  to  be  confident;  by  which  he 
made  me  see  fully  that  all  his  professions  for  abatement  and 
concord  were  deceitful  snares,  and  that  he  intended  no  such 
thing."  f 

(d)  Formerly  Lord  Bro^hill,  under  which  title  he  is  generally  spoken  of  by  Bax- 
ter, and  other  writers  of  that  period.  He  was  a  very  distinguished  man,  and  pro- 
bably sincerely  desirous  on  this  occasion  to  promote  the  g^ood  of  the  country,  and 
the  benefit  of  the  Nonconformists,  to  whom  he  was  a  steady  friend. 

(e)  Danby  succeeded  Clifford,  on  the  fall  of  the  cabal  ministry.  He  was  not  a 
Papist  like  his  predecessor;  but  was  a  corrupt  man,  capable  of  resorting  to  meas- 
ures, to  please  the  court,  which  were  most  injurious  to  the  constitution  and  interests 
of  his  country.  It  was  througli  his  instrumentality,  however,  that  the  marriage  of 
the  Princess  Mary  with  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  effected,  to  which  circumstance 
we  ultimately  owe  the  Revolution. 

(f)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  102—109. 


270 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


Again,  our  worthy  and  indefatigable  friend  of  peace  took  up  liis 
pen,  and  devoted  no  small  attention  to  this  new  scheme  of  union. 
His  proposals,  Bishop  Morley's  strictures,  and  his  reply,  are 
given  at  large,  in  his  own  narrative;  ^  but  it  would  be  useless  to 
trouble  the  reader  with  any  part  of  the  documents,  since  the 
whole  ended,  as  all  other  schemes  of  the  same  kind  had  done, 
in  disappointment. 

"A  little  after,  some  great  men  of  the  House  of  Commons 
drew  up  a  bill,  as  tending  to  our  healing,  to  take  off  our  oaths, 
subscriptions,  and  declarations,  except  the  oath  of  supremacy, 
and  allegiance,  and  subscriptions  to  the  doctrines  of  the  church 
of  England,  according  to  the  13th  of  Elizabeth.  But  showing 
it  to  the  said  bishop  of  Winchester,  he  caused  them  to  forbear, 
and  broke  it;  and  instead  of  it  he  furthered  an  act,  to  take  off 
only  assent  and  consent,  and  the  renunciation  of  the  govern- 
ment; which  would  have  been  but  a  cunning  snare  to  make 
us  more  remediless,  and  do  no  good;  seeing  that  the  same 
things  with  the  repeated  clauses,  would  be  still,  by  other  con- 
tinued obligations  required,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  canon  for 
subscription,  art,  ii.,  and  in  the  Oxford  act,  for  the  oath  and  for 
confining  refusers.  It  is  credibly  averred,  that  when  most  of  the 
other  bishops  were  against  this  ensnaring  show  of  abatement,  he 
told  them  in  the  house  that  had  it  been  but  to  abate  us  a  cere- 
mony, he  would  not  have  spoken  in  it:  but  he  knew  that  we  were 
bound  to  the  same  things  still,  by  other  clauses  or  obligations,  if 
these  were  repealed. 

"On  February  24th,  all  these  things  were  suddenly  ended, 
the  king  early  and  unexpectedly  proroguing  the  parliament  till 
November:  whereby  the  minds  of  both  houses  were  much  trou- 
bled, and  multitudes  greatly  exasperated  and  alienated  from  the 
court:  of  whom  many  now  saw  that  the  leading  bishops  had  been 
the  great  causes  of  our  distractions;  but  others  hating  the  Non- 
conformists more,  were  still  as  hot  for  prelacy  and  violence  as 
ever. 

"All  this  while,  die  aspiring  sort  of  Conformists,  who  looked 
for  preferment,  and  the  chaplains  who  lived  in  fulness,  and 
other  malignant  factious  clergymen,  did  write  and  preach  to 
stir  up  king,  parliament,  and  others,  to  violence  and  cruelty 
against  the  liberty  and  blood  of  the  Nonconformists,  who  lived 
quietly  by  them  in  labor  and  poverty,  and  meddled  not  with 
them.  Some  railed  at  them  as  the  most  intolerable  villains  in 
tJie  world,  especially  Sam.  Parker,  who  was  jocularly  confuted 
and  detected  by  Mr.  Marvel,  a  parliament  man.  One  Hickering- 
hill,  and  others,  came  near  him  in  their  malignity;  and  Papists 
taking  the  advantage,  set  in  and  did  the  like.     One  wrote  a 


(g)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  113—110. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


271 


'Sober  Inquiry,'  of  the  reasons  why  the  nonconforiiiable  minis- 
ters wore  still  so  valued  by  the  people,  which  was  their  grievous 
vexation,  and  j)retended  many  causes;  I  know  not  whether 
more  malijinantly  or  foolishly,  which  none  could  believe  hut  stran- 
gers, and  those  that  were  blinded  by  faction,  malignity,  or  false 
rej)orls.'' 

"The  Lord's-day  before  the  parliament  was  dissolved,  one  of 
these  prclatists  preached  to  them,  to  persuade  diem  that  we  are 
obstinate,  and  not  to  be  tolerated  or  eased  by  any  means  but 
vengeance,  urging  them  to  set  fire  to  the  fagot,  and  teach  us 
by  scourges  or  scor[)ions,  and  open  our  eyes  with  gall.  Yet 
none  of  these  will  procure  us  leave  to  publish,  or  offer  to  au- 
thority the  reasons  of  our  nonconformity.  But  this  is  not  the 
first  proof  that  a  carnal,  worldly,  proud,  ungodly  clergy,  who 
never  were  serious  in  their  own  professed  belief,  nor  felt  the 
power  of  what  they  preach,  have  been,  in  most  ages  of  the 
church,  its  greatest  plague,  and  the  greatest  hinderers  of  holi- 
ness and  concord,  by  making  their  formalities  and  ceremonies 
the  test  of  holiness,  and  their  worldly  interest  and  domination 
the  only  cement  of  concord.  Oh  how  much  hath  Satan  done 
against  Christ's  kingdom  in  the  world,  by  setting  up  pastors  and 
rulers  over  the  churches,  to  fight  against  Christ  in  his  own  name 
and  livery,  and  to  destroy  piety  and  peace,  by  a  pretence  of 
promoting  them! 

"At  this  time,  April,  1674,  God  so  much  increased  my  lan- 
guishing, and  laid  me  so  low,  by  an  incessant  inflation  of  my 
head,  and  translation  of  my  great  flatulency  thither  to  the  nerves 
and  members,  increasing  for  ten  or  twelve  weeks  to  greater 
pains,  that  I  had  reason  to  think  that  my  time  on  earth  would 
not  be  long.  And,  oh!  how  good  hath  die  will  of  God  proved 
hitherto  to  me:  and  will  it  not  be  best  at  last?  Experience 
causeth  me  to  say  to  his  praise,  'Great  peace  have  they  that  love 
his  law,  and  nothing  shall  offend  them;  and  though  my  flesh 
and  heart  do  fail,  God  is  the  rock  of  my  heart,  and  my  portion 
for  ever.' 

"Taking  it  to  be  my  duty  to  preach  while  toleration  contin- 
ued, I  removed  the  last  spring  to  London,  where  my  diseases 
increasing  for  about  half  a  year,  constrained  me  to  cease  my 
Friday's  lecture,'  and  an  afternoon  sermon  on  the  Lord's  day 
in  my  own  house,  to  my  grief;  and  to  preach  only  one  sermon 
a  week  at  St.  James's  market-house,  where  some  had  hired  an 
inconvenient  place.  But  I  had  great  encouragement  to  labor 
there,  because  of  the  notorious  necessity  of  the  people:  for  it  was 

(li)  See  an  account  of  tlie  controversy  hero  referred  to,  and  of  the  behavior  of  Par- 
ker and  Marvel,  in  'Memoirs  of  Owen,'  pp.  268—273. 

(i)  I  suppose  he  renewed  it  again,  and  continued  it,  tliough  perhaps  with  frequent 
interruptions,  till  lfi82,  when  he  linally  gave  it  up. 


272 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


noted  as  tlie  habitation  of  the  most  ignorant,  atheistical,  and 
popish,  about  London;  while  the  greatness  of  the  parish  of  St. 
Martin,  made  it  impossible  for  the  tenth,  perhaps  the  twentieth 
person  in  the  parisli,  to  hear  in  the  parish  cliurch;  and  the  next 
parishes,  St.  Giles  and  Clement  Danes,  were  almost  in  the  like 
case. 

"On  July  5,  1G74,  at  our  meeting  over  St.  James's  market- 
house,  God  vouchsafed  us  a  great  deliverance.  A  main  beam, 
weakened  before  by  the  weight  of  the  people,  so  cracked,  that 
three  times  they  ran  in  terror  out  of  the  room,  thinking  it  was 
falling,  but  remembering  the  like  at  St.  Dunstan's  in  the  West, 
I  reproved  their  fear  as  causeless.  But  the  next  day,  taking  up 
the  boards,  we  found  that  two  rends  were  so  great,  that  it  was  a 
wonder  of  Providence  that  the  floor  had  not  fallen,  and  the  roof 
with  it,  to  the  destruction  of  multitudes.  The  Lord  make  us 
thankful!  J 

"It  pleased  God  to  give  me  marvellous  encouragement  in  my 
preaching  at  St.  James's.  The  crack  having  frightened  away 
most  of  the  richer  sort,  especially  the  women;  most  of  the  con- 
gregation were  young  men  of  the  most  capable  age,  who  heard 
with  very  great  attention,  and  many  that  had  not  come  to  church 
for  years,  received  so  much,  and  manifested  so  great  a  change 
(some  Papists  and  divers  others,  returning  public  thanks  to  God 
for  their  conversion,)  as  made  all  my  charge  and  trouble  easy  to 
me.  Among  all  the  popish,  rude,  and  ignorant  multitude  who 
were  inhabitants  of  those  parts,  we  had  scarce  any  that  opened 
their  mouths  against  us,  and  that  did  not  speak  well  of  the 
preaching  of  the  word  among  them;  though,  when  I  first  went 
thither,  the  most  knowing  inhabitants  assured  me  that  some  of 
the  same  persons  wished  my  death.  Among  the  ruder  sort,  a 
common  reformation  was  notified  in  the  place,  in  their  conversa- 
tion as  well  as  in  their  judgments. 

"But  Satan,  the  enemy  of  God  and  souls,  did  quickly  use 
divers  means  to  hinder  me:  by  persecution,  by  the  charges  of 
the  work,  and  by  the  troublesome  clamors  of  some  that  were 
too  much  inchned  to  separation.  First,  a  fellow,  that  made  a 
trade  of  being  an  informer,  accused  me  to  Sir  William  Pul- 
teney,  a  justice  near,  upon  the  act  against  conventicles.  Sir 
William  dealt  so  wisely  and  fairly  in  the  business,  as  frustrated 
the  informer's  first  attempts,  who  offered  his  oath  against  me; 
and  before  he  could  made  a  second  attempt,  Mr.  David  Lloyd, 

(j)  On  this  occasion  Mrs.  Baxter  discovered  great  presence  of  mind.  After  the  first 
crack  was  heard,  she  went  immediately  down  stairs,  and  accosting  the  first  person 
she  met,  asl<ed  what  was  his  profession.  He  said,  a  carpenter.  "Can  you  suddenly 
put  a  prop  under  the  middle  of  this  beam?"  said  she.  The  man  dwelt  close  by,  had 
a  great  prop  ready,  suddenly  put  it  under,  while  the  congregation  above  knew  noth- 
ing of  it,  but  had  its  fears  increased  by  the  man's  knocking. — Memoirs  of  Mrs.  Bax- 
ter, p.  61. 


OF   RU'IIAUn  HAXTKU. 


273 


tlie  Earl  of  Si.  Alban's  bailiff,  and  other  inhabitants  so  searched 
after  tlie  quality  of  the  informer,  and  prosecuted  him  to  secnre 
the  parish  from  the  charge  of  his  children,  as  made  him  flee, 
and  appear  no  more.  I,  who  had  been  the  first  silenced,  and 
the  first  sent  to  gaol  upon  the  Oxford  act  of  confinement,  was 
the  first  prosecuted  upon  the  act  of  conventicles,  after  the  par- 
liament's condemning  the  king's  declaration,  and  licenses  to 
preach. 

"Shortly  after  this,  the  storm  grew  much  greater.  The  min- 
isters of  state  had  new  consultations.  The  Duke  of  Lauder- 
dale, the  Lord  Treasurer,  the  Earl  of  Danby,  the  Lord-Keeper, 
Sir  Heneage  Finch,'"  Bishop  Morley,  and  Bishop  Ward,  &c., 
were  the  men  whom  the  world  talked  of  as  tlie  doers  of  the 
business.  The  first  thing  that  appeared,  W'as,  his  majesty  call- 
ing the  bishops  up  to  London  to  give  him  advice  what  was  to  be 
done  for  the  securing  of  religion.  The  bishops,  after  divers 
meetings  and  delays,  die  said  duke  and  lord  treasurer  being  ap- 
pointed to  meet  with  them,  at  last  advised  the  king  to  recal  his 
licenses,  and  put  the  laws  in  execution,  which  was  done  by  a 
proclamation,  declaring  the  licenses  long  since  void,  and  requir- 
ing the  execution  of  the  laws  against  Papists  (who  were  most 
largely  mentioned)  and  conventicles.  No  sooner  was  this  proc- 
lamation published,  but  special  informers  were  set  at  work  to 
ascertain  the  execution,  and  I  must  here  also  be  the  first  to  be 
accused." ' 

It  appears  that  Baxter,  partly  to  avoid  the  penalties  for  not 
complying  with  the  act  of  uniformity,  and  partly  for  his  own 
relief,  employed  an  assistant,  who  read  a  portion  of  the  church 
service  for  him  on  the  Lord's  day.  This  partial  conformity 
occasioned  many  false  reports  respecting  his  sentiments,  which 
gave  him  great  trouble,  while  it  failed  to  commend  him  to  the 
staunch  supporters  of  ecclesiastical  order. 

"The  Separatists  gave  out  presently  that  I  had  conformed, 
and  openly  declared  my  assent  and  consent,  &lc.;  and  so  confi- 
dently did  they  afiirm  it,  that  almost  all  the  city  believed  it. 
The  prelatists  again  took  the  report  from  them,  with  their  own 
willingness  that  so  it  should  be,  and  reported  the  same  thing. 
In  one  episcopal  city,  they  gave  thanks  in  public  tliat  I  had  con- 
formed; ,n  many  counties  their  news  was,  that  I  most  certainly 
conformed,  and  was,  thereupon,  to  have  a  bishopric;  which  if 

(k)  Sir  Heneage  Finch  was  one  of  the  Icaihng  mcniliers  of  the  pai  liamcnt  vvhicli 
restored  Chades  II.,  hy  whom  he  was  made  solicitor-general  iinniediatcly  after. 
He  became  attorney-general  in  1G70,  and  lord-keeper  of  the  great  .seal  in  I(i73;  was 
raised  to  the  chancellorship  in  lf)75,  and  created  Earl  of  Nottingham  in  1G8I.  His 
lordship  was  properly  the  founder  of  the  noble  family  of  Winchilsea.  He  possessed 
good  learning,  considerable  eloquence,  and  was,  on  the  whole,  a  respectable  public 
character.    He  himself  refused  to  put  the  great  seal  to  lord  Danby's  pardon. 

(I)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  MO— 153. 

VOL.  1.  35 


274 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


I  should,  I  had  done  foolishly  in  losing  thirteen  years  lordship 
and  profit,  and  then  taken  it  when  I  was  dying.  This  was  di- 
vulged by  the  Conformists,  to  fortify  their  party  in  the  conceits 
of  their  innocency,  and  by  the  Separatists,  in  spleen  and  quar- 
relsome zeal;  but  confident  lying  was  too  common  with  both. 
And  yet,  the  next  day,  or  the  next  day  save  one,  letters  fled 
abroad,  on  the  contrary,  that  I  was  sent  to  jaol  for  not  conform- 
ing. 

"While  I  was  thus  murmured  at  by  backbiters,  sectaries  and 
prelatists,  when  the  king's  licenses  were  recalled,  I  was  the  first 
that  was  apprehended  by  warrant,  and  brought  before  the  jus- 
tices as  a  conventicler.  One  Keeling, an  ignorant  fellow,  had 
got  a  warrant,  as  bailiff  and  informer,  to  search  after  conven- 
ticlers.  Papists  and  Protestants,  which  he  prosecuted  with  great 
animosity  and  violence.  Having  then  left  St.  James's,  the  lease 
of  the  house  being  out,  I  preached  only  on  Thursdays,  at  Mr. 
Turner's.  By  the  act,  it  was  required  I  should  be  judged  by 
a  justice  of  the  city  or  division  where  I  preach;  but  be  distrain- 
ed on  by  warrant  from  a  justice  of  the  division  or  county  w  here 
I  live.  So  that  the  preaching  place  being  in  the  city,  only  a 
city  justice  might  judge  me.  Keeling  went  to  many  of  the  city 
justices,  but  none  of  them  would  grant  him  a  warrant  against 
me;  he  therefore  went  to  the  justices  of  the  county,  who  lived 
near  me,  and  one.  Sir  John  Medlicot,  and  Mr.  Bennet,  brother 
to  Lord  Arlington,  ignorant  of  the  law  herein,  gave  their  war- 
rant to  apprehend  me,  and  bring  me  before  them,  or  some  other 
of  his  majesty's  justices.  The  constable,  or  informer,  gave  me 
leave  to  choose  what  justices  I  would  go  to.  I  accordingly 
went  with  them  to  seek  divers  of  the  best  justices,  but  could 
find  none  of  them  at  home,  and  so  spent  that  day,  in  a  state  of 
pain  and  great  weakness,  being  carried  up  and  down  in  vain. 
But  I  used  the  informer  kindly,  and  spake  that  to  him  which 
his  conscience,  though  a  very  ignorant  fellow,  did  not  well 
digest.  The  next  day,  I  went  with  the  constable  and  him,  to  Sir 
William  Pulteney,  who  made  him  show  his  warrant,  which  was 
signed  by  Henry  Montague,  son  to  the  late  worthy  Earl  of 
]\lanchester,  as  bailiff  of  Westminster,  enabling  him  to  search, 
after  mass-priests  and  conventiclers.  Sir  William  showed  him 
and  all  the  company,  from  the  act,  that  none  but  a  city  justice 
had  power  to  judge  me  for  a  sermon  preached  in  the  city,  and 
so  the  informer  was  defeated.  As  I  went  out  of  the  house,  I 
met  the  Countess  of  Warwick  and  Lady  Lucy  Montague,  sis- 
ter to  the  said  Mr.  Henry  Montague,  and  told  them  of  the  case 
and  warrant,  who  assured  me,  that  he  whose  hand  was  at  it, 


(m)  Burnet  gives  a  long  account  of  Keeling,  with  liis  conduct  as  a  conlriver  of 
plots,  and  an  informer. — vol.  ii  pp.  369 — 300. 


OF    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


275 


knew  nothinii;  of  it;  and  some  of  them  sent  to  liim,  and  Kecl- 
ing's  warrant,  was  called  in  within  two  or  three  days.  It  proved 
tliat  one  Mr.  Barwell,  sub-bailiff  of  Westminster,  was  he  that 
set  Keeling  on  work,  gave  hiin  his  warrant;  and  told  him  how 
good  a  service  it  was  to  the  church,  and  what  he  might  gain  by- 
it.  l?arwcll  sharply  chid  Keeling  for  not  doing  his  work  with 
me  more  skilfully.  Lord  Arlington  most  sharply  chid  his 
brodier  for  granting  his  warrant;  and  within  a  few  days,  Mr. 
Barwell,  riding  the  circuit,  was  cast  by  his  horse,  and  died  in 
tlie  very  fall.  Sir  John  Medlicot  and  his  brother,  a  few  weeks 
after,  lay  both  dead  in  his  house  together.  Shortly  after.  Keel- 
ing came  several  times  to  have  spoken  with  me,  to  ask  my  for' 
giveness;  and  not  meeting  with  me,  went  to  my  friends  in  the 
city,  with  tlie  same  words:  though  a  little  before,  he  had  boasted, 
how  many  hundred  pounds  he  should  have  of  the  city  justices 
for  refusing  him  justice.  At  last  he  found  me  within,  and  would 
have  fallen  down  on  his  knees  to  me,  and  asked  me  earnestly 
to  forgive  him.  I  asked  him  what  had  changed  his  mind;  he 
told  me  that  his  conscience  had  no  peace  from  tlie  hour  that  he 
troubled  me;  and  that  it  increased  his  disquiet,  that  no  justice 
would  hear,  nor  one  constable  of  forty  execute  the  warrant, 
and  all  the  people  cried  out  against  him;  but  that  which  set  it 
home,  was  Mr.  Barvvell's  death,  for  of  Sir  John  Medlicot's  he 
knew  not.  I  exhorted  the  man  to  universal  repentance,  and 
reformation  of  life.  He  told  me  he  would  never  meddle  in 
such  businesses,  or  trouble  any  man  more,  and  promised  to  live 
hetter  himself  than  he  had  done. 

"As  the  next  session  of  parliament  approached.  Bishop  Mor- 
ley  set  upon  the  same  course  again,  and  Bishop  Ward,  as  his 
second  and  chief  co-agent,  joined  with  him;  so  that  they  were 
famed  to  be  the  two  bishops  that  were  for  comprehension  and 
concord:  none  so  forward  as  they.  At  last,  Dr.  Batps  brought 
me  a  message  from  Dr.  Tillotson,  dean  of  Canterbury,  that  he 
and  Dr.  Stillingfleet  desired  a  meeting  with  Dr.  Manton,  Dr. 
Bates,  Mr.  Pool,  and  me,  to  treat  of  an  act  of  comprehension 
and  union;  and  that  they  were  encouraged  to  it  by  some  lords, 
bodi  spiritual  and  temporal.  We  met  to  consider  whether  such 
an  attempt  was  safe  and  prudent,  or  whether  it  was  offered  by 
some  bishops  as  a  snare  to  us.  I  told  them  my  opinion,  that 
experience  could  not  suffer  my  charity  to  believe  better  of  some 
of  them;  but  as  they  knew  Dr.  Stillingfleet  and  Dr.  Tillotson 
to  be  die  likeliest  men  to  have  a  hand  in  an  agreement,  if  such 
a  thing  should  be  attempted;  they  would  therefore  make  them- 
selves masters  of  it  to  defeat  it,  and  no  belter  issue  could  be 
expected  from  them.  Yet  these  two  doctors  were  men  of  so 
much  learning,  honesty,  and  interest,  that  I  took  it  as  our  duty 
to  accept  the  offer,  and  to  try  with  them  how  Air  we  could 


27G  THE    LIFE   AND  TIMES 

agree,  and  whether  they  would  promise  us  secrecy,  unless  it 
caaic  to  maturity,  when  it  might  be  further  notified  by  consent. 
I  thought  that  we  might  hope  for  success  with  these  two  men; 
and,  in  time,  it  might  be  some  advantage  to  our  desired  unity, 
that  our  terras  were  such  as  they  consented  to."  " 

It  is  irksome  to  record  these  constantly  recurring  schemes  of 
comprehension  and  union,  from  which  nothing  whatever  result- 
ed. Tillotson  and  Stillingfleet  appear  to  have  been  sincere, 
while  neither  Morley  nor  Ward  was  so;  and  thus,  after  various 
meetings  and  discussions,  Baxter,  who  had  taken  the  trouble  of 
drawing  up  a  "Healing  Act,"  and  several  petitions  or  addresses 
to  the  king,  which  were  never  used,  was  left  only  with  the  com- 
fort of  reflecting  that  he  had  conscientiously  sought  that  peace, 
which  others  either  wanted  the  will  or  the  power  to  promote. 

"While  the  said  two  bishops  were  fraudulently  seeming  to  set 
us  in  this  treaty,  their  cause  required  them  outwardly  to  pretend 
that  they  would  not  have  me  troubled;  but  I  was  still  the  first 
that  was  hunted  after  and  persecuted.  For  even  while  I  was  in 
this  treaty,  the  informers  of  the  city,  set  on  work  by  the  bishops, 
were  watching  my  preaching,  and  contriving  to  load  me  with 
divers  convictions  and  fines  at  once.  They  found  an  alderman- 
justice,  even  in  the  ward  where  I  preached,  fit  for  their  design, 
one  Sir  Thomas  Davis,  who  understood  not  the  law,  but  was 
ready  to  serve  the  prelates  in  their  own  way.  To  him,  oath  was 
made  against  me,  and  the  place  where  I  preached,  for  two  ser- 
mons, which  came  to  threescore  pounds  fine  to  me,  and  four- 
score to  the  owner  of  the  place  where  we  assembled;  but  1  only 
was  sought  after  and  prosecuted. 

"The  execution  of  these  laws,  which  were  to  ruin  us  for 
preaching,  was  so  much  against  the  hearts  of  the  citizens,  that 
scarcely  any  could  be  found  to  execute  them.  Though  the  cor- 
poration oath  and  declaration  had  new  moulded  the  city,  and 
all  the  corporations  of  the  land,  except  a  few,  such  as  Taunton, 
which  were  entirely  dissolved  by  it,  die  aldermen  were,  for  the 
most  part,  utterly  averse  to  such  employment;  so  that,  when- 
ever an  informer  came  to  them,  though  they  forfeited  a  hun- 
dred pounds  every  time  they  refused  to  execute  their  office, 
some  shifted  out  of  the  way,  and  some  plainly  denied  and  re- 
pulsed the  accusers,  and  one  was  sued  for  it.  Alderman  Forth 
got  an  informer  bound  to  his  behavior,  for  breaking  in  upon  him 
in  his  chamber,  against  his  will.  Two  fellows,  called  Stroud 
and  Marshall,  became  the  general  informers  in  the  city.  In  all 
London,  notwithstanding  that  the  third  parts  of  those  great 
fines  might  be  given  the  informers,  very  few  could  be  found  to 
do  it:  and  those  two  were  presently  fallen  upon  by  their  credi- 


(n)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  151 — 157. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTKR. 


277 


tors  on  purpose.  Marshall  was  laid  in  the  Compter  for  debt, 
where  he  remained  for  a  considerable  time;  but  Stroud,  keeping 
a  cofFoe-house,  was  not  so  deep  in  debt,  and  was  bailed.  Had 
a  sti-anger  of  another  land  come  into  London,  and  seen  five  or 
six  ])oor,  ignorant,  sorry  fellows,  unworthy  to  have  been  inferior 
servants  to  an  ordinary  gentleman,  hunting  and  insulting  even 
the  ancient  aldermen,  and  the  lord  mayor  himself,  and  all  the 
reverend,  faithful  ministers  that  were  ejected;  while  eighty-nine 
churches  were  destroyed  by  the  fire;  and,  in  many  parishes,  the 
churches  yet  standing,  could  not  hold  a  sixth  or  tenth  part  of 
the  people,  yet  those  that  preached  for  nothing  were  prosecuted 
to  utter  ruin,  with  such  unwearied  eagerness,  sure  he  would 
have  wondered  what  these  prelates  and  prosecutors  were.  It 
may  convince  us  that  the  designation  i'ta^oxm  (false  accusers,) 
given  in  Scripture  to  some,  is  not  unmeet,  when  men  pretending 
to  be  the  fathers  of  the  church,  dare  turn  loose  half-a-dozen 
paltry,  silly  fellows,  that  know  not  what  they  do,  to  be  to  so 
many  thousand  sober  men,  as  wolves  among  the  sheep,  to  the 
distraction  of  such  a  city,  and  the  disturbance  of  so  many  thous- 
ands for  worshipping  God.  How  lively  doth  this  tell  us,  that 
Satan,  the  prince  of  the  aerial  powers,  worketh  in  the  children 
of  disobedience;  and  that  his  kingdom  on  earth  is  kin  to  hell,  as 
Christ's  kingdom  is  to  heaven! 

"When  I  understood  that  the  design  was  to  ruin  me,  by  heap- 
ing up  convictions,  before  I  was  heard  to  speak  for  myself,  I 
went  to  Sir  Thomas  Davis,  and  told  him,  that  I  undertook  to 
prove  I  broke  not  the  law,  and  desired  him  that  he  would 
pass  no  judgment  till  I  had  spoken  for  myself  before  my  accu- 
sers. But  I  found  him  so  ignorant  of  the  law,  as  to  be  fully 
persuaded  that  if  the  informers  did  but  swear  in  general  that  I 
kept  an  unlawful  meeting  on  pretence  of  a  religious  exercise  in 
other  manner  than  according  to  the  liturgy  and  practice  of  the 
church  of  England,  he  was  bound  to  take  this  general  oath  for 
proof,  and  to  record  a  judgment;  so  that  the  accusers  were  in- 
deed the  judges,  and  not  he.  I  told  him  that  any  lawyer  would 
soon  tell  him  the  contrary,  and  that  he  was  judge  whether  by 
particular  proof  they  made  good  their  general  accusation,  as  in 
case  a  man  be  accused  of  felony  or  treason,  it  is  not  enough 
that  men  swear  that  he  is  a  felon  or  traitor,  they  must  name  what 
the  act  was,  and  prove  him  guilty.  Though  1  was  at  charge  in 
feeing  counsellors  to  convince  him  and  others,  yet  I  could  not 
persuade  him  out  of  his  mistake.  I  told  him  that  if  this  were 
so,  any  two  such  fellows  might  defame  and  bring  to  fines  and 
punishment  himself  and  all  the  magistrates  and  parliament  men 
themselves,  and  all  that  meet  in  the  parish  churches,  and  they 
would  have  no  remedy.  At  last,  he  told  me  that  he  would  con- 
sult with  other  aldermen  at  the  sessions,  and  they  would  go  one 


278 


THE   LIFE  AND  TIMES 


way.  When  the  sessions  came,  I  went  to  Guildhall,  and  again 
desired  that  I  might  be  heard  before  I  was  judged;  but  though 
the  other  aldermen,  save  two  or  three,  were  against  such  doings, 
I  could  not  prevail  with  him;  but  professing  great  kindness,  he 
then  laid  all  on  Sir  John  Howell,  the  recorder,  saying  that  it  was 
his  judgment,  and  he  must  follow  his  advice.  I  requested  him, 
and  Sir  Thomas  Allan,  to  desire  the  recorder  that  I  might  be 
heard  before  I  was  judged,  and  as  it  must  pass  by  his  judgment, 
that  he  would  hear  me  speak;  but  I  could  not  procure  it,  as  the 
recorder  would  not  speak  with  me.  When  I  saw  their  resolu- 
tion, I  told  Sir  Thomas  Davis,  if  I  might  not  be  heard,  I  would 
record  to  posterity  the  injustice  of  his  judgment.  But  I  per- 
ceived that  he  had  already  made  the  record,  though  he  had  not 
yet  given  it  in  to  the  sessions.  At  last,  upon  consultation  with 
his  leaders,  he  granted  me  a  hearing,  and  three  of  the  informers 
that  had  sworn  against  me  met  me  at  his  house."" 

At  this  meeting,  Baxter  was  charged  by  the  informers  with 
preaching  in  an  unconsecrated  place,  with  being  a  Nonconform- 
ist, and  with  not  using  the  common  prayer.  These  accusations 
he  met  in  such  a  way  as  confounded  the  informers  and  perplexed 
the  alderman,  who  accordingly  suspended  his  warrant  to  distrain. 

"In  the  mean  time,  the  parliament  met  on  the  13th  of  April, 
1675,  and  fell  first  on  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale,  renewing  their 
desire  to  the  king,  to  remove  him  from  all  public  employment 
and  trust.  His  chief  accusing  witness  was  Burnet,  late  public 
professor  of  theology  at  Glasgow,  who  said  that  he  asked  him 
whether  the  Scottish  army  would  come  into  Englsnd,  when  Lau- 
derdale replied,  that  if  the  dissenting  Scots  should  rise,  an  Irish 
army  should  cut  their  throats,  &c.  But  because  Burnet  had 
lately  magnified  the  said  duke,  in  an  episde  before  a  published 
book,  many  thought  his  testimony  now  to  be  more  unsavory  and 
revengeful;  every  one  judging  as  he  was  afFected.i"  But  the 
king  sent  them  answer,  that  the  words  were  spoken  before  his 
late  act  of  pardon,  which,  if  he  should  violate,  it  might  cause 
jealousies  in  his  subjects,  that  he  might  do  so  also  by  the  act  of 
indemnity. 

(o)  Life,  part  iil.  pp.  1G5,  IGG. 

(p)  Baxter  refers  lierc  to  Bishop  Burnet's  'Vindication  of  the  Auliiorily  and  Con- 
stitution of  tlie  Church  of  Scotland,'  12nio.  1673,  whicli  is  dedicated  to  the  duke, 
who  was  then  the  kind's  commissioner  for  Scotland.  Burnet  liimsclf,  was  at  tlic 
lime  professor  of  theoh)g-y  in  the  University  of  Glasgow.  The  dedication  is 
abundantly  fulsome  and  adulatory.  The  duke's  "patrociny,"  the  author  very  earn- 
estly implores.  The  style  of  this  document  is  not  much  in  harmony  with  ihe  charac- 
ter which  Burnet  afterwards  ■^ave  of  the  duke,  ttc. — Hiil.  vol.  i.  pi).  l  l'i — 1  H.  I 
suspect  the  bishop  himself  did  not  rcj^ard  this  publication  as  among'  the  wisest  thinffs 
he  ever  did.  In  his  'Own  Times,'  however,  he  c.vplains  the  circumstances  in  which 
he  appeared  against  the  duke,  and  defends  himself  against  the  charge  of  ingratitude 
or  revenge. — vol.  i.  pp.  123 — 12.5.  liishop  l!urnet  acknowledged  to  Calamy  thai  "if 
he  had  any  ac(|uainlancc  with  serious,  vital  religion,  it  was  owing  to  his  reading  Bii.\- 
tcr's  practical  works  in  his  younger  days.  These  works  lie  greatly  CMlollcd,  saying 
many  handsome  things  of  Ba.xli-r  and  his  writings;  but  e.tpressed  his  dislike  of  the 
multitude  of  his  distinctions." — CaUwufs  Owit.  L'ff,  vol.  i.  p.4G8. 


OF     RICIIAlin  UAXTIMl. 


279 


"Their  next  assault  was  against  the  lord  treasurer,  the  carl  ol' 
Danby,  who  found  more  friends  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
which  at  last  acquitted  him.  But  the  great  work  was  in  the 
1  louse  of  Lords,  where  an  act  was  brought  in  to  impose  such 
an  oath  on  lords,  commons,  and  magistrates,  as  was  imposed  by 
the  Oxford  act  of  confinement  on  ministers,  and  like  the  corpo- 
ration oath;  of  which  more  anon.  It  was  now  supposed  that 
the  bringing  of  the  parliament  under  tliis  oath  and  test,  was  the 
great  work  which  the  house  had  to  perform.  The  sum  of  it 
was,  that  none  commissioned  by  the  king  may  be  by  arms  resist- 
ed, and  that  none  must  endeavor  any  alteration  of  the  govern- 
ment of  church  or  state.  Many  lords  spake  vehemently  against 
it,  as  destructive  to  the  privileges  of  their  house,  which  should 
vote  freely,  and  not  be  pre-obliged  by  an  oath  to  the  prelates. 
The  Lord  Treasurer,  the  Lord  Keeper,  with  Bishop  JNIorley, 
and  Bishop  Ward,  were  the  great  speakers  for  it;  and  the  Earl 
of  Shaftesbury,  Lord  HoUis,  Lord  Halifax,  the  Duke  of  Buck- 
ingham, the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  the  chief  speakers  against  it;  they 
that  were  for  it  being  the  major  part,  many  of  die  rest  entered 
their  protestation  against  it. 

"The  protesting  lords  having  many  days  striven  against  the 
test,  and  being  outvoted,  attempted  to  join  to  it  an  oath  for  hon- 
esty and  conscience,  in  these  words:  'I  do  swear,  that  I  will  never 
by  threats,  injunctions,  promises,  or  invitations,  by  or  from  any 
person  whatsoever,  nor  from  the  hopes  or  prospects  of  any  gift, 
place,  office,  or  trust  whatever,  give  my  vote,  other  than  accord- 
ing to  my  opinion  and  conscience,  as  I  shall  be  truly  and  really 
persuaded  upon  the  debate  of  any  business  in  parliament.'  But 
the  bishops  on  tlieir  side  did  cry  it  down,  and  cast  it  out. 

"The  debating  of  this  test,  did  more  weaken  the  interest  and 
reputation  of  the  bishops  with  the  nobles,  than  any  thing  thai 
ever  befel  them  after  the  king  came  in:  so  much  doth  unquiet 
over-doing  tend  to  undoing.  The  Lords,  that  would  not  have 
heard  a  Nonconformist  say  half  so  much,  when  it  came  to  be 
their  own  case,  did  long  and  vehemently  plead  against  that  oath 
and  declaration  being  imposed  upon  them,  which  they,  with  the 
Commons,  had  before  imposed  upon  others.  They  exercised 
so  much  liberty,  for  many  days  together,  in  opposing  the  bishops, 
and  by  free  and  bold  speeches  against  their  test,  as  greatly  turned 
to  the  bishops'  disparagement.  The  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  the  Earl  of  Bristol,i  the  ]Marquis  of  Win- 
chester, the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  Lord  Hollis,  Lord  Halifax,  and 
the  Lord  of  Aylesbury,  distinguished  themselves  in  the  debate; 
which  set  the  tongues  of  men  at  so  much  liberty,  that  the  com- 


(q)  Bristol  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  but  appears  to  have  opposed  this  bill  on  much 
the  same  grounds  with  the  Protestant  dissenters.  He  considered  that  it  endangered 
the  constitution  and  interests  of  the  country. — Rapin,  vol.  ii.  p.  670. 


280 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


mon  talk  was  against  the  bishops.  It  was  said  there  were  so  few 
among  the  bishops,  able  to  speak  to  purpose,  Bishop  Morley,  of 
Winchester,  and  Bishop  Ward,  of  Salisbury,  being  their  chief 
speakers,  that  they  grew  very  low,  even  as  to  the  reputation  of 
their  parts. 

"At  last,  though  the  test  was  carried  by  the  majority,  those 
who  were  against  it,  prevailed  to  make  so  great  an  alteration  of 
it,  as  made  it  quite  another  thing,  and  turned  it  to  the  greatest 
disadvantage  of  the  bishops,  and  the  greatest  accommodation  of 
the  cause  of  the  Nonconformists,  of  any  thing  that  this  parlia- 
ment ever  did,  for  they  reduced  it  to  these  words  of  a  declara- 
tion and  an  oath. 

"  'I,  A.  B.,  do  declare  that  it  is  not  lawful,  on  any  pretence 
whatsoever,  to  take  arms  against  the  king;  and  that  I  do  abhor 
that  traitorous  position  of  taking  arms  by  his  authority  against 
his  person,  or  against  those  that  are  commissioned  by  him  ac- 
cording to  law,  in  time  of  rebellion  and  war,  in  acting  in  pursu- 
ance of  such  commission.'' 

"  'I,  A.  B.,  do  swear  that  I  will  not  endeavor  an  aheration  of 
the  Protestant  religion  now  established  by  law  in  the  church  of 
England;  nor  will  I  endeavor  any  alteration  in  the  government 
of  this  kingdom  in  church  or  state,  as  it  is  by  law  established.'  "  ' 

Baxter  mentions  that  the  Nonconformists  would  have  taken 
this  declaration  and  oath,  had  they  been  offered  them,  mstead  of 
the  Oxford  oath,  the  subscription  for  conformity,  and  the  corpo- 
ration and  vestry  declarations.  But  the  arguments  by  which  he 
endeavored  to  prove  the  lawfulness  of  taking  them,  though  they 
were  doubtless  satisfactory  to  his  own  mind,  savor  more  of  the 
subtlety  of  the  schoolmen,  than  of  Christian  simplicity.  By  the 
same  mode  of  reasoning,  it  would  be  easy  to  show  the  lawfulness 
of  the  most  unjust  and  absurd  proceedings,  or  of  submission  to 
the  grossest  outrages  on  the  rights  and  liberties  of  men.* 

(r)  Tlio  declaration  originally  proposed,  was  as  follows; — "I,  A.  B.,  do  declare, 
that  it  is  not  lawful,  upon  any  pretence  whatever,  to  take  up  arms  against  the  king; 
and  that  I  do  abhor  that  traitorous  position  of  taking  arms  by  his  authority,  against 
his  person,  or  against  those  who  are  commissioned  by  him,  in  pursuance  of  such 
commission;  and  I  do  swear  that  I  will  not,  at  any  time,  endeavor  the  alteration  of 
the  government,  either  in  church  or  state — So  help  me  God." — Locke's  Works,  vol.  x. 
p.  213.  The  modifying  clauses  finally  introduced,  did  not  alter  the  spirit  or  principle 
of  the  measure,  but  rendered  the  oath  ambiguous,  and  thus  so  far  extracted  its  poison. 

(s)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  1G7,  168. 

Sheldon  at  this  time  discovered  his  wonted  activity  in  hunting  out  separatists  from 
the  church  of  England.  Calamy  has  preserved  another  circular  letter  from  him,  ad- 
dressed to  the  bisnops  of  the  province  of  Canterbury,  enjoining  them  to  make  returns 
of  the  number  of  persons  in  their  dioceses,  of  all  Popish  recusants,  and  "what  num- 
ber of  other  dissenters  were  in  each  parish,  of  what  sect  soever,  which  cither  obsti- 
nately refuse,  or  wholly  absent  themselves  from  the  communion  of  the  church  of 
England,  at  such  times  as  they  are  by  law  required." — Calaimfs  Abridgment,  vol.  i. 
p.  345. 

(t)  A  full  and  admirable  account  of  the  memorable  debate  on  this  bill  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  is  given  by  Locke,  in  his  letter  to  a  person  of  quality;  in  which,  availing 
himselfof  the  intimacy  he  enjoyed  with  Lord  Shaftesbury,  he  opens  the  secret  springs 
of  several  of  the  measures  then  proposed.— ioc^e's  Works,  vol.  x.  pp.  2'M) — 246,  edit. 
1812. 


OF  RICIIATID  BAXTER. 


281 


"While  this  discussion  was  carrying  on  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
and  five  hundred  pounds  voted  to  be  the  penalty  of  the  refusers 
of  the  test,  before  it  could  come  to  the  Commons,  a  difference 
took  place  between  the  Lords  and  Commons  about  their  privi- 
leges. This  was  occasioned  by  two  suits  that  were  brought  be- 
fore the  Lords,  in  which  two  members  of  the  Commons  were 
j)arties,  which  led  the  Commons  to  send  to  the  Tower  Sir  John 
Fagg,  one  of  their  members,  for  appearing  at  the  Lords'  bar 
without  their  consent,  and  four  counsellors,  Sir  John  Churchill, 
Serjeant  Pemberton,  Serjeant  Pecke,  and  another,  for  pleading 
there.  This  the  Lords  voted  illegal,  and  that  they  should 
be  released.  Sir  John  Robinson,  lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  obey- 
ed the  Commons;  for  which  the  Lords  voted  him  to  be  a  de- 
linquent; and  so  far  went  they  in  daily  voting  at  each  other,  that 
the  king  was  fain  to  prorogue  the  parliament,  from  June  the  9th 
till  October  the  13th;  there  appearing  no  hope  of  reconciling 
them,  which  rejoiced  many  that  they  rose  without  doing  further 
harm."" 

The  debate  on  this  celebrated  bill,  commonly  called  "the 
Bishops'  Test,"  on  account  of  their  united  zeal  lor  its  accom- 
plishment, lasted  five  days,  before  it  was  committed  to  a  com- 
mittee of  the  whole  house.  It  was  afterwards  debated  sixteen  or 
seventeen  whole  days;  the  house  sometimes  sitting  from  morning 
till  midnight.  After  it  passed  the  committee  in  the  manner  de- 
scribed by  Baxter,  the  grand  contest  arose  between  the  two 
houses  about  their  privileges,  in  consequence  of  which  the  king 
was  obliged  to  prorogue  the  parliament,  so  that  the  bill  was  never 
reported  to  the  house  by  the  committee.  Its  defeat  was  gener- 
ally ascribed  chiefly  to  Lord  Shaftesbury,  who  was  at  the  head 
of  the  country  party,  and  who  was,  in  private,  greatly  assisted 
by  John  Locke.^  In  this  manner  did  Providence  defeat  that 
unjust  attempt  to  injure  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  of 
England. 

"Keeling,  the  informer,  being  commonly  detested  for  prose- 
cuting me,  was  cast  into  gaol  for  debt,  and  wrote  to  me  to  en- 
deavor his  deliverance,  which  I  did.  A  while  before,  another 
of  tlie  chief  informers  of  the  city  and  my  accuser,  Marshall,  died 
in  the  Compter,  where  his  creditors  laid  him,  to  keep  him  from 
doing  more  harm;  yet  did  not  the  bishops  change  or  cease. 
Two  more  informers  were  set  on  work,  who  first  assaulted  Mr. 
Case's  meeting,  and  next  got  in  as  hearers  into  Mr.  Read's 
meeting,  where  I  was  preaching.  When  they  would  have  gone 
out  to  fetch  justices,  for  they  were  known,  the  doors  were  lock- 
ed to  keep  them  in  till  I  had  done;  and  one  of  them,  supposed 
to  be  sent  from  Fulham,  stayed  weeping.     Yet  went  they 


(ii)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  171.  (x)  Lord  Kind's 'Life  of  L^ickc,' p.  37. 

VOL.  I.  36 


282 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


Straight  to  the  justices,  and  the  week  following  heard  me  again, 
as  informers,  at  my  lectures;  but  I  heard  nothing  more  of  tlieir 
accusation. 

"Sir  Thomas  Davis,  notwithstanding  all  his  warnings  and  con- 
fessions, sent  his  warrants  to  a  justice  of  the  division  where  I 
dwelt,  to  distrain  on  me,  upon  two  judgments,  for  fifty  pounds, 
for  preaching  my  lecture  in  New-street.^'  Some  Conformists  are 
paid  to  the  value  of  twenty  pounds  a  sermon  for  their  preaching, 
and  I  must  pay  twenty  pounds,  and  forty  pounds,  a  sermon,  for 
preaching  for  nothing.  O,  what  pastors  hath  the  church  of 
England,  who  think  it  worth  their  unwearied  labors,  and  all  the 
odium  which  they  contract  from  the  people,  to  keep  such  as  I 
am  from  preaching  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  and  to  undo  us  for  it  as 
far  as  they  are  able;  though  these  many  years  they  do  not,  for 
they  cannot  accuse  me  for  one  word  that  ever  I  preached,  nor 
one  action  else  that  I  have  done;  while  the  greatest  of  the  bish- 
ops preach  not  three  a  year  themselves! 

"The  dangerous  crack  over  the  market-house,  at  St.  James's, 
put  many  upon  desiring  that  I  had  a  larger  and  safer  place  for 
meeting;  and  though  my  own  dulness,  and  great  backwardness 
to  troublesome  business,  made  me  very  averse  to  so  great  an  un- 
dertaking, judging  that  it  being  in  the  face  of  the  court,  it  would 
never  be  endured,  yet  the  great  and  incessant  importunity  of 
many,  out  of  a  fervent  desire  of  the  good  of  souls,  did  constrain 
me  to  undertake  it.  When  it  was  almost  finished,  in  Oxenden- 
street,  Mr.  Henry  Coventry,  one  of  his  majesty's  principal  sec- 
retaries, who  had  a  house  joining  to  it,  and  was  a  member  of 
parliament,  spake  twice  against  it  in  the  parliament,  but  no  one 
seconded  him."  ^ 

For  the  building  of  this  place  he  received  considerable  sub- 
scriptions from  a  number  of  respectable  and  wealthy  persons. 
Among  the  most  distinguished  of  these  were.  Lady  Armine,  Sir 
John  Maynard,  Sir  James  Langham;  the  Countesses  of  Clare, 
Tyrconnel,  and  Warwick,  the  Ladies  Clinton,  Hollis,  Richards, 
and  Fitzjames;  Mr.  Hambden;  Alderman  Ashurst,  &c. 

By  the  zeal  and  influence  of  his  wife,  another  place  was  built 
in  Bloomsbury  for  Mr.  Read,  in  which  Baxter  engaged  to  help 
him  occasionally:  but  he  was  still  doomed  to  be  harassed  and 
hunted  by  his  persecutors.  The  following  is  a  painful  statement 
of  what  he  endured;  while  it  supplies  an  interesting  illustration 
of  the  kindness  of  Providence  which  he  experienced,  as  well  as 
of  the  happy  state  of  his  mind: 

(y)  When  llie  warrants  were  issued  by  Sir  Thomas  Davis,  Baxter  says,  "My  wife 
(lid,  without  any  repining^,  encourage  me  to  undri  <jo  tlir  loss,  and  did  herself  take  the 
trouble  of  removing  and  hiding  my  library  awhile  (many  scores  of  books  being  so 
lost),  and  after,  to  give  it  away,  bona  fide,  some  to  New  Rngland,  and  the  most  at 
home,  to  avoid  distraining  on  them," — Memoirs  of  Mrs.  Baxter,  p.  70,  It  appears 
that  he  sent  valuable  presents  of  books  to  Harvard  College, 

(z)  Life,  part  ill.  p.  171. 


OF  niCHAnn  haxtku. 


2S3 


"1  was  so  long  wearied  with  keeping  my  doors  sliiit  against 
them  that  came  to  distrain  on  my  goods  for  preaching,  that  I 
was  lain  to  go  from  my  house,  and  to  sell  all  my  goods,  and  to 
hide  my  library  first,  and  afterwards  to  sell  it;  so  that  if  l)ooks 
had  heen  my  treasure  (and  I  valued  little  more  on  earth),  I  had 
now  been  without  a  treasure.  For  about  twelve  years,  1  was 
driven  a  hundred  miles  from  them;  and  when  I  had  paid  dear 
for  the  carriage,  after  two  or  three  years,  1  was  forced  to  sell 
them.  The  prelates,  to  hinder  me  from  preaching,  deprived 
me  also  of  these  private  comforts;  but  God  saw  that  they  were 
my  snare.  Wc  brought  nothing  into  this  world,  and  we  must 
carry  nothing  out.    The  loss  is  very  tolerable. 

"I  was  the  more  willing  to  part  with  goods,  books,  and  all, 
that  I  might  have  nothing  to  be  distrained,  and  so  go  on  to 
preach;  and  accordingly  removing  my  dwelling  to  the  new 
chapel  which  I  had  built,  1  purposed  to  venture  to  preach  in  it, 
there  being  forty  thousand  persons  in  the  parish,  as  is  supposed, 
more  than  can  hear  in  the  parish  church,  who  have  no  place  to 
go  to  for  God's  public  worship;  so  that  I  set  not  up  church 
against  church,  but  preached  to  those  that  must  else  have  had 
none.  When  I  had  preached  there  but  once,  a  resolution  was 
taken  to  surprise  me  the  next  day,  and  send  me  for  six  months 
to  the  common  gaol,  upon  the  act  for  the  Oxford  oath.  Not 
knowing  this,  it  being  the  hottest  part  of  the  year,  I  agreed  to  go 
for  a  few  weeks  into  the  country,  twenty  miles  off;  but  the  night 
before  I  should  go,  I  felt  so  ill,  that  I  was  fain  to  send  to  disap- 
point both  the  coach  and  my  intended  companion,  Mr.  Sylvester. 
When  I  was  thus  fully  resolved  to  stay,  it  pleased  God,  after  the 
ordinary  coach  hour,  that  three  men,  from  three  parts  of  the 
city,  met  at  my  house,  accidentally,  just  at  the  same  time,  almost 
to  a  minute;  of  whom,  if  any  one  had  not  been  there,  I  had  not 
gone;  viz.  the  coachman  again  to  urge  me,  Mr.  Sylvester, 
whom  I  had  put  off,  and  Dr.  Cox,  who  compelled  me,  and  told 
me  he  would,  else,  carry  me  into  the  coach.  It  proved  a  special, 
merciful  providence  of  God;  for,  after  one  week  of  languishing 
and  pain,  I  had  nine  weeks'  greater  ease  than  ever  I  expected 
in  this  world,  and  greater  comfort  in  my  work.  For  my  good 
friend,  Richard  Beresford,  esq.,  clerk  of  the  Exchequer,  whose 
importunity  drew  me  to  his  house,  spared  no  cost,  labor,  or  kind- 
ness, for  my  health  or  service."  " 

The  extraordinary  variety  of  Baxter's  diseases,  the  enumera- 
tion of  which  follows  this  passage,  would  be  any  thing  but  enter- 
tainment to  the  reader:  suffice  it  to  say,  that  he  was,  for  many 
years,  a  living  wonder  to  himself,  and  to  those  who  were  ac- 
quainted with  his  condition.    It  is  amazing  how  he  could  exist. 


(a)  Life,  pari  iii.  p.  172. 


284 


THR   LIFE    ANU  TIMES 


and  still  more  wonderful  how  lie  was  capable  of  llie  unceasing 
labor  in  public  or  in  writing,  in  which  he  was  engaged.  Though 
"in  deaths  oft,"  he  prosecuted,  with  unremitting  and  growing 
ardor,  the  service  of  his  Master,  and  the  salvation  of  his  fellow- 
creatures. 

"Being  driven  from  home,  and  having  an  old  license  yet  in 
force,  by  the  countenance  of  that,  and  the  great  industry  of  Mr. 
Beresford,  I  had  leave  and  invitation  for  ten  Lord's-days,  to 
preach  in  the  parish  churches  round  about.  The  first  parish 
that  I  preached  in,  after  thirteen  years'  ejection  and  prohibition, 
was  Rickmerswordi,  after  that  at  Sarat,  at  King's  Langley,  at 
Chesham,  at  Clialford,  at  Amersham,  and  that  often  twice  a  day. 
Those  heard,  who  had  not  come  to  church  for  seven  years;  and 
two  or  three  thousand  heard,  where  scarcely  an  hundred  were 
wont  to  come,  and  with  so  much  attention  and  willingness  as 
gave  me  very  great  hopes  that  I  never  spake  to  them  in  vain; 
thus  soul  and  body  had  these  special  mercies. 

"But  the  censures  of  men  pursued  me  as  before:  the  envious 
sort  of  the  prelatists  accused  me,  as  if  I  had  intruded  into  the 
parish  churches  too  boldly,  and  without  authority.  The  quar- 
relsome Sectaries,  or  Separatists,  did,  in  London,  speak  against 
me,  for  drawing  people  to  the  parish  churches  and  the  liturgy, 
and  many  gave  out  that  I  did  conform.  All  my  days,  nothing 
hath  been  charged  on  me  as  crimes,  so  much  as  my  costliest  and 
greatest  duties.  But  the  pleasing  of  God,  and  saving  souls,  will 
pay  for  all. 

"The  country  about  Rickmerswordi,  abounding  with  Quakers, 
because  W.  Penn,  then-  captain,  dwelleth  there,  I  was  desirous 
that  the  poor  people  should  once  hear  what  was  to  be  said  for 
their  recovery,  which  coming  to  Mr.  Penn's  ears,  he  was  for- 
ward to  a  meeting,  where  we  continued  speaking  to  two  rooms 
full  of  people,  fasting,  from  ten  o'clock  till  five.''  One  lord, 
two  knights,  and  four  conformable  ministers,  beside  others,  being 
present,  some  all  the  time,  some  part.  The  success  gave  me 
cause  to  believe  that  it  was  not  labor  lost:  an  account  of  the  con- 
ference may  be  published  ere  long,  if  there  be  cause,*' 

(b)  No  account  of  this  mcetiiie:  has  been  printed,  as  far  as  is  known  to  me;  but 
part  of  the  correspondence  between  Penn  and  Baxter  remains.  From  the  letters  of 
Penn  it  appears  that  Baxter  proposed  the  meeting',  to  which  Penn  acceded.  A  second 
meeting  appears  to  have  been  demanded,  but  does  not  seem  to  have  tal<on  place. 
Penn's  language  to  Baxter,  in  two  of  his  letters,  is  very  abusive.  He  tells  him,  "I 
perceive  the  scurvy  of  the  mind  is  thy  distemper;  and  I  fear  it  is  incurable.  I  had 
rather  be  Socrates  at  the  day  of  judgment,  than  Richard  Baxter."  In  the  last  letter, 
however,  he  speaks  in  a  much  more  courteous  style;  and  acknowledges  the  great 
civility  he  had  experienced  from  Baxter  at  the  meeting.  The  correspondence  is  cu- 
rious, as  showing,  in  one  way,  that  Penn  was  both  a  man  of  talents  and  a  gentleman; 
and,  in  another,  that,  when  excited  by  his  religious  views,  he  was  rabid  and  vulgar. 
Baxter  could  be  severe,  but  it  was  the  severity  of  an  ardent  and  ingenuous  mind;  the 
severity  of  Penn  is  sheer  ribaldry. — Baxter's  MSS. 
(c)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  174. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


285 


"While  this  was  my  employment  in  the  country,  my  friends 
at  home  had  got  one  Mr.  Scddon,  a  Nonconformist,  of  Derby- 
shire, lately  come  to  the  city  as  a  traveller,  to  preach  the  second 
sermon  in  my  new-built  chapel;  he  was  told,  and  overtold,  all 
the  danger,  and  desired  not  to  come  if  he  feared  it.  I  had  left 
word,  ti)at  if  he  would  but  step  into  my  house  through  a  door, 
he  was  in  no  danger,  they  not  having  power  to  break  open  any 
but  tlie  meeting  house.  While  he  was  preaching,  three  justices, 
supposed  of  Secretary  Coventry's  sending,  came  to  the  door  to 
seize  the  preacher.  They  thought  it  had  been  I,  and  had  pre- 
pared a  waiuant  upon  the  Oxford  act,  to  send  me  for  six  months 
to  the  common  gaol.  The  good  man,  and  two  weak,  honest 
persons,  entrusted  to  have  directed  him,  left  the  house  where 
they  were  safe,  and  thinking  to  pass  away,  came  to  the  justices 
and  soldiers  at  the  door,  and  there  stood  by  them  till  some  one 
said,  'This  is  the  preacher;'  and  so  they  took  him,  blotted  my 
name  out  of  the  warrant  and  put  in  his;  though  almost  every  word 
fitted  to  my  case  was  false  of  his.  To  the  Gate-house  he  was 
carried,  where  he  continued  almost  three  months  of  the  six: 
and  being  earnestly  desirous  of  deliverance,  I  was  put  to  charges 
to  accomplish  it,  and  at  last,  having  righteous  judges,  and  the 
warrant  being  found  faulty,  he  had  an  habeas  corpus,  and  was 
freed  upon  bonds  to  appear  again  the  next  term." 

Baxter  was  now  placed  in  great  jeopardy.  His  prosecutors 
were  exasperated  against  him,  and  determined,  if  possible,  to 
succeed  in  the  next  warrant,  which  they  only  waited  an  oppor- 
tunity to  get  against  him.  Several  of  the  justices,  however, 
who  had  been  his  greatest  enemies,  died.  At  the  same  time,  he 
lost  his  kind  and  excellent  friend,  Judge  Hale,  to  whom  he  had 
often  been  indebted,  and  of  whose  death  he  speaks  in  a  very  af- 
fecting manner.  Before  proceeding  to  notice  his  next  trials,  I 
shall  just  mention  the  books  which  he  wrote  during  tlie  period 
which  this  chapter  embraces. 

He  published,  in  1671,  his  Defence  of  the  Principles  of  Love 
— His  Answer  to  Exceptions  against  it — The  Divine  Appoint- 
ment of  the  Lord's  Day — The  Duty  of  Heavenly  Meditation — 
Holiness  the  Design  of  Christianity — The  Difference  between 
the  Power  of  Magistrates  and  Church  Pastors — Vindication  of 
God's  Goodness — Second  Admonition  to  Mr.  Bagshaw.  In 
1672,  appeared  More  Reasons  for  the  Christian  Religion — De- 
sertion of  the  Ministry  Rebuked — Certainty  of  Christianity  with- 
out Popery — A  Third  Answer  to  Bagshaw.  In  1673  and  1674, 
he  published  his  Christian  Directory,  on  which  he  had  been 
employed  for  some  years.  In  these  two  years,  he  also  publish- 
ed his  Full  and  Easy  Satisfaction,  and  his  Poor  Man's  Family 


(d)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  174,  175. 


286 


Tlir    LIFF.   AND  TIMK? 


Book.  In  1675,  he  produced  his  Catholic  Theology,  a  folio 
volume,  which  was  followed  by  several  other  pieces  in  the  course 
of  that  and  the  following  year,  which  I  need  not  now  enumerate. 
Looking  at  the  number  and  variety  of  these  works,  this  must 
have  been  one  of  the  busiest  periods  in  his  life  as  a  writer.  He 
preached  less;  but  during  his  afflictive  retirement,  he  labored 
incessantly  with  his  pen.  The  mere  oversight  of  the  press  of  so 
many  works,  would  have  been  employment  enough  for  an  ordina- 
ry man.  But  Baxter  must  not  be  measured  by  this  standard. 
He  lived  but  to  labor;  and  labor  was  his  life. 


CHAPTER  XI.  1676—1661. 

Baxter  resumes  preaching  in  tlie  parish  of  St.  Martin — NonconforniisLs  again  persecuted — 
Dr.  Jane — Dr.  Mason — Baxter  preaches  in  Swallow  street— Conipton ,  Bishop  of  London — 
Lamplugh,  Bishop  of  Exeter — Lloyd,  Bishop  of  Worcester — Various  slanders  against  Bax- 
ter—Death  of  Dr.  Manton— Pinner's-Hall  Lecture— Popish  Plot— Earl  of  Danby— Baxter's 
interference  on  behalf  of  Banished  Scotsmen — Hungarians— The  Long  Parliament  of 
Charles  11.  dissolved — Transactions  oftho  New  Parliament— Bill  of  Exclusion — Meal-Tub 
Plot — Baxter's  Reflections  on  the  Times — Writings — Death  of  Friends — Judge  Hale — 
Stubbs— Corbet — Gouge— Ashurst — Baxter's  Step-mother — Mrs.  Baxter. 

In  the  latter  years  of  Baxter's  life,  the  information  which  he  has 
furnished  respecting  himself,  is  much  less  particular,  than  what 
he  has  supplied  respecting  the  earlier  and  more  busding  period 
of  it.  As  he  advanced  in  age,  he  appears  to  have  lived  more 
retired;  and  either  from  choice,  or  from  necessity,  took  a  less 
active  part  in  public  affairs.  His  ill  state  of  health  rendered  re- 
tirement absolutely  necessary,  and  his  experience  of  the  useless- 
ness  of  contending  against  the  disposition  of  the  government,  and 
the  bigotry  of  the  church,  probably  reconciled  him  to  wait  and 
pray  for  better  times,  which  happily  he  lived  to  see.  The 
gleanings  of  his  last  days,  however,  we  must  endeavor  carefully 
to  gather  up.    He  thus  resumes  his  narrative: 

"When  I  had  been  kept  a  whole  year  from  preaching  in  the 
chapel  which  I  built,  1  began  in  another,  in  a  tempestuous  time, 
on  account  of  the  necessity  of  the  parish  of  St.  Martin;  where 
about  60,000  souls  had  no  church  to  go  to,  nor  any  public  wor- 
ship of  God!    How  long,  Lord! 

"About  February  and  March,  1676,  it  pleased  the  king  im- 
portunately to  command  and  urge  the  judges,  and  London  jus- 
tices, to  put  the  laws  against  Nonconformists  in  execution;  but 
4^e  nation  was  backward  to  it.  In  London  they  were  often  and 
long  commanded  to  it;  till,  at  last,  Sir  Joseph  Sheldon,  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury's  near  relation,  being  lord  mayor,  on 
April  30th,  the  execution  began.  They  were  required  especially 


OK    UICII.Mtn  Il.WTKK. 


287 


to  send  all  the  ministers  to  the  common  jails  for  six  months,  on 
the  Oxford  act,  for  not  taking  the  oath,  and  dwelling  within  five 
miles.  This  day,  Mr.  .Joseph  Read  was  sent  to  jail,  being 
taken  out  of  the  piil|)it,  preaching  in  a  chapel  in  Bloomsbury, 
in  the  jmrish  of  St.  Giles,  lie  did  so  much  good  to  the  poor  ig- 
norant people  who  had  no  other  teacher,  that  Satan  owed  iiim 
a  malicious  disturbance.  He  had  built  the  chapel  in  his  own 
house  (with  the  help  of  friends,)  in  compassion  to  those  people, 
who,  as  they  crowded  to  hear  him,  so  did  they  follow  him  to 
the  justices,  and  to  the  jail,  to  show  their  affection.  It  being 
the  place  wliere  I  had  been  used  often  to  preach,  I  suppose  was 
somewhat  the  more  maliced.  The  very  day  before,  I  had  new 
secret  hints  of  men's  desires  of  reconciliation  and  peace,  and 
motions  to  offer  some  proposals  towards  them,  as  if  the  bishops 
were  at  last  grown  peaceable.  To  which,  as  ever  before,  I 
yielded,  and  did  ray  part,  though  long  experience  made  me  sus- 
pect that  some  mischief  was  near,  and  some  suffering  presently 
to  be  expected  from  them. 

"Mr.  Jane,  the  Bishop  of  London's  chaplain,*^  preaching  to 
the  lord  mayor  and  aldermen,  in  the  month  of  June,  turned  his 
sermon  against  Calvin  and  me.  My  charge  was,  that  I  had  sent 
as  bad  men  to  heaven  as  some  that  be  in  hell;  because,  in  my 
book  called  the  'Saint's  Rest,'  I  had  said,  that  I  diought  of 
heaven  with  the  more  pleasure,  because  I  should  there  meet 
with  Peter,  Paul,  Austin,  Chrysostom,  Jerome,  Wickliff,  Luther, 
Zuinglius,  Calvin,  Beza,  Bullinger,  Zanchy,  Paraeus,  Piscator, 
Hooper,  Bradford,  Latimer,  Glover,  Sanders,  Philpot,  Rey- 
nolds, Whittaker,  Cartwright,  Brightman,  Bayne,  Bradshaw, 
Bolton,  Ball,  Hildersham,  Pemble,  Twisse,  Ames,  Preston, 
Sibbs,  Brooke,  Pyra,  Hampden.  Which  of  these  the  man 
knew  to  be  in  hell,  I  cannot  conjecture:  it  is  likely  those  who 
differed  from  him  in  judgment;  but  till  he  prove  his  revelation, 
I  shall  not  believe  him. 

(e)  nr.  Jane,  of  whom  Baxter  gives  lliis  acoounl,  was  one  of  tlie  highest  of  ihe 
high  churchmen  of  liis  day.  His  father  was  a  member  of  the  Long  ParhamenI;  one 
of  the  most  decided  friends  of  the  king;  and  author  of  the  E/xav  a;^;Aa3-T(/C,  the  'Image 
unbroken,' in  answer  to  Wilton's  E/Hfflvo;^Xa5-T>)c,  the 'Image  broken.'  The  son  was 
educated  at  Westminster  and  Oxford,  and  no  doubt  expected  to  rise  higli  in  the 
church,  for  his  fatlier's  services.  He  does  not  appear,  however,  to  have  advanced 
beyond  the  deanery  of  Gloucester,  which  he  held  with  the  precentorsliip  of  the 
church  of  Exeter.  He  had  the  principal  share  in  drawing  up  the  famous  decree 
passed  by  the  University  of  Oxford,  on  the  21st  of  July,  1G83,  condemning  the  politi- 
cal principles  and  writings  of  Locke,  Baxter,  Owen,  and  others  of  their  description. 
On  the  'ilih  of  that  month,  it  was  presented  to  Charles  H.,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Duke  of  York,  by  Dr.  Jane  and  Dr.  Huntingdon,  but  had  the  honor  to  be  burnt  by 
the  common  hangman,  by  order  of  the  House  of  Lords,  in  1710.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  principles  avowed  in  this  document,  Dr.  Jane  was  one  of  four  sent  to 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  when  on  his  march  to  London,  w  ith  an  ofi'er  of  the  University 
plate,  to  his  highness,  who  declined  it;  but  Jane  thought  his  services  then  so  impdl*" 
lant,  that  he  took  the  opportunity  of  soliciting  for  himself  the  see  of  Exeter.  "This 
could  not  be  obtained:  in  consequence  of  which  he  remained  secretly  disaffected  to 
King  William,  during  his  reign.  Jane  died  in  1716. — Birch's  Life  of  Tillotson,  pp. 
173,  171. 


288 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


"This  makes  me  remember  how,  this  last  year,  one  Dr. 
Mason,  a  great  preacher  against  Puritans,  preached  against  me 
publicly  in  London;  saying,  that  when  a  justice  was  sending  me 
to  prison,  and  offered  to  let  me  stay  till  Monday,  if  I  would 
promise  not  to  preach  on  Sunday,  I  answered,  '/  shall  not,^ 
equivocating;  meaning,  I  shall  not  promise,  when  he  thought  I 
meant,  I  shall  not  preach.  O,  these,  say  the  malignants,  are 
your  holy  men!  and  was  such  a  .  .  .  falsehood  fit  for  a  pulpit? 
Yet  such  men  never  spake  one  word  to  my  face  in  their  lives! 
The  whole  truth  is  this;  Ross  and  Phillips,  being  appointed  to 
send  me  to  prison,  for  preaching  at  Brentford,  shut  the  chamber 
doors,  and  would  neither  show  nor  tell  me  who  was  my  accuser 
or  witness,  or  let  any  one  living  be  present  but  themselves.  It 
being  Saturday,  I  requested  to  stay  at  home  to  set  my  house  in 
order  till  Monday.  Ross  asked  me,  whether  I  would  promise 
not  to  preach  on  Sunday?  I  answered,  'No;  I  shall  not;'  the  man 
not  understanding  me,  said,  'Well,  you  promise  not  to  preach.' 
I  replied,  'No,  Sir,  I  tell  you;  I  will  not  promise  any  such 
thing:  if  you  hinder  me,  I  cannot  help  it,  but  I  will  not  other- 
wise forbear.'  Never  did  I  think  of  equivocation.  This  was 
ray  present  answer,  and  I  went  straight  to  prison  upon  it;  yet 
did  this  Ross  send  this  false  story  behind  my  back,  and  among 
courtiers  and  prelatists  it  passed  for  current,  and  was  worthy 
Dr.  Mason's  pulpit  impudency.  Such  were  the  men  that  we 
were  persecuted  by,  and  had  to  do  with.  Dr.  Mason  died 
quickly  after. 

"Being  denied  forcibly  the  use  of  the  chapel  which  I  had 
built,  I  was  obliged  to  let  it  stand  empty,  and  pay  thirty  pounds 
per  annum  for  the  ground-rent  myself,  and  glad  to  preach  for 
nothing,  near  it,  at  a  chapel  built  by  another  for  gain,  in  Svval- 
low-street.fi^  It  was  among  the  same  poor  people  who  had  no 
preaching,  the  parish  having  sixty  thousand  souls  in  it  more  than 
the  church  could  hold.  When  I  had  preached  there  awhile, 
the  foresaid  Justice  Parry,  with  one  Sabbes,  signed  a  warrant 
to  apprehend  me,  and  on  the  9th  of  November,  six  constables, 
four  beadles,  and  many  messengers,  were  set  at  the  chapel 
doors  to  execute  it.  I  forebore  that  day,  and  afterwards  told 
the  Duke  of  Lauderdale  of  it,  and  asked  him  what  it  was  that 
occasioned  their  wrath  against  me.    He  desired  me  to  go  and 

(0  The  person  of  whom  Baxter  gives  this  account  was,  I  apprehend,  Charles  Ma- 
son, who  was  made  rector  of  St.  Mary  Woolchiirch,  in  Ififil,  a  prebendary  of  St. 
Paul's  in  1663,  and  collated  to  the  rectory  of  St.  Peter  Le  Poor,  in  1669.  lie  was 
author  of  two  or  three  sermons,  of  which  I  know  nothing.    He  died  in  1677. 

(g)  There  has  been  a  Scots  church  in  Swallow-street  for  a  great  many  years:  but 
I  believe  neither  the  present  building,  nor  the  congregation,  arose  from  the  labors  of 
Baxter.  The  Englisli  Presbyterian  congregation  formed  by  Baxter's  preaching,  was 
dissolved  about  the  beginning  of  last  ceuiary.— Wilson's  Diss.  Churches,  vol.  iv.  pp. 
4.i— 46. 


OF   lUCHAUU  JiAXTEfl. 


289 


speak  with  the  liisliop  of  Loudon.''  1  did  so,  ami  he  spake 
fairly,  and  with  peaceable  words;  but  presently,  he  having 
spoken  also  with  some  others,  it  was  contrived  that  u  noise  was 
raised,  against  the  bishop  at  court,  that  he  was  treating  of  a 
peace  with  the  Presbyterians.  But  after  awhile,  I  went  to  him 
again,  and  told  him  it  was  supposed  that  Justice  Parry  was 
either  set  at  work  by  him,  or  at  least  a  word  from  him  would 
take  him  off;  1  desired  the  bishop,  therefore,  to  speak  to  him, 
or  provide  that  the  constables  might  be  removed  from  my  chapel 
doors,  and  their  warrant  called  in.  I  offered  also  to  resign  my 
chapel  in  Oxendon-street  to  a  Conformist,  if  so  be  he  would 
procure  my  continued  liberty  in  Swallow-street,  for  the  sake 
of  the  poor  multitudes  that  had  no  church  to  go  to.  He  did 
as  good  as  promise  me,  telling  me  that  he  did  not  doubt  to  do  it, 
and  so  I  departed,  expecting  quietness  the  next  Lord's  day;  but 
instead  of  diat,  the  constable's  warrant  was  continued,  though 
some  of  them  begged  to  be  excused;  and  against  their  will  they 
continued  guarding  the  door  for  above  four-and-twenty  Lord's 
days  after.  So  I  came  near  the  bishop  no  more  when  I  had 
tried  what  their  kindnesses  and  promises  signify. 

"It  pleased  God  about  this  time  to  take  away  that  excellent, 
faidiful  minister,  Mr.  Thomas  Wadsworth,  of  Southwark.  Just 
when  I  was  thus  kept  out  at  Swallow-street,  his  flock  invited  me 
to  fill  his  place,  where,  though  I  refused  to  be  their  pastor,  I 
preached  many  months  in  peace,  there  being  no  justice  willing 
to  disturb  us.  This  was  in  1677.  When  Dr.  William  Lloyd 
became  pastor  of  St.  Martin's  in  the  Fields,  upon  Lamplugh's 
preferment,"  I  was  encouraged  by  Dr.  Tillotson,  to  offer  my 
chapel  in  Oxendon-street''  for  public  worship,  which  he  accept- 

(h)  Compton  was  raised  to  the  see  of  London,  on  the  death  of  Hinchman.  He  had 
formerly  been  a  soldier,  and  did  not  take  orders  till  he  was  past  thirty.  He  was  not 
a  man  of  learning;,  or  of  much  talent.  According  to  Burnet,  he  was  humble  and  mod- 
est; but  weak,  wilful,  and  slrani^ely  wedded  to  a  party.  Yet  he  applied  himself  dili- 
gently to  the  business  of  the  diocese,  and  was  considered  decidedly  ojiposed  to  I'opery. 
— Own  times,  vol.  ii.  p.  141.  He  did  not  entirely  forget  his  martial  character  after 
he  wore  lawn  sleeves;  for,  on  the  landing  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  he  carried  off  the 
Princess  Anne  to  Nottingham,  and  marched  into  that  town  at  the  head  of  a  fine  troop 
of  gentlemen  and  their  attendants,  as  a  ^uard  for  her  highness. 

(i)  Dr.  Lamplugh,  formerly  rector  ol  St.  Martin's,  was  raised  to  the  bishopric  of 
Exeter,  1676;  and  after  the  Revolution,  was  made  archbishop  of  York.  Judging  from 
an  anecdote  of  him  told  by  Baxter,  'Life,'  part  iii.  pp.  17!?,  179,  he  must  have  been  both 
a  high  and  a  fierce  man.  While  rector  of  St.  Martin's,  he  met  old  Mr.  Sanger,  a 
Nonconformist,  at  the  house  of  one  of  his  parishioners,  who  was  sick,  and  accosted 
him,  ''Sir,  what  business  have  you  here?"  "To  visit  and  pray  with  my  sick  friend, 
who  sent  for  me,"  was  tlie  answer.  The  doctor  then  fiercely  laid  hold  of  his  breast, 
and  thrust  him  to  the  door,  saying,  ''Get  out  of  the  room.  Sir;"  to  the  great  dismay  of 
the  sick  woman,  who  had  shortly  before  buried  lier  husband. 

(k)  After  the  chapel  in  Ctendon-street,  built  by  Ba.xter,  had  been  a  chapel  of  ease 
to  the  parish  of  St.  Martin  for  more  than  a  century,  it  fell  again  into  the  hands  of  the 
dissenters.  The  lease  of  it  was  taken,  in  1807,  by  the  Scots  secession  church,  then 
under  the  ministry  of  the  late  llev.  Dr.  Jerment,  who  has  been  succeeded  by  my  re- 
spected friend,  the  Rev.  William  Broadfoot,  its  present  minister. —  yVilsons  Diss. 
Churches,  vol.  iv.  p.  56. 

VOL.  I.  37 


290 


THE    LU'K   AND  TIMES 


eel,  to  my  great  satibfaction;  and  now  there  is  constant  preach- 
ing there;  be  it  by  Conformists  or  Nonconformists,  I  rejoice 
that  Christ  is  preached  to  the  people  in  that  parish,  whom  ten 
or  twenty  such  chapels  cannot  hold."' 

This  account  of  the  transaction  was  some  time  afterwards 
publicly  and  shamelessly  contradicted.  Baxter,  in  the  memoir 
of  his  wife,  had  slated  that  "Dr.  Lloyd  and  his  parishioners  had 
accepted  the  chapel  for  public  worship  on  the  offer  of  himself 
and  his  wife.""'  The  author  of  'The  Complete  History  of 
England,'  after  Calamy's  Abridgment  of  Baxter'  was  published, 
stated  "that  this  part  of  the  relation,  as  to  the  offer  of  a  chapel, 
is  known  to  be  false;"  thus  giving  die  lie  direct  to  Baxter's  own 
declaration.  Lloyd,  however,  then  bishop  of  Worcester,  being 
applied  to  for  an  explanation  of  the  circumstance,  stated  "that  Mr. 
Baxter  being  disturbed  in  his  meeting  in  Oxendon-street  by  the 
king's  drums,  which  Mr.  Secretary  Coventry  caused  to  be  beat 
under  the  windows,  made  an  offer  of  letting  it  to  the  parish  of  St. 
Martin  for  a  tabernacle,  at  the  rent  of  forty  pounds  a  year;  and 
that  his  lordship  hearing  it,  said  he  liked  it  well.  That  therefore 
Mr.  Baxter  came  to  him,  and  proposed  the  same  thing.  He 
then  acquainted  the  vestry  with  it,  which  took  it  upon  those 
terms."  "  Thus  the  veracity  and  disinterestedness  of  Baxter 
were  satisfactorily  vindicated.  Lloyd,  who  became  successively 
bishop  of  St.  Asaph  and  Worcester,  was  one  of  the  best  in- 
formed men  of  his  profession,  and,  on  the  whole,  more  mod- 
erate in  his  principles  than  most  of  them. 

"About  March,  1677,  fell  out  a  trifling  business,  which  I  will 
mention,  lest  the  fable  pass  for  truth  when  I  am  dead.  At  a 
coffee-house,  in  Fuller's  Rents,  where  many  Papists  and  Pro- 
testants used  to  meet  together,  one  Mr.  Dyet,  son  to  old  Sir 
Richard  Dyet,  chief  justice  in  the  north,  and  brother  to  a  de- 
ceased, dear  friend  of  mine,  the  wife  of  my  old,  dear  friend, 
Colonel  Silvanus  Taylor,"  one  that  professed  himself  no  Papist, 
but  was  their  familiar,  said  openly  that  I  had  killed  a  man  with 
my  own  hand;  that  it  was  a  tinker,  at  my  door,  who,  because  he 
beat  his  kettle  and  disturbed  me  in  my  studies,  I  went  down  and 
pistoled  him.  One  Mr.  Peters  occasioned  this  wrath,  by  oft 
challenging,  in  vain,  the  Papists  to  dispute  with  me;  or  answer 
my  books  against  them.  Mr.  Peters  told  Mr.  Dyet  that  this  was 

(1)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  17G — 179. 

(m)  Itreviate  of  the  Life  of  Mrs.  rSaxler,  4lo.  p.  57. 

(n)  Calamy's  Abridgment,  vol.  i.  p.  34-8. 

(o)  Colonel  Taylor  was  an  officer  in  the  parliamentary  army,  and  .served  some 
years  under  (^'nlonel  Massey.  He  was  an  active  man  in  llie  county  of  Hereford, 
lie  appears,  however,  to  have  obtained  favor  after  the  Restoration,  and  was  appoint- 
e<l  keeper  of  the  king's  stores  at  Harwich,  where  he  died  in  167!i.  He  was  a  great 
antiquary;  a  distinguished  amateur  in  music,  liaving  published  -Conrt  Ayrcs  or  I'a- 
vins,'  'Almainc's  Corants  and  Sarabands;'  and  a  good  mathematician  and  linguist. 
— Allien.  Oxon.  vol.  iii.  p.  1175;  Aubrey,  vol.  iii.  p.  555. 


i 


OF    RICMAIIT)  nAXTEU. 


291 


so  shameless  a  slander,  that  he  should  answer  for  it.  Mr.  Dyet 
told  him  diat  a  hundred  witnesses  would  testify  it  was  true,  and 
lliat  1  was  tried  for  my  life  at  Worcester  for  it.  To  he  short, 
Mr.  Peters  ceased  not  till  he  hronght  Dyet  to  my  chamher  to 
confess  his  fault,  and  ask  my  forgiveness.  With  him,  came  one 
Mr.  Tasbrook,  an  eminent,  sober,  prudent  Papist;  I  told  him 
that  these  usages  to  such  as  I,  and  far  worse,  were  so  ordinary, 
and  I  had  long  suftered  so  much  more  than  words,  that  it  must 
be  no  difficulty  to  me  to  forgive  them  to  any  man;  but  especially 
to  one  whose  relations  had  been  my  dearest  friends;  and  that  he 
was  one  of  the  first  gentlemen  who  ever  showed  so  much  inge- 
nuity as  to  confess  and  ask  forgiveness.  He  told  me,  he  would 
liereafter  confess  and  unsay  it,  and  vindicate  me  as  openly  as  he 
had  wi-onged  me:  1  told  him,  to  excuse  him,  that  perhaps  he  had 
that  story  from  his  late  pastor  at  St.  Giles',  Dr.  Boreman,  who 
had  printed  that  such  a  thing  was  reported;  but  I  never  heard 
before  the  particulars  of  the  fable.  Shortly  after,  at  the  same 
cofFee-house,  Mr.  Dyet  openl}^  confessed  his  fault."'' 

"In  November,  1077,  died  Dr.  Thomas  Manton,  to  the  great 
loss  of  London,  being  an  able,  judicious,  faithful  man,  and  one 
that  lamented  the  intemperance  of  many  self-conceited  ministers 
and  people,  who,  on  pretence  of  vindicating  free-grace  and  Prov- 
idence, and  of  opposing  Arrainianism,  greatly  corrupted  the 
Christian  doctrine,  and  schismatically  impugned  Christian  love 
and  concord,  hercticating  and  making  odious  all  who  spake  not 
as  erroneously  as  themselves.  Many  of  the  Independents,  in- 
clining to  half  Antinoraianism,  suggested  suspicions  against  Dr. 
Manton,  Dr.  Bates,  Mr.  Howe,  myself,  and  such  others,  as  if 
we  were  half  Arminians.  On  which  occasion,  I  preached  two 
sermons  on  the  words  of  Jude,  'They  speak  evil  of  what  they 
understand  not.'  "i 

These  discourses,  which  were  preached  at  the  merchants' 
Tuesday  morning  lecture,  at  Pinner's  Hall,  were  never,  I  believe, 
printed.  Baxter  had  rashly  carried  some  idle  reports  into  the 
pulpit,  and  thus  occasioned  a  considerable  flame  both  among  the 
lecturers  and  the  people.  The  preachers  consisted  of  four  Pres- 
byterians and  two  Independents.  I  believe  the  whole  matter 
was,  the  Independents  were  more  thorough  systematic  Calvinists 
than  the  Presbyterians,  though  there  was  no  difference  of  im- 
portance between  them.  They  finally  separated  in  1G95,  in 
consequence  of  the  mischievous  dispute  about  Dr.  Crisp's  senti- 
ments.'' 

(p)  Life,  pari  iii.  p.  179.  I  have  not  quoted  the  tail-piece  of  tliis  foolisli  story.  It 
is  very  Olid  to  find  sucli  a  man  as  Baxter  accused  twice  of  Ivillin;^  persons.  Dr.  Boro- 
man's  story,  to  wliicli  lie  alludes,  is  the  afiair  of  Major  Jennings,  of  which  we  have 
given  an  account,  with  its  refutation,  in  pp.  5G,  57.  They  must  have  been  greatly  at 
a  loss  for  scandal,  when  it  was  found  necessary  to  accuse  Baxter  of  murder. 

{())  Life,  part  iii.  p.  182.  (r)  Neal's  Puril.  vol.  v.  p.  4.14. 


292 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMF.S 


"About  October,  1G78,  fell  out  the  murder  of  Sir  Edmund 
Burry  Godfrey,  which  made  a  very  great  change  in  England. 
One  Dr.  Titus  Oates  had  discovered  a  plot  of  the  Papists,  of 
which  he  wrote  out  the  particulars  very  largely,  telling  how  they 
fired  the  city,  and  were  contriving  to  bring  the  kingdom  to  Po- 
pery, and  in  order  thereto  to  kill  the  king.  He  named  the  lords, 
Jesuits,  priests,!  and  others,  who  were  the  chief  contrivers,  and 
said  that  he  himself  had  delivered  to  several  of  the  lords  their 
commissions:  that  Lord  Bellasis  was  to  be  general.  Lord  Petre 
lieutenant-general.  Lord  Stafford  major-general.  Lord  Powis  lord 
chancellor,  and  Lord  Arundel,  of  Warder,  (the  chief,)  to  be  lord 
treasurer.  He  told  who  were  to  be  the  archbishops,  bishops, 
he,  and  at  what  meetings,  and  by  whom,  and  when  all  was  con- 
trived, and  who  were  designed  to  kill  the  king.  He  first  opened 
all  diis  to  Dr.  Tongue/  and  both  of  them  opened  it  to  the  king 
and  council.  He  mentioned  a  multitude  of  letters,  which  he 
himself  had  carried  or  seen,  or  heard  read,  that  contained  all 
these  contrivances.  But  because  his  father  and  he  had  once 
been  Anabaptists,  and  when  the  bishops  prevailed,  had  turned  to 
be  conformable  ministers,  and,  afterward,  the  son  turned  Papist, 
and  confessed  that  he  long  had  gone  on  with  them  under  many 
oaths  of  secrecy,*  many  thought  that  a  man  of  so  litde  con- 
science was  not  be  believed.  His  confessions  however  were 
received  by  some  justices  of  the  peace.  None  was  more  for- 
ward in  the  search  than  Sir  Edmund  Burry  Godfrey,  an  able, 
honest,  and  diligent  justice.  While  he  was  following  this  work, 
he  was  suddenly  missing,  and  could  not  be  heard  of.  Three  or 
four  days  after,  he  was  found  killed  near  Mary-le-bonne  Park. 
It  was  plainly  found  that  he  was  murdered."  The  parliament 
took  the  alarm  upon  it,  Oates  was  now  believed;  and,  indeed, 
all  his  large  confessions,  in  every  part,  agreed  to  admiration. 
Hereupon  the  king  proclaimed  pardon  and  reward  to  any  one 
that  would  confess,  or  discover  the  murder.  One  Mr.  Bedlow, 
that  had  fled  to  Bristol,  began,  and  confessed  that  he  knew  of  it, 

(s)  Dr.  Israel  Tongue  was  one  of  the  city  divines,  whose  head  was  full  of  all  sorts 
of  fancies  about  Romish  plots  and  conspiracies.  According  to  Wood,  "he  under- 
stood chronology  well,  and  spent  much  time  and  money  in  the  art  of  alchemy.  He 
was  a  person  cynical  and  hirsute,  shiftless  in  tlie  world,  yet  absolutely  free  from  cov- 
elousness. — Athen.  Oxcm.  vol.  iii.  p.  1260.  If  seems  more  probable  that  he  was  im- 
posed on  by  Oates,  than  that  he  was  a  party  to  a  scheme  of  deception. — Burnet,  vol. 
1.  pp.  424, 425. 

(t)  From  Crosby's  'History  of  the  Baptists,'  it  appears  that  this  account  of  Oates 
is  substantially  correct.  He  was  a  Baptist  in  his  youth,  and,  after  running  the  round 
of  religious  professions,  was,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  received  among  them  again, 
after  a  separation  of  thirty  years.  In  a  short  time,  however,  the  church  with  which 
he  connected  himself  was  obliged  to  exclude  him.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  con- 
summate hypocrite  and  villain. — Crosby,  vol.  iii.  pp.  IGG,  182. 

(u)  The  death  of  Sir  Edmund  Burry  Godfrey  is  a  subject  involved  in  great  obscu- 
rity. Burnet  gives  a  very  minute  account  of  his  disappearance,  and  of  the  state  in 
which  his  body  was  found,  but  throws  no  light  on  the  manner  in  which  lie  came  by 
his  death. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


293 


and  who  did  it,  and  named  some  of  the  men,  the  place,  and 
time;  it  was  at  the  queen's  house,  called  Somerset  House,  by 
Fitzgerald  and  Kelly,  two  Papist  priests,  and  four  others,  Berry, 
the  poi'ter.  Green,  Pranse,  and  Hill.  The  priests  fled:  Pranse, 
Bcrrj  ,  Green,  and  Hill,  were  taken.  Pranse  first  confessed  all, 
and  discovered  the  rest  aforesaid,  more  than  Bedlow  knew  of, 
and  all  the  circumstances,  and  how  he  was  carried  away,  and  by 
whom;  and  also  how  the  plot  was  laid  to  kill  the  king.  Thus 
Oates'  testimony,  seconded  by  Sir  Edmund's  murder,  and  Bed- 
low's  and  Pransc's  testimonies,  came  to  be  generally  believed. 
Ireland,  a  Jesuit,  and  two  more,  were  condemned,  as  designing 
to  kill  the  king.  Hill,  Berry,  and  Green,  were  condemned  for 
the  murder  of  Godfrey,  and  executed;  but  Pranse  was,  by  a 
Papist,  first  terrified  into  a  denial  again  of  the  plot  to  kill  the  king, 
and  took  on  him  to  be  distracted,  but  quickly  recanted  of  this, 
and  had  no  quiet  till  he  told  how  he  was  afflicted,  and  renewed 
all  his  testimony  and  confession.^ 

"Coleman,  the  Duchess  of  York's  secretary,  and  one  of  the 
Papists'  great  plotters  and  disputers,  being  surprised,  though  he 
made  away  all  his  later  papers,  was  hanged  by  the  former  ones 
tliat  were  remaining,  and  by  Oates's  testimony;^  but  the  parlia- 
ment kept  off  all  aspersions  from  the  duke:  the  hopes  of  some, 
and  the  fears  of  others  of  his  succession  prevailed  with  many. 

"At  last,  the  lord  treasurer,  Sir  Thomas  Osborne,  made  Earl 
of  Danby,  came  upon  the  stage,  having  been  before  die  object 
of  the  parliament's  and  people's  jealousy  and  hard  thoughts. 
He  being  afraid  that  somewhat  would  be  done  against  him,  know- 
ing that  Mr.  Montague,  his  kinsman,  late  ambassador  in  France, 
had  some  letters  of  his  in  his  keeping,  which  he  thought  might 
endanger  him,  got  an  order  from  the  king  to  seize  on  all  Mr. 
Montague's  letters;  who  suspecting  some  such  usage,  had  con- 
veyed away  the  chief  letters;  and  telling  the  parliament  where 
they  were,  they  sent  and  fetched  them.  On  the  reading  of  them 
they  were  so  irritated  against  the  lord  treasurer,  that  they  im- 
peached him  in  the  Lords'  House  of  high  treason.  But  not 
long  after,  the  king  dissolved  the  long  parliament,  which  he  had 
kept  up  about  seventeen  or  eighteen  years.'^ 

(x)  The  character  of  Oates  was  such  tliat  no  dependence  could  be  placed  upon  his 
testimony.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  finished  scoundrel,  who  was  afterwards  sent 
to  the  pillory  for  perjury  in  this  affair,  though  he  seems  to  have  risen  a  little  in  credit 
after  the  Revolution.  There  is  reason  to  believe  much  of  this  plot  was  contrived  en- 
tirely by  him,  though  some  circumstances  gave  a  color  of  truth  to  his  statements. 
Baxter's  account  shows  the  degree  of  credit  which  it  then  generally  obtained.  They 
who  would  examine  the  subject  fully  must  examine  the  histories  of  the  period. 

(y)  There  is  little  doubt  but  that  Oates  perjured  himself,  though  it  is  equally  certain 
that  Coleman  was  a  great  knave,  and  had  acted  often  in  the  most  unprincipled  man- 
ner. He  served  masters  who  made  no  scruple  of  sacrificing  their  servants,  after  they 
had  accomplished  their  own  ends  by  them. — Burnet,  vo\.  ii.  pp.214 — 216. 

(z)  The  best  account  which  I  have  met  with  of  the  Earl  of  Danby 's  administration, 
and  of  the  circumstances  relating  to  his  fall,  is  Hallam's.   That  able  writer,  though 


294 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


"About  thirty  Scotchmen,  of  which  three  were  preachers, 
were  by  their  council  sentenced  to  be  not  only  banished,  but 
sold  as  slaves,  to  the  American  plantations.  They  were  brought 
by  ship  to  London,  where  divers  citizens  offered  to  pay  their 
ransom.  The  king  was  petitioned  for  them;  and  I  went  to  the 
Duke  of  Lauderdale,  but  none  of  us  could  prevail  for  one  man. 
At  last  the  ship-master  was  told,  that  by  a  statute  it  was  a 
capital  crime  to  transport  any  of  the  king's  subjects  out  of 
England,  where  they  now  were,  without  their  consent,  and  so 
he  set  them  on  shore,  and  they  all  escaped  for  nothing."  A  great 
number  of  Hungarian  ministers  had  before  been  sold  for  galley 
slaves,  by  the  emperor's  agents,  but  were  released  by  the  Dutch 
admiral's  request,  and  some  of  them  largely  relieved  by  collec- 
tions in  London.'' 

"The  long  and  grievous  parliament,  which  silenced  about  two 
thousand  ministers,  and  did  many  works  of  such  nature,  being 
dissolved  on  the  25th  day  of  January,  1678,  a  new  one  was 
chosen,  and  met  on  the  Cth  day  of  March,  following.  The 
king  refusing  their  chosen  speaker,  Mr.  Seymore,  raised  in  them 
a  great  displeasure  against  the  lord  treasurer,  thinking  him  the 
cause;  but  after  some  days  they  chose  Serjeant  Gregory.  The 
Duke  of  York  removed,  a  little  before,  out  of  England  by  the 
king's  command;  who  yet  stands  to  maintain  his  succession. 
The  parliament  first  impeached  the  aforesaid  Papist  lords  for  the 
plot  or  conspiracy,  the  Lord  Bellasis,  Lord  Arundel,  Lord 
Powis,  Lord  Stafford,  and  Lord  Petre,  and  after  them  the 
Lord  Treasurer. 

"Upon  Easter  day  the  king  dissolved  his  privy  council,  and 
settled  it  anew,  consisting  of  thirty  men,  most  of  the  old  ones, 

he  docs  not  approve  of  Dauby's  principles  and  conduct,  nevcrllieless  vindicates  liim 
from  charges,  which  much  more  belong  to  his  royal  master  than  to  him.  Danby  es- 
caped from  llie  charge  of  impeachment,  and  took  out  a  pardon  from  the  king.  To 
this  the  two  Houses  would  not  submit.  After  a  great  deal  of  altercation  between 
the  king  and  parliament,  he  was  committed  to  the  Tower,  where  he  remained  till 
1G84,  when  he  was  released  on  bail.    He  was  created  Duke  of  Leeds  in  IGD-t. 

(aj  The  persons  here  referred  to  by  Baxter  were  banished  from  Scotland,  for  the 
high  crime  of  attending  conventicles  contrary  to  law.  Severe  as  the  sufferings 
of  the  Nonconformists  in  England  were  at  this  period,  they  were  nothing  compared 
with  what  was  endured  by  the  poor  Presbyterians  of  Scotland.  The  Highland  VValch, 
as  it  was  called,  was  let  loose  upon  the  country:  its  inhabitants  were  spoiled  of  their 
goods;  cast  into  prisons,  banished,  and  sold  as  slaves;  and  multitudes  of  them  shot  in 
cold  blood,  and  otherwise  butchered,  sometimes  with,  and  sometimes  without,  form  of 
law.  Woodrow's  'History  of  the  Sufferings  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,'  contains  re- 
citals of  the  most  horrible  deeds  ever  perpetrated  in  a  civilized  country. 

(b)  The  Hungarian  ministers  referred  to  by  Baxter,  were  driven  out  of  their  coun- 
try, or  sold  for  slaves,  by  the  Emperor  of  Austria.  The  contest  which  produced  this 
result  was  rather  for  civil  than  for  religious  privileges,  though  the  Protestants  of 
Hungary  were  treated  with  the  utmost  barbarity,  chielly  on  account  of  their  religion. 
Their  churches  were  seized,  their  estates  and  houses  sequestered,  their  persons  im- 
prisoned, and  dragged  to  public  execution.  Two  hundred  of  their  ministers  were,  at 
one  time,  in  the  Spanish  galleys,  coupled  with  Turks,  Moors,  and  malefactors.  It 
was  for  the  relief  of  such  sufferers  that  British  bcnevoleuce  was  excited. — De  Foe's 
Life  and  Times,  vol.  i.  p. 91. 


OF  RICHAUn  BAXTKU. 


295 


the  Earl  of  Sliaftosbury  being  president,  to  the  great  joy  of  the 
people  then,  llioiigli  after  all  was  changed.  On  the  27di  day  of 
April,  1G79,  though  it  was  the  Lord's  day,  the  parliament  sat, 
excited  by  the  confession  of  Stubbs,  that  the  firing  plot  went  on, 
and  the  French  were  to  invade  us,  and  the  Protestants  to  be 
murdered  by  the  28th  day  of  June.  They  voted,  that  the 
Duke  of  York's  declaring  himself  a  Papist,  was  the  cause  of  all 
our  dangers  by  these  plots,  and  sent  to  the  Lords  to  concur  in 
the  same  vote.  But  die  king,  that  week,  by  himself  and  the 
chancellor,  acquainted  them  that  he  should  consent  to  any  thing 
reasonable  to  secure  the  Protestant  religion,  not  alienating  the 
crown  from  the  line  of  succession;  and  particularly  that  he  would 
consent,  that  till  the  successor  should  take  the  test,  he  should 
exercise  no  acts  of  government,  but  the  parliament  in  being 
should  continue,  or  if  none  then  were,  that  which  last  was  should 
be  in  power,  and  exercise  all  the  government  in  the  name  of  the 
king.  This  ofier  took  much  with  many,  but  most  said  that  it 
signified  nothing.  For  Papists  easily  obtain  dispensations  to  take 
any  tests  or  oaths;  and  Queen  Mary's  case  showed  how  parlia- 
ment will  serve  the  prince's  will. 

"On  the  Lord's  day.  May  11th,  1679,  the  Commons  sat  ex- 
traordinarily, and  agreed  in  two  votes,  first,  that  the  Duke  of 
York  was  incapable  of  succeeding  to  the  imperial  crown  of  Eng- 
land; secondly,  that  they  would  stand  by  the  king  and  the  Prot- 
estant religion  with  their  lives  and  fortunes;  and  if  the  king  came 
to  a  violent  death,  which  God  forbid,  they  would  be  revenged  on 
the  Papists.  The  parliament  was  shortly  afterwards  dissolved 
while  it  insisted  on  the  trial  of  tiie  lord  treasurer." " 

The  bill  of  exclusion  afterwards  passed  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, and  was  carried  to  the  House  of  Lords,  where  it  was  lost 
on  the  second  reading,  by  a  majority  of  thirty,  of  whom  four- 
teen were  bishops.  This  fact  clearly  shows  the  leaning  of  many 
of  the  dignitaries  of  the  church  to  the  arbitrary  and  Popish  prin- 
ciples which  were  well  known  to  characterise  the  Duke  of  York. 
In  the  same  session  of  parliament,  which  passed  the  exclusion 
bill,  another  business  occupied  their  attention,  which  also 
brought  to  light  the  unprincipled  conduct  to  which  the  court 
could  resort.  By  an  act  of  Uie  25th  of  Elizabeth,  it  was  pro- 
vided that  those  who  did  not  conform  to  the  church,  should 
abjure  the  kingdom  upon  pain  of  death;  and  for  some  de- 
grees of  nonconformity,  they  were  adjudged  to  die,  without  the 
favor  of  banishment.  Both  Houses  passed  a  bill  to  repeal  this 
act.  It  went  heavily  indeed  in  the  Lords,  for  many  of  the 
bishops,  though  they  were  not  for  putting  the  law  in  execution, 
thought  the  terror  of  it  was  of  some  use,  and  that  the  repeal  of 
it  would  make  the  party  more  insolent.    On  the  day  of  the  pro- 


(c  )  Life,  pai  t  iii.  pp.  183 — 1G6. 


296 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


rogation  when  the  bill  should  have  been  presented  to  the  king, 
the  clerk  of  the  crown,  by  the  king's  own  particular  order,  with- 
drew it.  He  could  not  publicly  refuse  it,  but  he  would  not 
pass  it;  and  therefore  resorted  to  this  infamous  method  to  de- 
stroy it.  On  the  morning  of  the  prorogation,  however,  as  if  the 
Commons  anticipated  something,  they  passed  two  resolutions: — 
That  the  laws  made  against  recusants,  ought  not  to  be  executed 
against  any  but  those  of  the  church  of  Rome;  and  that  in 
the  opinion  of  the  House,  the  laws  against  dissenters  ought  not 
to  be  executed.  This  was  thought  a  great  invasion  of  the  rights 
of  the  other  branches  of  the  legislature;  and  as  it  was  under- 
stood to  be  the  wish  of  the  House  that  courts  and  juries  should 
regulate  their  proceedings  by  this  resolution,  it  gave  great 
offence;  so  that  instead  of  operating  as  kindness  to  the  Non- 
conformists, it  raised  a  fresh  storm  against  them  all  over  the  na- 
tion."! 

"There  came  from  among  the  Papists  more  and  more  con- 
verts, that  detected  the  plot  against  religion  and  the  king.  After 
Oates,  Bedlovv,  Everard,  Dugdale^  and  Pranse,  came  Jervison, 
a  gentlemen  of  Gray's  Inn,  Smith,  a  priest,  and  others;  but 
nothing  stopped  them  more  than  a  plot  designed  to  have  turned 
all  the  odium  on  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Protestant  adversa- 
ries of  Popery.  They  hired  one  Dangerfield,  to  manage  the 
matter;  but  by  the  industry  of  Colonel  Mansel,  who  was  to  have 
been  first  accused,  and  Sir  William  Waller,  the  plot  was  fully 
detected;  and  Dangerfield  confessed  all,  and  continueth  a  stead- 
fast convert  and  Protestant  to  this  day.*" 

"But  my  unfitness,  and  the  torrent  of  late  matter  here,  stop 
me  from  proceeding  to  insert  the  history  of  this  age.  It  is 
done,  and  likely  to  be  done  so  copiously  by  others,  that  these 
shreds  will  be  of  small  signification.  Every  year  of  late  hath 
afforded  matter  for  a  volume  of  lamentations.  But  that  pos- 
terity may  not  be  deluded  by  credulity,  I  shall  truly  tell  them, 
that  lying  most  impudently  in  print  against  the  most  notorious 
evidence  of  truth,  in  the  vending  of  cruel  malice  against  men  of 
conscience,  and  die  fear  of  God,  is  become  so  ordinary  a  trade, 
that  it  is  likely  with  men  of  experience,  to  pass  ere  long  for  a 
good  conclusion,  dictum  vel  scriptum  est  a  malignis,  ergo  fal- 

(d)  Burnet,  vol.  ii.  pp.  300,  301. 

(e)  The  above  paragraph  refers  to  the  infamous  Meal-tub  plot,  as  it  was  called,  from 
the  pretended  scheme  being  found  in  a  small  book  concealed  in  a  meal-tub.  The  ob- 
ject of  this  sham  plot,  which  caused  great  trouble  to  some  of  the  Nonconformists,  was 
to  throw  the  wliole  blame  of  the  Popish  plot  on  tlie  dissenters.  It  was  by  the  good 
providence  of  God  completely  defeated.  Dangerfield,  of  whom  Baxter,  by  a  strange 
mistake,  speaks  as  a  good  Protestant,  was  an  infamous  liar.  He  was  tried  for  his 
conduct,  in  King  James's  reign,  sentenced  to  be  whipped  al  the  cart's  tail,  from  New- 
gate to  Tyburn;  and  while  undergoing  the  punishment,  was  struck  on  the  head  by  a 
student,  which  caused  his  death,  and  for  which  the  fellow  was  justly  hanged. — Bur- 
mCs  Own  Times,  vol.  iii.  p.  2'J. 


OP   niCHAUn  BAXTER. 


297 


sum  est.  IMany  of  die  malignant  clergy  and  laily,  especially 
L'Esti  ange,  'The  Observator,' '  and  sncli  oUiers,  do  widi  so  great 
confidence  pnblish  the  most  notorious  falsehoods,  that  1  must 
confess  it  hadi  greatly  depressed  my  esteem  of  most  history, 
and  of  human  nature.  If  other  liistorians  be  like  some  of  these 
times,  dieir  assertions,  whenever  they  speak  of  such  as  they  dis- 
taste, ought  to  be  read  like  Hebrew,  backward;  and  are  so  far 
from  signifying  truth,  that  many  for  one  are  downright  lies.  It 
is  no  wonder  perjury  hath  grown  so  common,  when  the  most 
impudent  lying  hath  so  prepared  the  way."  ^ 

Such  were  the  sombre  reflections  with  which  Baxter  con- 
cludes his  brief  notices  of  tliis  period  of  Iiis  history.  It  is  not 
surprising  that  he  was  deeply  pained,  or  that  he  cherished  the 
most  gloomy  forebodings  respecting  his  country.  Religion  was 
in  a  very  perilous  and  oppressed  condition.  The  best  men  had 
been  driven  out  of  the  church,  and  their  places  too  generally  sup- 
plied by  persons  who  cared  little  for  the  terms  on  which  they 
entered,  provided  they  could  secure  the  emoluments.  The  doc- 
trines of  the  Gospel  were  no  longer  heard  in  the  vast  majority 
of  die  pulpits;  and  even  the  more  respectable  clergy  preached 
in  a  cold  and  inefiicient  manner.  The  Nonconformists  were 
continually  harassed  and  persecuted;  many  of  them  had  died, 
or  left  the  country,  while  few  were  rising  up  to  fill  their  places, 
or  share  in  their  tribulations.  The  immoralities  and  profligacy 
of  the  court,  were  shocking  to  every  sober  and  well-constituted 
mind.  Its  principles  and  policy  were  every  day  more  apparent- 
ly at  variance  with  the  constitution,  freedom,  and  prosperity  of 
the  country.  Under  the  influence  of  France,  to  which  Charles 
had  basely  sold  his  country  to  support  his  mistresses,  the  dissent- 
ers were  oppressed  or  eased,  persecuted  or  jirotected,  as  the  in- 
terests of  Popery,  and  the  caprices  of  despotism  or  licentiousness, 
might  dictate.  When  they  suffered  severely,  tiiey  had  not  the 
consolation  to  think,  that  it  was  for  their  own  attachment  to  truth 
and  principle  they  suffered.  They  were  afflicted,  oppressed,  or 
deprived  of  their  privileges,  by  parliament,  chiefly  that  Roman 
Catholics  might  be  punished.  When  they  were  relieved  by  the 
king,  it  was  not  that  he  cared  for  them,  or  had  become  concern- 
ed for  their  wrongs,  but  that  he  might  promote  the  interests  of  a 

(f )  'The  Observator,'  was  a  political  pamplilel  of  three  or  four  sheets,  which  L'Es- 
traiig;e  published  weekly.  Havins;  lived  during  all  the  troubles  of  the  country,  and 
possessing  an  exhaustless  copia  verbomm,  which  he  poured  forth  without  any  restraint, 
lie  was  one  of  the  most  eflicient  instruments  of  a  corrupt  court  which  then  existed. 
His  great  object  was  to  defame  the  men  of  principle,  whether  out  of,  or  in,  the  church; 
and  especially  to  produce  a  belief  among  the  clergy,  that  their  ruin  was  intended. 
He  never  failed  to  consult  his  own  interests,  and  obtained  considerable  sums  for  the 
service  which  he  did.  Henry  Care  was  one  of  the  ablest  of  L'Estrange's  opponents, 
and  his  'Weekly  Packet  from  Rome,'  was  intended  as  a  set-off  against  'The  Obser- 
vator,' and  other  productions  of  the  same  stamp. 

(g)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  187. 

TOL.   I.  38 


298 


THK  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


party,  which,  while  it  pretended  to  kiss  them  as  fellow  sufferers, 
was  preparing  to  stab  them  as  soon  as  it  had  the  power.  In  such 
circumstances,  vain  was  the  help  of  man;  appeals  to  justice  or  to 
mercy  were  alike  unavailing.  Prayer  and  patience  were  the 
only  refuge;  and  to  these  the  Nonconformists  betook  themselves, 
not  without  hope  in  Him,  "who  has  engaged  to  hear  the  prayer 
of  the  destitute,  and  not  to  despise  their  prayer." 

That  Baxter,  "though  cast  down,  was  not  destroyed"  in  spirit, 
appears  from  the  number  of  books  which  he  published  during 
this  period,  and  which  seem  to  have  chiefly  occupied  his  time. 
These  related  mostly,  though  not  exclusively,  to  the  Popish  and 
Nonconformist  controversies.  He  published  Select  Arguments 
against  Popery;  His  Sermon  in  the  Morning  Exercises,  on  the 
same  subject;  his  Roman  Tradition  Examined;  his  Naked 
Popery;  Which  is  the  True  Head  of  the  Church? — and.  On 
Universal  Roman  Church  Supremacy.  All  these  works  were 
on  that  subject  which  then  so  deeply  engaged  the  minds  of  men. 

On  the  other  topic,  he  brought  out  in  1676,  The  Judgment 
of  the  Nonconformists;  a  thick  quarto  volume,  containing  several 
tracts;  The  Nonconformist's  Plea  for  Peace;  the  Second  and 
Third  Parts  of  the  Plea;  the  Defence  of  it;  the  True  and  only 
way  of  Concord;  his  Church  History  of  Bishops;  his  Answer 
to  Dr.  Stillingfleet;  his  Treatise  of  Episcopacy;  his  Apology 
for  the  Nonconformists'  Ministry;  his  Dissent  from  Dr.  Sher- 
lock; his  Search  for  the  English  Schismatic;  and,  his  Second 
True  Defence  of  the  Mere  Nonconformists.  All  these,  beside 
his  Latin  Methodus,  and  various  other  pieces  of  a  miscellaneous 
nature,  were  the  production  of  four  or  five  years  only;  and  those, 
years  of  sorrow,  affliction,  and  persecution.  They  evince  the 
unsubdued  ardor  of  Baxter's  mind,  and  what  importance  he  at- 
tached to  the  pi'inciples  for  which  he  and  his  brethren  were 
called  to  contend  and  to  suffer.  When  it  is  considered  that  he 
had  only  to  affix  his  name  to  a  document  containing  little  that  in 
itself  he  objected  to,  but  implying  his  sanction  of  some  wrong 
principles,  widi  his  approbation  of  unchristian  exactions;  by 
doing  which  he  would  not  merely  have  escaped  from  reproach 
and  suffering,  but  have  risen  to  worldly  honor  and  distinction;  his 
conduct  and  consistency  entitle  him  to  an  honorable  place  among 
those,  who  have  counted  it  a  privilege,  not  only  to  believe,  but 
also  to  suffer  for  the  sake  of  Christ.  Compared  with  this  honor, 
•  how  poor  are  all  the  distinctions,  which  wealth  and  rank  can 
bestow!  None  of  the  lords,  spiritual  and  temporal,  of  his  day, 
will  be  known  over  so  great  a  portion  of  the  world,  or  remem- 
bered so  long,  as  Richard  Baxter. 

During  this  period,  he  lost  many  of  his  most  valued  friends, 
for  several  of  whom  he  preached  and  published  funeral  sermons. 


OF   UICIIAUD  15AXTF.U. 


299 


Of  some  of  these  excellent  iiulivicliials,  it  may  be  proper  to  give 
a  short  accoimt. 

His  cxcollciit  and  attached  friend,  Sir  Mallhcw  Hale,  whose 
character  has  already  been  given  at  length,  took  his  departm-c, 
after  a  long  and  severe  illness,  on  Christmas  day,  1676.  He 
went  into  the  churchyard,  and  chose  his  grave,  a  few  days  be- 
fore his  death.  As  a  token  of  his  love  for  Baxter,  he  left  him 
forty  shillings  in  his  will;  with  which,  says  Baxter,  "I  purchased 
the  largest  Cambridge  Bible,  and  put  his  picture  before  it,  as  a 
monument  to  my  house.  But  waiting  for  my  own  death,  I  gave 
it  Sir  William  Ellis,  who  laid  out  about  ten  pounds  to  put  it  into 
a  more  curious  cover,  and  keep  it  for  a  monument  in  his 
honor." 

The  Rev.  Henry  Stubbs  was  born  at  Upton,  on  an  estate  that 
was  given  to  his  grandfather  by  King  James  I.,  widi  whom  he 
came  from  Scodand.  After  a  private  education  in  country 
schools,  he  was  sent  to  Wadham  College,  Oxford,  where  he 
staid  till  he  took  his  degrees.  He  first  was  minister  of  St.  Phil- 
lip's, Bristol,  and  afterwards  of  Chew-Magna.  In  1654,  he  was 
of  the  city  of  Wells,  and  assistant  to  the  commissioners,  appoint- 
ed by  the  parliament  to  eject  ignorant  and  scandalous  ministers. 
The  Act  of  Uniformity  found  him  in  Dursley;  though  he  was  not 
incumbent  there,  but  assistant  to  Mr.  Joseph  Woodward,  who 
died  of  a  consumption  before  Bartholomew  day.  After  he  was 
silenced,  he  preached  from  place  to  place,  with  unwearied  dili- 
gence and  great  success. 

On  his  arrival  in  London,  he  preached  nearly  every  day;  and 
some  days  twice.  More  than  once  he  fell  down  in  the  pulpit  in 
a  fit;  but  recovering,  went  on  again;  till  at  last  he  was  quite  dis- 
abled by  fever  and  dysentery.  What  much  emboldened  him 
was,  that  he  had  often  gone  into  the  pulpit  ill,  and  come  out  of 
it  better.  This  holy  and  peaceable  man,  who  lived,  Baxter 
says,  "like  an  incarnate  angel,"  was  a  minister  of  the  Gospel 
about  fifty  years;  and  dying  in  London,  July  7th,  167S,  aged 
73,  was  interred  in  the  new  burying-place,  Bunhill-fields.  Being 
of  a  charitable  disposition,  he  devoted  the  tenth  part  of  his  in- 
come to  pious  uses,  with  which  was  purchased  four  pounds  per 
annum  for  Dursley  and  Horsley,  for  teaching  poor  children,  and 
buying  them  books.  He  also  gave  200/.  to  Bristol,  and  a  like 
sum  to  London,  to  be  annually  laid  out  for  the  good  of  the  poor, 
to  buy  them  Bibles,  and  to  assist  poor  ministers'  widows  in  their 
necessities.' 

(h)  Life,  part  ii.  p.  181. 

(i)  Calamy,  vol.  ii.  p.  318—320.  It  would  be  very  g^ralirving  to  know  wlial  has 
become  of  these  legacies;  whether  they  are  applicJ  for  the  hcncfil  of  the  poor,  cither 
in  Bristol  or  London. 


300 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


Baxter  preached  his  funeral  sermon,  from  Acts  xx.  24;  in  the 
course  of  which  he  speaks  very  strongly  of  the  eminent  spiritu- 
ality and  devotedness  of  this  excellent  man.  "He  was  the 
freest,"  he  says,  "of  most  that  ever  I  knew,  from  that  deceit  of 
the  serpent,  mentioned  in  2  Cor.  xi.  3,  who  corrupteth  men  by 
di'awing  them  from  the  simplicity  which  is  in  Christ.  His 
breath,  his  life,  his  preaching,  his  prayers,  his  conference,  his 
conversation,  were  Christian  simplicity  and  sincerity.  Not  as 
the  world  calleth  simplicity,  folly;  but  as  it  is  contrary  to  hypoc- 
risy, to  a  counterfeit  zeal,  to  mere  affectation,  to  a  divided  heart. 
He  knew  not  how  to  dissemble  or  wear  a  mask;  his  face,  his 
mouth,  his  whole  conversation,  laid  bare  his  heart.  While  he 
passed  by  all  quarrels,  few  quarrelled  with  him;  and  he  had  the 
happiness  to  take  up  head,  heart,  and  time,  with  only  great, 
sure,  and  necessary  things.'"' 

The  Rev.  John  Corbet  was  born  and  brought  up  in  the  city 
of  Gloucester,  and  a  student  in  Magdalen  Hall,  Oxon.  He  be- 
gan his  ministry  in  his  native  city  of  Gloucester,  and  lived  for 
some  years,  under  Dr.  Godfrey  Goodman,  a  Popish  bishop  of 
the  Protestant  church.  Here  he  continued  in  the  time  of  the 
civil  wars,  of  which  he  was  an  observant  but  mournful  spectator. 
His  account  of  the  siege  of  Gloucester,  gives  a  good  view  of  the 
rise  and  springs  of  the  war,  in  a  narrow  compass.'  He  after- 
ward remov'ed  to  Chichester,  and  thence  to  Bramshot,  a  living 
of  more  than  £200  a  year,  from  which  he  was  ejected  in  1662. 
He  lived  })rivately  in  and  about  London,  till  the  king's  indul- 
gence, in  1671,  when  a  part  of  his  old  flock  invited  him  to  Chi- 
chester, where  lie  continued  his  labors  with  great  assiduity  and 
success. 

God  afflicted  him  many  years  with  the  stone,  but  while  the 
pain  was  tolerable  to  nature,  he  endured  it,  and  continued  to 
preach,  till  within  a  fortnight  of  his  being  brought  up  to  London 

(k)  Worl<s,  vol.  xviii,  p  71. 

(1)  The  liule  work  rprcired  to  i«,  'An  Ilistoiical  Uclalion  of  tlio  Military  Govern- 
ment of  Gloucester,  from  the  Beginning  of  the  Civil  War  to  the  Removal  of  Colonel 
Massie,  ]6W.'  He  wrote  also  a 'Vindication  of  the  Magistrates  of  Gloncester,  from 
the  Calumnies  of  Robert  liacon;  ](j47.'  Clarendon  has  given  a  long  account  of  the 
siege  of  Gloucester,  wliicli  is  honorable  to  the  courage  and  perseverance  of  the  be- 
sieged. His  representation  of  the  ambassadors  of  the  people,  and  their  reply  to  the 
king's  summonses,  is  very  graphic,  but  very  ludicrous.  "Within  less  than  the  lime 
prescribed,  together  with  the  trumpeter,  returned  two  citizens  from  the  town,  with 
lean,  pale,  sharp,  and  bad  visages;  indeed,  faces  so  strange  and  unusual,  and  in  such 
a  garb  and  posture,  that  at  once  made  the  most  severe  countenances  merry,  and  the 
most  cheerful  liearts  sad;  for  it  was  impossible  such  ambassadors  could  bring  less 
than  a  defiance.  The  men,  without  any  circumstances  of  duly  or  good  manners,  in  a 
pert,  shrill,  undismayed  accent,  said,  'They  had  brought  an  answer  from  the  godly 
city  of  Glouceslcrto  the  king;'  and  were  so  ready  lo  give  insolent  and  seditious  an- 
swers to  any  queslicni,  as  if  their  business  were  chiefly  to  provoke  the  king  lo  violate 
his  own  safe  conduct." — Hist,  nf  the  Rchrl.  vol.  ii.  p.  315.  Their  answer,  notwith- 
standing this  caricature,  was  firm  and  respectful;  and  Charles,  after  exerting  his  ut- 
most strength,  was  at  last  obliged  lo  raise  the  siege. 


i 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


301 


to  be  cut;  but  before  tliat  could  be  done,  lie  left  this  for  a  better 
life,  December  26th,  1680.'"  His  funeral  sermon  was  preached 
by  Baxter,  who  represents  him,  as  a  man  of  great  clearness  and 
soundness  in  religion,  and  blamelessness  of  conversation.  "He 
was  of  so  great  moderation  and  love  of  peace,  that  he  hated  all 
that  was  against  it,  and  would  have  done  any  thing  for  concord 
in  the  church,  except  sinning  against  God,  and  hazarding  his 
salvation.  He  was  for  catholic  union  and  communion  of  saints, 
and  for  going  no  further  from  any  church  or  Christians  than  they 
force  us,  or  tlian  they  go  from  Christ.  He  was  for  loving  and 
doing  good  to  all,  and  living  peaceably  with  all,  as  far  as  was 
in  his  power.  Something  in  Episcopacy,  Presbytery,  and  Inde- 
pendency, he  liked,  and  some  things  he  disliked  in  all.  He  was 
true  to  his  conscience,  and  valued  not  the  interest  of  a  party  or 
faction.  If  all  the  Nonconformists  in  England  had  refused,  he 
would  have  conformed  alone,  if  the  terms  had  been  reduced  to 
what  he  thought  lawful.  He  managed  his  ministry  with  faith- 
fulness and  prudence.  He  had  no  worldly  designs  to  carry  on, 
but  was  eminent  in  self-denial.  He  was  not  apt  to  speak  against 
those  by  whom  he  suffered,  nor  was  he  ever  pleased  with  ripping 
up  their  fauUs.  He  was  very  careful  to  preserve  the  reputation 
of  his  brethren,  and  rejoiced  in  the  success  of  their  labors,  as 
well  as  of  his  own;  and  a  most  careful  avoid er  of  all  divisions, 
contentions,  or  offences.  He  was  very  free  in  acknowledging  by 
whom  he  profited;  and  preferring  others  before  himself.  He 
was  much  employed  in  the  study  of  his  own  heart;  as  is  evident 
from  the  litde  thing  of  his  that  is  published,  called,  "Notes  of 
Himself,'  &c.  He  had  good  assurance  of  his  own  sincerity; 
and  yet  was  not  altogether  without  his  mixture  of  fears.  He 
had  the  comfort  of  sensible  growth  in  grace:  he  easily  perceived 
a  notable  increase  in  his  faith  and  holiness,  heavenliness,  humil- 
ity, and  contempt  of  the  world,  especially  in  his  latter  years,  and 
under  his  affliction,  as  the  fruit  of  God's  correcting  rod;  and 
died  at  last  in  great  serenity  and  peace.""* 

Of  another  man  of  the  same  school  and  character,  Baxter  has 
left  the  following  memorial: — "The  Rev.  Thomas  Gouge  was  a 
wonder  of  industry  in  works  of  benevolence.  It  would  make  a 
volume  to  recite  at  large  the  charity  he  used  to  his  poor  par- 
ishioners at  St.  Sepulchre's,  before  he  was  ejected  and  silenced 
for  nonconformity.  His  conjunction  with  Alderman  Ashurst 
and  some  others,  in  a  weekly  meeting,  to  take  account  of  the 

(m)  Calamy.  vol.  ii.  pp.  3.32—336. 

(n)  Funeral  Sermon.  Works,  vol.  .xviii.  pp.  185 — 192.  The  seiTnon  is  founded  on 
2  Cor.  xii.  1 — 9,  and  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  of  Baxter's  discourses.  It  is  full  of 
striking  thoughts  and  pathos.  Corbel  was  a  inan  altogether  to  Baxter's  taste,  and  of 
his  own  mode  of  thinking. 


302 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


honest,  poor  families  in  the  city  that  were  in  great  want,  he  being 
the  treasurer  and  visitor;  his  voluntary  catechising  the  Christ- 
church  boys  when  he  might  not  preach;  the  many  thousand 
Bibles  printed  in  Welsh,  that  he  dispersed  in  Wales;  'The  Prac- 
tice of  Piety;'  'The  Whole  Duty  of  Man;'  'My  Call,'  and  many 
thousand  of  his  own  writings  given  freely  all  over  the  principal- 
ity; his  setting  up  about  three  or  four  hundred  schools  in  it,  to 
teach  children  to  read,  and  the  catechism;  his  industry,  to  beg 
money  for  all  this,  besides  most  of  his  own  estate  laid  out  on  it; 
his  travels  over  Wales  once  or  twice  a  year,  to  visit  his  schools, 
and  oversee  the  execution.  This  was  true  Episcopacy  in  a  si- 
lenced minister,  who  went  constantly  to  the  parish  churches,  and 
was  authorised  by  an  old  university  license  to  preach  occasion- 
ally; yet  for  so  doing  he  was  excommunicated  even  in  Wales, 
while  doing  all  this  good.  He  served  God  thus  to  a  healthful 
age,  seventy-four  or  seventy-six.  I  never  saw  him  sad,  but 
always  cheerful.  About  a  fortnight  before  he  died,  he  told  me 
that  sometimes  in  the  night,  some  small  trouble  came  to  his  heart, 
he  knew  not  what:  and  without  sickness,  or  pain,  or  fear  of  death, 
they  heard  him  in  his  sleep  give  a  groan,  and  he  was  dead. 
Oh,  how  holy  and  blessed  a  life,  and  how  easy  a  death!"" 

Henry  Ashurst,  esq.,  was  one  of  the  most  valued  friends  of 
Baxter,  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  distinguished  lay  Noncon- 
formists of  that  period.  He  was  the  third  son  of  Henry  Ashurst, 
of  Ashurst,  in  Lancashire,  by  Casandra,  daughter  of  John  Brad- 
shaw,  of  Bradshaw,  in  the  same  county.  His  father  was  a  man  of 
great  wisdom  and  piety,  and  very  zealous  for  the  reformed  relig- 
ion in  a  county  where  Popery  greatly  abounded.  Henry  came  to 
town  when  he  was  only  fifteen  years  of  age,  where  he  was  bound 
apprentice  to  a  man  void  of  religion,  by  whom  he  was  rather 
severely  treated.  During  his  apprenticeship,  however,  he  be- 
came decidedly  religious,  spent  most  of  his  spare  time  in  devo- 
tion, and  of  his  spare  money  in  procuring  religious  books.  He 
commenced  business  as  a  draper,  with  £500,  in  partnership  with 
a  Mr.  Row,  who  left  him  the  whole  business  in  about  three  years. 
By  his  wife,  he  had  a  fortune  of  about  £1500.  From  this  com- 
mencement, with  diligence  and  economy,  he  acquired  a  very 
ample  fortune.  His  generosity  and  zeal  to  relieve  distress 
during  the  plague  and  fire  of  London,  and  to  the  distressed 
Nonconformist  ministers,  were  very  great,  as  has  been  already 
noticed;  but  they  were  not  limited  to  this  country. 

So  great  was  his  desire  of  doing  good,  that  not  only  England, 
Scotland,  and  Ireland,  experienced  the  benefit  of  it,  but  America 

(o)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  190,191.  A  full  account  of  this  excellent  man,  who  seems 
to  liave  been  quite  an  apostle  of  benevolence,  is  given  in  Clark's  'Lives.'  Arch- 
bishop Tillotson,  then  dean  of  Canterbury,  preached  his  funeral  sermon,  in  which  lie 
speaks  in  the  highest  terms  of  his  piety,  philanthropy,  and  moderation. 


OF  IIICIIARD  BAXTER. 


303 


also.  His  active  services  for  the  interests  of  New  England, 
both  during  the  Commonwealth,  and  after  the  Restoration,  have 
been  elsewhere  narrated.  For  nineteen  years  after  the  settle- 
ment of  the  affairs  of  the  New  England  Society,  when  he  was 
made  treasurer,  he  had,  along  with  the  honorable  Robert  Boyle, 
the  chief  management  of  the  whole  business.  Through  their 
instrumentality,  Elliot  was  enabled  to  carry  on  his  evnngelical 
labors  among  the  poor  Indians,  and  to  translate  the  Scriptures 
into  their  language.  Mr.  Ashurst  left  in  his  will  a  hundred 
pounds  to  Harvard  College,  and  fifty  to  the  society.  He  was 
universally  beloved  and  respected  for  active  benevolence,  and 
tmwearied  zeal  in  doing  good.  Among  the  Nonconformists,  he 
acted  as  a  father  and  a  counsellor,  while  his  purse  was  ever  open 
to  relieve  their  wants,  and  his  house  for  a  refuge  to  them  when 
persecuted  and  oppressed.  He  paid  the  fine,  rather  than  serve 
the  ofiice  of  alderman,  avoiding  as  much  as  possible  all  connec- 
tion with  public  affairs.  "He  was,"  says  Baxter,  "my  most 
entire  friend,  and  commonly  taken  for  the  most  exemplary  saint 
of  public  notice  in  the  city.  So  sound  in  judgment,  of  such 
admirable  meekness,  patience,  and  universal  charity,  that  we 
knew  not  where  to  find  his  equal.  After  much  suffering  and 
patience,  he  died  with  great  quietness  of  mind,  and  hath  left 
behind  him  the  perfume  of  a  most  honored  name,  and  the  me- 
morials of  a  most  exemplary  life,  to  be  imitated  by  all  his  de- 
scendants." p 

Baxter  preached  his  funeral  sermon,  in  which  he  expatiates 
largely  on  his  character  and  many  virtues,  from  a  very  appro- 
priate passage,  John  xii.  2G.  He  entitles  it  'Faithful  Souls  shall 
be  with  Christ,'  and  dedicates  it  in  a  most  affectionate  address 
to  his  widow;  to  his  son  Henry,  who,  as  well  as  his  father,  was 
the  devoted  friend  of  Baxter,  and  a  lover  of  all  good  men;  and 
to  all  his  brothers  and  sisters. i 

"Near  the  same  time,"  he  says,  "died  my  father's  second 
wife,  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas  Hunks,  and  sister  to 
Sir  Fulke  Hunks,  the  king's  governor  of  Shrewsbury,  in  the 
wars.  Her  mother,  the  old  Lady  Hunks,  died  at  my  father's 
house,  between  eighty  and  one  hundred  years  old;  and  my 
mother-in-law  died  of  a  cancer,  at  ninety-six,  in  perfect  under- 
standing; having  lived  from  her  youth,  in  the  greatest  mortification, 
austerity  to  her  body,  and  constancy  of  prayer  and  all  devotion, 
of  any  one  that  ever  I  knew.  She  lived  in  the  hatred  of  all  sin, 
strictness  of  universal  obedience,  and,  for  thirty  years,  longing 
to  be  with  Christ;  in  constant,  acquired  infirmity  of  body,  got 
by  avoiding  all  exercise,  and  long,  secret  prayer,  in  the  coldest 


(p)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  189. 


(q)  Works,  xviii.  p.  121. 


304 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


seasons,  and  such-like.  Being  of  a  constitution  naturally  strong, 
she  was  afraid  of  recovering  whenever  she  was  ill.  For  some  days 
before  her  death  she  was  so  taken  with  the  ninety-first  Psalm, 
that  she  would  get  those  who  came  near  her  to  read  it  to  her 
over  and  over;  which  Psalm,  also,  was  a  great  means  of  com- 
fort to  old  Beza,  even  against  his  death." '" 

But  the  greatest  loss  which  Baxter  sustained  was  that  of  his 
wife,  which  took  place,  after  a  short  but  painful  illness,  on  the 
14th  of  June,  1G81.  She  was  buried  on  the  17th  of  the  same 
month,  in  Christchurch,  then  still  in  ruins,  in  her  own  mother's 
tomb.  "The  grave,"  he  says,  "was  the  highest,  next  the  old 
altar,  or  table,  in  the  chancel,  on  which  her  daughter  had  caused 
a  very  fair,  rich,  large  marble-stone  to  be  laid,  about  twenty 
years  ago,  on  which  I  caused  to  be  written  her  titles,  and  some 
Latin  verses,  and  these  English  ones: 

'Thus  must  iluj  flesh  to  silent  dust  descend, 
Thy  mirth  and  worldly  pleasure  thus  will  endj 
Then,  happy,  holy  souls! — but  wo  to  those 
Who  heaven  forgot,  and  earthly  pleasures  chose. 
Hear,  now,  this  preachinj^  grave: — without  delay, 
Believe,  repent,  and  work  while  it  is  day.' 

But  Christ's  church  on  earth  is  liable  to  those  changes  of  which 
the  Jerusalem  above  is  in  no  danger.  In  the  doleful  flames  of 
London,  1666,  the  fall  of  the  church  broke  the  marble  all  to 
pieces;  so  that  it  proved  no  lasting  monument.  I  hope  this 
paper  monument,  erected  by  one  who  is  following  even  at  the 
door,  in  some  passion  indeed  of  love  and  grief,  but  in  sincerity 
of  truth,  will  be  more  publicly  useful  and  durable  than  that 
marble  stone  was."^ 

Howe  preached  the  funeral  sermon,  and  dedicated  it  to  her 
husband.  The  text  is,  2  Cor.  v.  8;  and  the  discourse  is  wor- 
thy of  the  talents  and  piety  of  the  author;  but  it  contains  little 
about  Mrs.  Baxter.  He  appears  to  have  known  something  of 
her  before  her  marriage,  when  she  displayed  "a  strangely-vivid 
and  great  wit,  with  very  sober  conversation." '  He  commends 
the  greatness  of  her  mind,  and  her  disinterestedness  in  choosing 
Baxter  for  a  husband,  as  well  as  her  amiable  conduct  after  she 
became  his  wife. 

Of  this  excellent  woman,  so  remarkably  fitted  to  be  the  wife 
of  such  a  man  as  Richard  Baxter,  we  have  already  spoken  at 
some  length.  The  attachment,  as  may  be  guessed  at  from  allu- 
sions occurring  in  certain  parts  of  his  Breviate  of  her  Life, 

(r)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  189. 

(s)  Mrs.  Baxter's  Life,  p.  99.  Mrs.  Baxter's  mother  died  in  16G1.  He  preached 
a  funeral  sermon  for  her  at  St.  Mary  ftLigdalene,  Milk-Slrcct,  where  he  then  occa- 
sionally officiated.  She  appears  to  have  been  an  excellent,  devoted  Christian. — 
IVorks,  xviii.  1 — 56. 

(t)  Howe's  FuneraJ  Sermon  for  Mrs.  Baxter,  pp.  40,  4L 


Ol'     KIL'1I\UI)  ItAXTKll. 


30.') 


commenced  on  her  part,  and  had  almost  killed  licr  in  conse- 
quence of  her  effort  to  conceal  it.  TJu-ongliout,  it  seems  to 
have  been  exceedingly  ardent;  and  her  husband  often  hints  that 
she  had  expected  more  from  him  than  she  found.  lie  also  tells 
us,  however,  that  she  confessed  she  expected  more  sourness  and 
bitterness  than  she  experienced.  She  was  active,  benevolent, 
and  intelligent;  devoted  to  the  service  of  Christ;  and  disj)osed, 
in  every  possible  way,  to  aid  her  husband  in  his  unwearied 
labors.  He  has  said  litde  about  her  in  die  account  of  his  own 
life,  owing  to  having  given  a  full  account  of  her  in  a  separate 
biography.  In  that  little  work  he  has  drawn  her  portrait  at  full 
lengUi,  detailing,  with  his  usual  minuteness  and  fidelity,  both  her 
faults  and  virtues.  A  few  passages  from  this  work,  will  illus- 
trate her  personal  character  and  piety. 

"As  to  religion  we  were  so  perfectly  of  one  mind,  that  I 
know  not  that  she  differed  from  me  in  any  one  point,  or  cir- 
cumstance, except  in  the  prudential  n)anagement  of  what  we 
were  agreed  in.  She  was  for  universal  love  of  all  true  Chris- 
tians, and  against  appropriating  the  church  to  a  party;  and 
against  censoriousness  and  partiality  in  religion.  She  was  for 
acknowledging  all  that  was  of  God  in  Conformists  and  Noncon- 
formists; but  she  had  much  more  reverence  for  the  elder  Con- 
formists than  for  most  of  the  young  ones,  who  ventured  upon 
things  which  dissenters  had  so  much  to  say  against,  without 
weighing  or  understanding  the  reasons  on  both  sides;  merely 
following  odiers  for  worldly  ends,  without  a  tender  fear  of  sin- 
ning. If  any  young  men  of  her  own  friends  were  inclined  merely 
to  swim  with  the  stream,  without  due  trial  of  the  case,  it  greatly 
displeased  her,  and  she  thought  hardly  of  them. 

"The  nature  of  true  religion,  holiness,  obedience,  and  all  duty 
to  God  and  man,  was  printed,  in  her  conceptions,  in  so  distinct 
and  clear  a  character,  as  made  her  endeavors  and  expectations 
still  look  at  greater  exactness  than  I,  and  such  as  T,  could  reach. 
She  was  very  desirous  that  we  should  all  have  lived  in  a  con- 
stancy of  devotion  and  a  blameless  innocency;  and  in  this  re- 
spect she  was  the  meetest  helper  that  I  could  have  had  in  the 
world,  that  ever  I  was  acquainted  with.  For  I  was  apt  to  be  over 
careless  in  my  speech  and  too  backward  to  my  duty,  and  she 
was  still  endeavoring  to  bring  me  to  greater  readiness  and  strict- 
ness in  both.  If  I  spake  rashly  or  sharply,  it  offended  her.  If  I 
carried  it  (as  I  was  apt)  with  too  much  neglect  of  ceremony  or 
humble  compliment  to  any,  she  would  modestly  tell  me  of  it. 
If  my  very  looks  seemed  not  pleasant,  she  would  have  me 
amend  them  (which  my  weak,  pained  state  of  body  indisposed 
me  to  do.)  If  I  forgot  any  week  to  catechise  my  servants,  and 
familiarly  instruct  them  personally,  beside  my  ordinary  family 
duties,  she  was  troubled  at  my  remissness.    And  whereas  of 

VOL.  I.  39 


30G 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


late  years  my  decay  of  spirits,  and  diseased  heaviness  and  pain, 
made  me  much  more  seldom  and  cold  in  profitable  conference  and 
discourse  in  my  house  than  1  had  been  when  I  was  younger,  and 
had  more  ease,  and  spirits,  and  natural  vigor,  she  much  blamed 
me,  and  was  troubled  at  it,  as  a  wrong  to  herself  and  others. 
Yet  her  judgment  agreed  with  mine,  that  too  much  and  often 
table  talk  of  the  best  things,  doth  but  tend  to  dull  tlie  common 
hearers,  and  harden  them  under  it,  as  a  customary  thing;  and 
that  too  much  good  talk  may  bring  it  into  contempt,  or  make  it 
ineffectual."  " 

The  death  of  such  a  woman,  in  the  prime  of  life  (for  she 
was  little  more  than  forty  when  she  died,)  was  an  irreparable 
loss  to  Baxter.  She  had  tenderly  nursed  him  for  many  years, 
and  now,  with  increased  age  and  infirmity,  he  was  left  to  sorrow 
over  her  tomb,  though  not  without  hope.  The  decision  of  her 
character,  the  fervency  of  her  piety,  the  activity  and  disinter- 
estedness of  her  Christian  benevolence,  left  no  doubt  remaining 
that  her  spirit  rested  with  God,  where  it  has  long  since  been 
joined  by  that  of  her  much-loved  companion  and  husband. 


CHAPTER  XII.  1681—1687. 

Tlie  cnntiiiued  Sufierings  of  Baxter— ApprehendBd  and  liis  Goods  distrained — Could  ol)taiii 
no  Itedress — General  Sullcrings  of  the  Dissenters — Mayot's  Leaacy — Uaxter  again  appre- 
liended  and  bound  to  his  jiood  behavior— Trial  of  llosevvcll  for  liij^h  Treason  -Baxter  brought 
before  the  Justices,  and  ai;ain  bound  over — His  concluding  Reflections  on  the  State  of  liis 
own  Times — Death  of  Charles  11. — -Fox's  notice  of  the  Treatment  of  the  Dissenters,  and 
of  the  Trial  of  Haxter — Apprehended  on  a  Charge  of  i^edition — Brought  to  Trial — Indict- 
ment— Kxtraordinary  Behavior  of  Jefferies  to  Baxter  and  his  Counsel — Found  Guilty — 
Endeavors  to  procure  a  New  Trial,  or  a  mitigated  >'entence — liis  Letter  to  the  Bishop  of 
London — Fineil  and  imprisoned — Remarks  on  the  Trial — Conduct  of  L'Estrange — Sher- 
lock— Behavior  while  iu  I'rison — The  Fine  remitted — Released  from  Prison — Assists  Syl- 
vester in  the  Jlinistry. 

While  friend  after  friend  was  consigned  to  the  tomb,  and  Bax- 
ter was  left  alone  to  endure  what  he  justly  describes  as  a  living 
death,  in  the  constant  and  increasing  sufferings  of  his  diseased 
and  emaciated  body,  his  enemies  would  allow  him  no  rest. 
Bonds  and  imprisonment  still  awaited  him.  With  an  account 
of  a  series  of  these  vexations  and  trials,  this  chapter  is  chiefly 
occupied.  The  reader  will  probably  find  it  difficult  to  deter- 
mine whether  he  ought  more  to  feel  indignant  at  the  treatment 
which  an  aged,  infirm,  and  most  respectable  minister  of  Christ 
endured,  from  a  professedly  Christian  government,  or  admira- 
tion of  the  ])rinciples  and  -temper  by  which  it  was  sustained. 
The  first  of  the  iniquitous  proceedings  is  thus  described  by  hiin- 


(u)  Life  of  Mrs.  Baxter,  pp.  70—80. 


OF    niCHATlD  I5AXTEU. 


307 


self.  The  latter  part  of  the  statement  must  touch  the  iicart  of 
every  fcelinii  individual. 

He  had  retired  into  the  country,  from  July,  1GS2,  to  the  14th 
of  Aua;ust  following,  when  he  returned  in  great  weakness.  "1 
was  able,"  he  says,  to  "preach  only  twice;  of  which  the  last  was 
my  usual  lecture,  in  New  street,  and  which  fell  out  to  be 
the  24di  of  August,  just  that  day  twenty  years  diat  I,  and  near 
two  thousand  more,  had  been  by  law  forbidden  to  preach.  1 
was  sensible  of  God's  wonderful  mercy  that  had  kept  so  many 
of  us  twenty  years,  in  so  much  liberty  and  peace,  while  so  many 
severe  laws  were  in  force  against  us,  and  so  great  a  number 
were  round  about  us,  who  wanted  neither  malice  nor  power  to 
afflict  us.  I  took,  that  day,  my  leave  of  the  pulpit  and  public 
work  in  a  thankful  congregation:  and  it  was  like,  indeed,  to  be 
my  last. 

"But  after  this,  when  I  had  ceased  preaching,  and  was  newly 
risen  from  extremity  of  pain,  I  was  suddenly  surprised  by  a 
poor,  violent  informer,  and  many  constables  and  officers,  who 
rushed  in,  apprehended  me,  and  served  on  me  one  warrant  to 
seize  my  person  for  coming  within  five  miles  of  a  corporation, 
and  five  more  warrants  to  distrain  for  a  hundred  and  ninety 
pounds  for  five  sermons.  They  cast  ray  servants  into  fears, 
and  were  about  to  take  all  my  books  and  goods,  when  I  con- 
tentedly went  with  tliem  towards  the  justice  to  be  sent  to  jail, 
and  left  my  house  to  their  will.  But  Dr.  Thomas  Cox  meeting 
me,  forced  me  in  again  to  my  couch  and  bed,  and  went  to  five 
justices,  and  took  his  oath,  without  ray  knowledge,  that  I  could 
not  go  to  prison  without  danger  of  death.  On  that  the  jus- 
tices delayed  a  day,  till  they  could  speak  with  the  king,  and 
told  him  what  the  doctor  had  sworn:  so  die  king  consented 
that,  for  the  present,  imprisonment  should  be  forborne,  that  I 
might  die  at  home.'^  But  they  executed  all  their  warrants  on 
my  books  and  goods,  even  the  bed  that  I  lay  sick  on,  and  sold 
them  all.  Some  friends  paid  them  as  much  money  as  they 
were  prized  at,  which  I  repaid,  and  was  fain  to  send  them 
away.  The  warrant  against  my  person  was  signed  by  Mr. 
Parry  and  Mr.  Phillips;  the  five  warrants  against  my  goods,  by 
Sir  James  Smidi  and  Sir  James  Butler.  I  had  never  the  least 
notice  of  any  accusation,  or  who  were  the  accusers  or  witnesses, 
much  less  did  I  receive  any  summons  to  appear  or  answer  for 
myself,  or  ever  saw  the  justices  or  accusers.  The  justice  that 
signed  the  warrants  for  execution,  said,  that  the  two  Hiltons 
solicited  him  for  them«  and  one  Buck  led  the  constables  who 
distrained. 

(x)  The  king  saitl,  "Let  him  die  in  his  bed." — Baxter's  Penitent  Confessions, 
p.  39. 


TIIF.    Uri:    AND  TIMKS 


"But  though  I  sent  the  justice  the  written  deeds,  which 
proved  that  the  goods  were  none  of  mine,  nor  ever  were;  and 
sent  two  witnesses  whose  hands  w^ere  to  those  conveyances,  and 
offered  dieir  oatlis  of  it;  and  also  proved  that  the  books  I  had 
many  years  ago  alienated  to  my  kinsman,  this  signified  nothing 
to  them,  they  seized  and  sold  all  nevertheless;  and  both  pa- 
tience and  prudence  forbade  us  to  try  the  title  at  law,  when  we 
knew  what  charges  had  lately  been  given  to  justices  and  juries, 
and  how  others  had  been  used.  If  they  had  taken  only  my 
cloak,  they  should  have  had  my  coat  also;  and  if  they  had 
smitten  me  on  one  cheek,  I  would  have  turned  the  other:  for  I 
knew  the  case  was  such,  that  he  that  will  not  put  up  with  one 
blow,  one  wrong,  or  slander,  shall  suffer  two;  yea,  many  more. 

"But  when  they  had  taken  and  sold  all,  and  I  had  borrowed 
some  bedding  and  necessaries  of  the  buyer,  I  was  never  the 
quieter;  for  they  threatened  to  come  upon  me  again  and  take 
all  as  mine,  whosesoever  it  was,  which  they  found  in  my  posses- 
sion. So  that  I  had  no  remedy,  but  utterly  to  forsake  my  house 
and  goods  and  all,  and  take  secret  lodgings  at  a  distance,  in  a 
stranger's  house;  but  having  a  long  lease  of  my  own  house, 
which  binds  rae  to  pay  a  greater  rent  than  now  it  is  worth, 
wherever  I  go,  I  must  pay  that  rent. 

"The  separation  from  my  books  would  have  been  a  greater 
])art  of  my  small  affliction,  but  that  I  found  I  was  near  the  end 
both  of  that  work  and  that  lii''e  which  necdeth  books,  and  so  I 
easily  let  go  all.  Naked  came  I  into  the  world,  and  naked  must  I 
go  out;  but  I  never  wanted  less  what  man  can  give,  than  when 
men  had  taken  all  away.  My  old  friends,  and  strangers,  were  so 
liberal,  that  I  was  fain  to  restrain  their  bounty.  Their  kindness 
was  a  surer  and  larger  revenue  to  me  than  my  own.  But  God 
was  pleased  quickly  to  put  me  past  all  fear  of  men,  and  all 
desire  of  avoiding  suffering  from  them  by  concealment;  by 
laying  on  me  more  himself  than  man  can  do.  Then  imprison- 
ment, with  tolerable  health,  would  have  seemed  a  palace  to  me; 
and  had  they  put  me  to  death  for  such  a  duty  as  they  persecute 
me  for,  it  would  have  been  a  joyful  end  of  my  calamity:  but  day 
and  night  I  groan  and  languish  under  God's  just  afflicting  hand. 
The  pain  which  before  only  tried  my  reins,  and  tore  my  bowels, 
now  also  fell  upon  my  bladder,  and  scarce  any  part,  or  hour, 
is  free.  As  waves  follow  waves  in  the  tempestuous  seas,  so 
one  pain  followeth  another  in  this  sinful,  miserable  flesh.  I  die 
daily,  and  yet  remain  alive.  God,  in  his  great  mercy,  knowing 
my  dulness  in  health  and  ease,  doth  make  it  much  easier  to  re- 
pent and  hate  my  sin,  loathe  myself,  contemn  the  world,  and  sub- 
mit to  the  sentence  of  death  with  willingness,  than  otherwise  it 
was  ever  likely  to  have  been.  O,  how  litde  is  it  that  wradiful 
enemies  can  do  against  us,  in  comparison  of  what  our  sin  and 


OF   RlCHAni)  HAXTER. 


309 


the  justice  of  God  c  an  do!  and,  O,  how  little  is  it  that  the  best 
and  kindest  of  friends  can  do  for  a  pained  body,  or  a  guilty,  sin- 
fid  sold,  in  comparison  of  one  gracious  look  or  word  from  God! 
VVo  be  to  him  tliat  hath  no  better  help  than  man:  and  blessed 
is  he  whose  help  and  hope  are  in  die  Lord!"^ 

While  we  execrate  the  tyranny  which  doomed  this  righteous 
man  to  so  much  undeserved  suflering,  every  Christian  must  un- 
feignedly  bless  God  for  the  illustrations  of  the  principles  and 
power  of  religion,  which  Baxter  was  enabled  to  afford  in  such 
trying  circumstances.  Those  who  think  of  him  only  as  a  sec- 
tarian, or  a  wrangling  controversialist,  must  now  regard  him  with 
admiration,  exercising  the  faith  and  patience  of  the  saints;  brav- 
ing danger,  enduring  pain,  despising  life,  and  rejoicing  in  the 
hope  of  the  glory  of  God.  In  his  case,  tribulation,  indeed, 
wrought  patience,  and  patience  experience,  and  experience 
hope,  which  made  him  not  ashamed. 

Notwithstanding  the  resolutions  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
mentioned  in  the  former  chapter,  the  dissenters  continued  to  be 
exceedingly  molested  in  every  part  of  the  country.  Orders  and 
directions  were  issued  from  the  king  and  the  Council  Board,  to 
suppress  all  conventicles;  which  were  zealously  obeyed  by  the 
justices  of  Hick's  Hall,  in  Southwark,  and  by  some  of  the  city 
justices.  The  dissenters  were  tried  by  mercenary  judges,  be- 
fore packed  juries,  on  Irish  evidence.  Their  meetings  were 
often  interrupted  and  broken  up,  and  their  ministers  imprisoned 
and  fined.^  Distress  and  dismay  were  every  where  experienc- 
ed, and  no  end  seemed  approaching  of  the  sufferings  which  they 
were  doomed  to  endure.  The  employment  of  informers,  the 
invention  of  j)!ots,  and  the  variety  of  schemes  adopted  to  entrap 
and  ensnare  men,  produced  almost  universal  mistrust  and  suspi- 
cion. It  was  dangerous  to  give  utterance  to  the  expression  of 
fear,  or  hope,  and  far  more,  to  indulge  in  the  language  of  com- 
plaint or  censure.  Every  advantage  was  taken,  and  every  dis- 
honorable method  resorted  to,  to  ensnare  the  innocent,  and  to 
crush  the  influential.  God,  alone,  could  deliver  his  people  and 
the  country  from  the  woes  which  already  distressed,  and  the 
greater  woes  which  promised  to  follow. 

With  the  statement  of  Baxter's  cause,  in  reference  to  his  late 
treatment,  had  he  been  allowed  to  present  it  in  court,  it  is  un- 
necessary to  occupy  these  pages.  It  is  a  satisfactory  defence  of 
himself,  even  as  the  law  then  stood;  and  his  own  view  of  it  was 
supported  by  the  opinion  of  eminent  counsel.  But  what  signi- 
fies law,  when  they  who  occupy  the  seat  of  judgment,  are  de- 
termined to  oppress,  and  act  luijustly.  As  an  evidence  of  this, 
take  the  following  example:  "About  this  time,  one  Mr.  Robei't 


(y)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  191, 192. 


(z)  Calamy,  vol.  i.  pp.  35G,  357. 


(0 


THE  LIFE    ANn  TIME5 


Mayot,"  of  Oxford,  a  very  godly  man,  that  devoted  all  his  estate 
to  charitable  uses,  a  Conformist,  whom  I  never  saw,  died,  and, 
beside  many  greater  gifts  to  Abingdon,  &c.,  gave,  by  his  last  will 
GOO/.,  to  be  by  me  distributed  to  sixty  poor,  ejected  ministers, 
adding,  that  he  did  it  not  because  they  were  Nonconformists, 
but  because  many  such  were  poor  and  pious.  But  the  king's 
attorney.  Sir  Robert  Sawyer,''  sued  for  it  in  Chancery,  and  the 
Lord  Keeper  North  '  gave  it  all  to  the  king;  which  made  many 
resolve  to  leave  nothing  to  charitable  uses  after  their  death,  but 
do  what  they  did  while  they  lived." 

Providence  mercifully  interposed  to  defeat  this  unrighteous 
measure.  The  money  was  paid  into  Chancery  by  order  of  the 
court,  to  be  applied  to  the  maintenance  of  a  chaplain  for  Chel- 
sea College.  It  was  there  kept  safely  till  after  the  Revolution, 
when  the  commissioners  of  the  great  seal  restored  it  to  Baxter, 
to  be  applied  according  to  the  will  of  the  testator;  which  was 
done  accordingly.*-'  It  is  remarkable  in  how  many  instances  God 
thwai'ts  the  designs  of  the  wicked,  and  accomplishes  the  object 
which  his  servants  have  contemplated  with  a  view  to  his  glory. 
A  wicked  and  unjust  policy  may  succeed  for  a  time;  but  it  gen- 
erally defeats  its  own  purpose,  and  furnishes  the  means  by  which 
its  designs  are  entirely  frustrated.  We  are  thus  supplied  with 
continued  marks  of  the  footsteps  of  a  Divine  Providence  in  the 
world;  so  that,  long  before  the  final  consummation,  men  may 
draw  the  conclusion,  that  there  is  an  essential  difference  between 
the  righteous  and  the  wicked,  and  "that  verily  there  is  a  God 
who  judgeth  in  the  earth."  *" 

(a)  Mr.  jMayot  was  a  bcncfircd  clerg-yman  of  the  Church  of  England.  His  will 
was  made  in  1676.  He  died  in  1G83.  Ilis  legacy  is  a  striking  proof  of  the  estimation 
in  which  Uaxter  was  held,  not  only  among  the  Nonconformists,  but  among  the  re- 
spectable part  of  the  Church. 

(b)  Sawyer,  the  attorney-general,  was  a  dull,  hot  man;  and  forward  to  serve  all 
the  designs  oi'the  court. — Bui-iiet,  ii.  353. 

(c)  Roger  North,  the  l)iographer  of  this  noble  fainily,  has  given  a  particular  ac- 
count of  the  Lord  Keeper  Guilford;  from  which  it  would  seem  that  he  was  a  man  of 
parts  and  learning,  though  he  did  not  appear  to  great  advantage  in  the  court  of 
Chancery.  He  was  considered  to  be  too  much  inclined  to  favor  the  court,  though 
he  seems  to  have  been  often  sick  of  its  measures.  Burnet  speaks  of  him  as  a 
crafty  and  designing  man;  guilty  of  great  mal-adminislration  of  justice;  and  who 
died  despised  and  ill-thought  of  by  the  whole  nation. —  Own  Times,  vol.  iii.  pp. 
C7,  68. 

(d)  Life,  part  iii.  p.  198. 

(e)  Calaniy,  vol.  ii.  p.  361.  Some  account  of  this  affair  is  given  in  Vernon's  'Re- 
ports;' in  which  Ba.i£ter  is  unjustly  represented  as  swearing  that  he  was  a  Conformist. 
Whereas  he  only  swears  to  liis  answer  given  in  to  the  attorney-general's  bill  of  com- 
plaint. That  answer  merely  alleges  Baxter's  moderation  in  the  matters  of  contro- 
versy with  tlie  Church,  and  his  joining,  from  time  to  time,  in  the  worship  of  the  Church, 
which  it  is  well  known  he  often  did.  Baxter's  answer,  with  some  appropriate  remarks 
on  Vernon,  by  Calamy,  is  given  in  the  continuation  of  his  'Account  of  the  Ejected  Min- 
isters,' vol.  ii.  pp.  1)22—9.32. 

(f )  There  is  another  curious  case  of  a  will,  which  is  connected  with  Baxter.  Sir 
Jolni  Gayer,  who  died  a  gooil  while  after  him,  left  .5000/.,  "lo  poor  ministers,  who 
were  of  the  pious  and  charitable  principles  of  the  late  Rev.  Richard  Baxter."  His 
peculiar  manner  of  devising  the  legacy  gave  rise  to  doubts,  as  to  whether  the  money 
should  be  distributed  among  Churclimcn  or  Dissenters.   The  executrix  and  the  trus- 


OK  HICHAlin  HAXTER. 


311 


"In  1G84,  while  I  lay  in  pain  and  languishing,  the  justices  of 
the  sessions  sent  warrants  to  apprehend  nie,  about  a  thousand 
more  being  in  catalogue  to  be  all  bound  to  their  good  behavior. 
1  thought  they  would  send  me  six  months  to  prison  for  not  taking 
the  Oxford  oath,  and  dwelling  in  London,  and  so  I  refused  to 
open  my  chamber  door  to  iheni,  their  warrant  not  being  to 
break  it  open:  but  they  set  six  oflicers  at  my  study  door,  who 
watched  all  night,  and  kept  me  from  my  bed  and  food,  so  that 
the  next  day  I  yielded  to  them,  who  carried  me,  scarce  able  to 
stand,  to  the  sessions,  and  bound  me  in  four  hundred  pounds 
bond  to  my  good  behavior.  I  desired  to  know  what  my  crime 
was,  and  who  were  my  accusers;  but  they  told  me  it  was  for  no 
Aiult,  but  to  secure  the  government  in  evil  times,  and  that  they 
had  a  list  of  many  suspected  persons  that  they  must  do  the  like 
with,  as  well  as  me.  I  desired  to  know  for  what  I  was  number- 
ed with  the  suspected,  and  by  whose  accusation;  but  they  gave 
ine  good  words,  and  would  not  tell  me.  I  told  them  I  had 
rather  they  would  send  me  to  jail  than  put  me  to  wrong  others, 
by  being  bound  witli  me  in  bonds  that  I  was  likely  to  break  to- 
morrow; for  if  there  did  but  five  persons  come  in  when  I  was 
praying,  tliey  would  take  it  for  a  breach  of  good  behavior.  They 
told  me  not  if  they  came  on  other  business  unexpectedly,  and 
not  to  a  set  meeting,  nor  yet  if  we  did  nothing  contrary  to  law 
and  the  practice  of  the  church.  I  told  them  our  innocency  was 
not  now  any  security  to  us.  If  two  beggar  women  did  but  stand 
in  the  street,  and  swear  that  I  spake  contrary  to  the  law,  though 
they  heard  me  not,  my  bonds  and  liberty  were  at  their  will;  for 
I  myself,  lying  on  my  bed,  heard  Mr.  J.  R.  preach  in  a  chapel, 
on  the  other  side  of  my  chamber,  and  yet  one  Sibil  Dash,  and 
Elizabeth  Cappell,  two  miserable,  poor  women  who  made  a 
trade  of  it,  swore  to  the  justices  that  it  was  anodier  that  preach- 
ed, and  they  had  thus  sworn  against  very  many  worthy  persons, 
in  Hackney,  and  elsewhere,  on  which  their  goods  were  seized 
for  great  mulcts  or  fines.  To  all  this  I  had  no  answer,  but  that 
I  must  give  bond,  when  they  knew  that  I  was  not  likely  to  break 
the  behavior,  unless  by  lying  in  bed  in  pain."  s 

The  trial  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Roswell,  at  this  time,  created 
a  great  sensation  in  the  country.  He  was  minister  of  Rother- 
hithe,  and  was  imprisoned  in  the  Gate-house,  in  Westminster,  by 
a  warrant  from  Sir  George  JefFeries,  for  high  treason.  A  bill 
was  found  against  him  at  the  quarter  sessions  at  Kingston,  in 
Surrey;  upon  which  he  was  arraigned  on  October  the  25th,  and 
tried  November  the  18th  following,  at  tlie  King's  Bench  by  a 

tees  differed  between  themselves.  But  after  a  considerable  delay  the  question  was 
brought  inlo  the  court  of  Chancery,  when  tlie  master  of  the  rolls,  Sir  Joseph  Jekyl,  in 
a  very  handsome  manner,  decided  in  favor  of  the  Dissenters. — Calamtj's  Own  Life, 
vol.  ii.  pp.  47G — 178. 

(g)  Life,  part  iii.  pp.  198,  199. 


312 


THE    LIFE  AND  TIMES 


Surrey  jury,  before  Chief  Justice  Jefferies  and  three  other  judges 
of  that  court,  Withins,  Holloway,  and  Walcot.  The  high  trea- 
son, as  laid  in  the  indictment  and  sworn  to  by  the  witnesses,  was, 
that  in  a  sermon  which  he  preached  on  September  the  14th,  he 
said  these  words: — 'That  tlie  people,'  meaning  the  subjects  of 
our  sovereign  lord  the  king,  'made  a  flocking  to  the  said'  sove- 
reign lord  the  king,  'upon  pretence  of  healing  the  king's  evil, 
which  he,'  meaning  our  said  sovereign  lord  the  king,  'could  not 
do;  but  that  we,'  meaning  himself  and  other  traitorous  persons, 
subjects  of  our  said  lord  die  king,  'are  they  to  whom  they,'  meaning 
the  subjects  of  our  said  lord  the  king,  'ought  to  flock,  because 
we,'  meaning  himself  and  the  said  other  traitorous  persons,  'are 
priests  and  prophets,  that,  by  our  prayers,  can  heal  the  dolors 
and  griefs  of  the  people.  We,'  meaning  the  subjects  of  our  said 
sovereign  lord  the  king,  'have  had  two  wicked  kings,'  meaning 
the  most  serene  Charles  the  First,  late  king  of  England,  and  our 
said  sovereign  lord  the  king  that  now  is,  'whom  we  can  resem- 
ble to  no  other  person  but  to  the  most  wicked  Jeroboam.'  And 
'that  if  they,'  meaning  the  said  evil-disposed  persons,  then  and 
there,  so,  as  aforesaid,  with  him,  unlawfully  assembled  and  gath- 
ered together,  would  stand  to  their  principles,  'he,'  meaning 
himself,  'did  not  fear  but  they,'  meaning  himself  and  the  said 
evil-disposed  persons,  'would  overcome  tlieir  enemies,'  meaning 
our  said  sovereign  lord  the  king  and  his  subjects,  'as  in  former 
times,  with  rams'  horns,  broken  platters,  and  a  stone  in  a  sling.' 
The  witnesses  were  three  women,  who  swore  to  the  words  as 
they  stand,  without  the  inuendos.  The  trial  lasted  about  seven 
hours.  Roswell  made  a  full  and  luminous  defence  of  himself, 
very  modestly,  and  yet  strenuously,  vindicating  his  innocence,  to 
the  satisfaction  of  those  who  were  present,  and  so  as  to  gain  the 
applause  of  many  gentlemen  of  the  long  robe.  The  jury,  how- 
ever, after  they  had  been  out  about  half  an  hour,  brought  him  in 
guilty.  The  women  who  were  the  witnesses  were  infamous 
persons,  laden  with  the  guilt  of  many  perjuries,  which  might 
easily  have  been  proved  against  them  before  the  trial,  could  jus- 
tice have  been  obtained;  but  they  vvere  screened  by  the  record- 
er, who  was  the  person  that  laid  the  whole  scheme,  and  patched 
up  the  indictment,  in  terms  suited  to  his  known  abilities.  But 
such  of  them  as  could  be  met  with  were  afterwards  convicted  of 
perjury;  and  Smith,  the  chief  witness,  was  pilloried  before  the 
Exchange.  Sir  John  Talbot,  who  was  present,  represented  to 
the  king  the  state  of  the  case  as  it  appeared  on  the  trial,  who  or- 
dered JefTeries  to  find  some  evasion.  Whereupon  he  assigned 
him  counsel  afterwards  to  plead  to  the  insufficiency  of  the  indict- 
ment, in  arrest  of  judgment,  and  the  king  gave  him  his  pardon, 
after  which  he  was  discharged. s 

(g)  Calamy,  vol.  i.  pp.  3G3 — 365. 


OF    KICUAHI)  liAXTIMt. 


313 


The  isisuo  of  Koswell's  trial,  Uioiigli  a  kind  of  ti  iiiinph,  led  to 
no  miligatioii  of  the  treatment  of  others.  Baxter  still  continued 
to  lie  under  bond,  and  even  that  did  not  satisfy  his  persecutors. 
"On  the  11th  of  December,  IGS4,"  he  says,  "1  was  forced,  in 
all  my  pain  and  weakness,  to  be  carried  to  the  sessions-iioiise,  or 
else  iny  bonds  of  four  hundred  pounds  would  have  been  judged 
forfeit.  The  more  moderate  justices,  who  promised  my  dis- 
cliargc,  would  none  of  them  be  there,  but  left  the  work  to  Sir 
William  Smith  and  llie  rest;  who  openly  declared  that  they  had 
nothing  against  me,  and  took  me  for  innocent;  but  that  I  must 
continue  bound  lest  odiers  should  expect  to  be  discharged  also; 
which  I  openly  refused.  My  sureties,  however,  would  be 
bound,  against  my  declared  will,  lesl  I  should  die  in  jail,  and  so 
1  must  continue.    Yet  they  discharged  others  as  soon  as  1  was 

gone.    I  was  told  that  they  did  all  by  instructions  from  

and  that  the  main  end  was  to  restrain  me  from  writing;  which 
now  should  I  do  with  the  greatest  caution,  they  will  pick  out 
something  that  a  jury  may  lake  for  a  breacli  of  my  bonds. 

"January  17th,  I  was  forced  again  to  be  carried  to  the  ses- 
sions, and  after  divers  good  words,  which  put  me  in  expectation 
of  freedom,  when  I  was  gone,  one  Justice  Deerham  said,  that  it 
was  likely  these  persons  solicited  for  my  freedom  that  they 
might  hear  me  in  conventicles.  On  that  they  bound  me  again 
in  a  four  hundred  pound  bond  for  above  a  quarter  of  a  year;  and 
so  it  is  like  it  will  be  till  I  die,  or  worse;  though  no  one  ever  ac- 
cused me  for  any  conventicle  or  preaching  since  they  took  all 
my  books  and  goods  about  two  years  ago,  and  I  for  the  most 
part  keep  my  bed. 

"Mr.  Jenkins  died  in  Newgate  this  week,  January  19th, 
16S4-5,  as  Mr.  Bamfield,  Mr.  Rhapson,  and  odiers,  died  lately 
before  him.  The  prison  where  so  many  are,  sufFocateth  the 
spirits  of  aged  ministers;  but  blessed  be  God,  that  gave  them  so 
long  time  to  preach  before,  at  cheaper  rates.  One  Richard 
Baxter,  a  Sabbatarian  Anabaptist,  was  sent  to  jail  for  refusing 
the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  it  went  cm-rent  that  it  was  I.  As  to 
the  present  state  of  England, — the  plots;  the  execution  of  men 
high  and  low;  the  public  counsels  and  designs;  the  qualities  and 
practice  of  judges  and  bishops;  the  sessions  and  justices;  the 
quality  of  the  clergy,  and  the  universities  and  patrons;  the 
church  government  by  lay  civilians;  the  usage  of  ministers  and 
private  meetings  for  preaching  or  prayer;  die  expectations  of 
what  is  next  to  be  done,  &c.: — the  reader  must  expect  none  of 
diis  sort  of  history  from  me.  No  doubt  there  will  be  many  vol- 
umes of  it  transmitted  by  others  to  posterit}-;  who  may  do  it 
more  fully  tlian  I  can  now  do." 


VOL.  1. 


(h)  Life,  parliii.  pp.  '119,200. 

40 


314 


THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 


Thus  Baxter  concludes  the  interesting  memorials  which  he 
has  left  of  his  own  age  and  life.  The  darkness  was  now  in- 
creased till  it  had  spread  universal  gloom  and  despondency.  Pri- 
vate meetings  were  occasionally  held  to  consider  whether  any 
hope  remained,  or  what  could  be  done  to  prevent  the  entire  ruin 
of  the  religion  and  liberties  of  the  country.  But  though  these 
were  managed  with  the  greatest  possible  caution,  and  the  parties 
generally  proceeded  no  farther  than  to  mourn  over  the  past,  and 
dwell  in  gloomy  forebodings  over  the  prospect  of  the  future,  the 
consequences  to  some  of  them  were  most  disastrous.  Plots  and 
conspiracies  were  hatched  to  ensnare  the  innocent  and  terrify 
the  timid.  The  death,  or  rather  murder,  of  Lord  William  Rus- 
sell, the  Earl  of  Essex,  and  Algernon  Sydney,  to  which  Baxter 
probably  alludes,  seemed  like  putting  the  extinguisher  on  the  last 
hopes  of  freedom,  and  preparing  die  country  for  the  most  abso- 
lute despotism.  The  corporation  of  London  was  deprived  of 
its  charier,  and  other  towns  shared  in  its  fate.  Enormous  and 
ruinous  fines  were  levied.  The  judges  prostituted  their  author- 
ity and  influence  to  promote  the  corrupt  designs  of  the  court. 
Juries  were  browbeaten,  and  frightened  into  verdicts  which  were 
neither  according  to  law  nor  justice.  The  clergy  in  general, 
were  either  timid  and  truckling,  or  destitute  of  sufficient  influ- 
ence to  resist  the  rapid  advances  which  were  making  towards 
Rome.  The  Nonconformists,  oppressed  and  dispirited,  finding 
complaint  unavailing,  and  redress  hopeless,  surrendered  them- 
selves to  suflering,  till,  if  it  were  the  will  of  God,  deliverance 
should  be  alForded  them.  The  reign  of  Charles,  as  it  approached 
its  termination,  only  increased  in  gloom  and  oppression,  while 
the  prospect  of  his  successor  filled  all  men's  hearts  with  dismay 
and  terror.  It  was  indeed  a  period  of  "trouble  and  darkness, 
and  dimness  of  anguish." 

In  these  circumstances,  Charles  II.  was  called,  unexpectedly, 
to  give  ui  his  account,  on  the  6th  of  February,  1684-5.  His 
character  is  familiar  to  every  reader  of  English  history;  most  of 
whom  will  agree,  that  he  was  one  of  the  greatest  curses  to  the 
nation  that  ever  occupied  the  throne.  His  father  and  brother 
had  some  redeeming  qualities  in  their  character,  while  their  fate 
will  always  render  them  objects  of  pity.  The  former  was  a  good 
husband  and  father;  the  latter  sacrificed  his  throne  to  his  super- 
stition. But  Charles  the  Second  had  neither  the  personal  vir- 
tues of  die  one,  nor  the  superstitious  regard  to  religion  of  the 
other.  He  was  as  worthless  as  a  man  as  he  was  unprincipled  as 
a  sovereign.  He  was  gay,  affable,  and  witty;  but  he  was  heart- 
less, profane,  and  licentious:  equally  regardless  of  his  own  honor, 
as  of  liis  country's  good.  What  had  happened  to  his  father,  and 
all  he  had  suffered  during  his  own  exile,  seem  to  have  produced 
no  salutary  influence  on  his  principles  or  dispositions.  Every 


OF    mCIIARn  HAXTF.n. 


315 


iliins;  was  made  subservient  to  the  love  and  enjoyment  of  pleas- 
ure. His  ambition  was  directed  solely  against  his  own  subjects; 
and  his  desire  of  power  was  unmixed  with  the  love  of  glory. 
His  court  was  little  better  than  a  brothel.  He  sacrificed  the 
morals,  the  honor,  and  the  happiness,  of  his  country,  to  his  mis- 
tresses and  his  licentious  courtiers.  Such  a  man's  pretension  to 
religion,  in  any  form,  is  offensive  to  decency  and  common  sense. 
He  was  an  infidel  while  he  lived  in  pleasure;  and  only  the  fear 
of  death  drove  him  to  that  system  of  iniquity  which  pretends  to 
provide  a  healing  balsam,  but  which  is  only  a  poisonous  opiate 
to  the  soul  of  a  dying  profligate.  The  mind  turns  away  with 
sickness  and  horror  from  such  a  deadi-bed  scene  as  that  of 
Charles  II. ' 

The  prospects  of  the  poor  Nonconformists  on  the  ascension  of 
James  to  the  vacant  dirone,  were  far  from  flattering.  His  well- 
known  attachment  and  devotedness  to  Popery,  promised  nothing 
but  ruin  to  what  remained  of  the  religion  and  liberty  of  die  coun- 
try; while  the  decided  part  which  the  Nonconformists  had  taken 
in  every  measure  wliich  tended  to  limit  his  power,  or  to  exclude 
him  from  the  throne,  marked  them  out  to  be  the  objects  of  his 
implacable  hatred  and  revenge.  Pretexts  would  not  be  wanting, 
and  he  was  already  furnished  with  instruments  prepared  to  carry 
forward  and  execute  any  oppressive  and  cruel  measure.  Here 
I  cannot  deny  myself  the  pleasure  of  introducing  the  account 
given  by  Mr.  Fox,  of  the  conduct  of  the  court  towards  the  dis- 
senters; his  character  of  Jefleries,  and  his  remarks  on  the  char- 
acter and  trial  of  Baxter.  It  does  great  credit  to  the  discern- 
ment and  candor  of  that  eminent  man. 

"Partly  from  similar  motives,  and  partly  to  gratify  the  natural 
vindictiveness  of  his  temper,  James  persevered  in  a  most  cruel 
persecution  of  the  Protestant  dissenters,  upon  the  most  frivolous 
pretences.  The  courts  of  jusdce,  as  in  Charles's  days,  were 
instnunents  equally  ready,  either  for  seconding  the  policy,  or  for 
gratifying  the  bad  passions,  of  the  monarch;  and  Jefferies,  whom 
the  late  king  had  appointed  chief  justice  of  England  a  little  be- 
fore Sidney's  trial,  was  a  man  entirely  agreeable  to  the  temper, 
and  suitable  to  the  purposes,  of  the  present  government.  He 

(i)  There  are  two  accounts  of  the  dealh-befl  of  Charles;  the  one  l)y  Protestants, 
the  other  by  Roman  Catliohcs.  The  former  may  be  called  his  Protestant  death, 
when  he  was  attended  by  tlie  bishops,  who  spoke  to  him  as  the  Lord's  anointed,  and 
requested  his  blessinsf.  Bishop  Ken  absolved  him  from  his  sins  in  the  presence  of 
his  mistress  and  his  illeq^itimate  oflsprinij.  The  Catholic  death  is  described  by  Father 
Iludleston,  who  atlen<led  and  officiated  in  the  last  ceremonies  of  the  church.  From 
this  it  is  very  certain  that  Charles  died  a  Roman  Catholic;  which  in  fact  he  had  been 
before  the  restoration,  whatever  he  had  pretended  to  be  to  the  Nonconformists  and  the 
Church  of  F.ngland.  Both  the  Popish  and  the  Protestant  death  of  Charles  are  re- 
corded by  Burnet,  ii.  pp.  4oG — 4(iO.  Ellis,  in  the  first  series  of  his  letters  on  English 
history,  has  given  an  account  of  the  Protestant  death  of  the  king,  by  the  chaplain  to 
the  Bishop  of  Ely,  who  was  then  in  the  room.  vol.  iii.  p.  333.  In  the  second  series 
he  has  given  Hudlcston's  account  of  the  Popish  death,  vol.  iv.  pp.  78,  80. 


310 


THE   LTI'E    AND  TIMKS 


was  thought  not  to  be  very  learned  in  liIs  profession;  but  what 
mii!,ht  be  wanting  in  knowledge,  lie  made  up  in  positiveness;  and, 
incieed,  whatever  might  be  the  difliculties  in  questions  between 
one  subject  and  another,  the  fashionable  doctrine  which  prevailed 
at  that  time,  of  supporting  the  king's  prerogative  in  its  full  extent, 
and  without  restriction  or  limitation,  rendered,  to  such  as  es- 
poused it,  all  that  branch  of  law  which  is  called  constitutional, 
extremely  easy  and  simple.  He  was  as  submissive  and  mean 
to  those  above  him,  as  be  was  haughty  and  insolent  to  those  who 
were  in  any  degree  in  his  power;  and  if,  in  his  own  conduct,  he 
did  not  exhibit  a  very  nice  regard  for  morality,  or  even  for  de- 
cency, he  never  failed  to  animadvert  upon,  and  to  punish,  the 
most  slight  deviation  in  others,  with  the  utmost  severity,  espec- 
ially if  they  were  persons  whom  he  suspected  to  be  no  favorites 
of  the  court. 

"Before  this  magistrate  was  brought  for  trial,  by  a  jury  suffi- 
ciently prepossessed  in  favor  of  tory  politics,  the  Reverend  Rich- 
ard Baxter,  a  dissenting  minister,  a  pious  and  learned  man,  of 
exemplary  character,  always  remarkable  for  his  attachment  to 
monarchy,  and  for  leaning  to  moderate  measures  in  the  differ- 
ences between  the  church  and  those  of  his  persuasion.  The 
pretence  of  this  prosecution  was  a  supposed  reference  of  some 
passages  in  one  of  his  works  to  the  bishops  of  the  church  of 
England;  a  reference  which  was  certainly  not  intended  by  him, 
and  which  could  not  have  been  made  out  to  any  jury  that  had 
been  less  prejudiced  or  under  any  other  direction  than  that  of 
JefTeries.  The  real  motive  was  the  desire  of  punishing  an 
eminent  dissenting  teacher,  whose  reputation  was  high  among 
his  sect,  and  who  was  supposed  to  favor  the  political  opinions  of 
the  whigs.'"^ 

Thus  far  Mr.  Fox.  That  Baxter  was  not  a  whig  was  well 
known  at  court;  and  that  his  sentiments  as  a  dissenter  were  con- 
sidered to  be  very  moderate,  can  as  little  be  doubted.  The  design 
unquestionably  was  to  strike  terror  into  all  the  Nonconformists, 
by  severely  punishing  one  of  their  leading  ministers,  who  might 
be  regarded,  in  point  of  sentiment,  as  less  obnoxious  than  most 
of  his  brethren.  If  Baxter  must  be  thus  treated,  who  can  be 
safe;  if  a  harmless,  uncontroversial  paraphrase  on  the  Scriptures 
be  construed  into  a  libel,  it  must  be  impossible  either  to  state  our 
sentiments  or  defend  them,  without  bringing  down  upon  us  the 
heavy  arm  of  the  law.  These  must  have  been  the  views  of  the 
court,  and  the  reasonings  of  the  dissenters  respecting  this  affair. 
The  malignant  designs  of  the  one,  however,  and  the  fears  of  the 
other,  were  finally  disappointed. 


(k)  Fox's  History  nf  llie  Reign  of  James  II.  pp.  101—103. 


OP    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


317 


As  the  trial  of  Baxter,  for  the  sentiments  expressed  in  his 
'Piiraphrasc  on  the  New  Testament,"  is  among  the  most  extraor- 
dinary circumstances  of  his  hfe,  and  one  of  the  most  curious 
sjiecimens  of  the  style  in  w  liich  justice  was  administered  by  the 
monster  who  tlien  presided  over  the  justice  of  his  country,  it  is 
much  to  be  regretted  that  we  have  not  an  account  of  it,  either  by 
Baxter  himself,  or  more  correctly  reported  by  those  who  were 
present.  No  printed  report  of  the  trial  exists,  except  what  is 
contained  in  Calamy's  abridgment  of  Baxter's  life.  The  re- 
port in  the  'State  Trials'  is  merely  a  copy  of  that.  Among  the 
Baxter  MSS.  in  Redcross  Street  Library,  however,  there  is  a 
letter  from  a  person  who  was  present  at  the  trial,  which  was  sent 
to  Sylvester,  with  a  view  to  its  being  used  by  him.  From  this 
document,  and  Calamy  together,  I  have  endeavored  to  give  a 
fuller  account,  though  it  is  still  imperfect,  than  has  hitherto  been 
laid  before  the  public,  of  this  remarkable  affair. 

That  he  was  designed  for  jail  before  the  death  of  Charles, 
was  intimated  by  the  Duke  of  York;  so,  lo  secure  him  till  they 
could  find  matter  of  accusation  against  him,  he  was  bound  to  his 
good  behavior.  They  declared,  at  the  same  time,  that  they 
considered  him  innocent,  but  did  this  for  security,  and  till  they 
were  prepared."* 

On  the  2Sth  of  February,  Baxter  was  committed  to  the 
King's-Bench  prison,  by  warrant  of  lord  chief  justice  JefFeries, 
for  his  'Paraphrase  on  the  Nevv  Testament,'  which  had  been 
printed  a  little  before;  and  which  was  described  as  a  scandalous 
and  seditious  book  against  the  government.  On  his  commit- 
ment by  the  chief  justice's  warrant,  he  applied  for  a  habeas  cor- 
pus, and  having  obtained  it,  he  absconded  into  the  country  to 
avoid  imprisonment,  till  the  term  approached.  He  was  induced 
to  do  this  from  the  constant  pain  he  endured,  and  an  apprehen- 
sion that  he  could  not  bear  the  confinement  of  a  prison. 

On  the  6th  of  May,  which  was  the  first  day  of  the  term,  he 
appeared  in  Westminster  Hall,  and  an  information  was  then  or- 
dered to  be  drawn  up  against  him.  On  the  1 4th  of  May,  he 
pleaded  not  guilty,  to  die  information.  On  the  ISth  of  the  same 
month,  being  much  indisposed,  it  was  moved  that  he  might  have 
further  time  given  him  before  his  trial,  but  this  was  denied  him. 
He  moved  for  it  by  his  counsel;  but  JefFeries  cried  out,  in  a 
passion,  'I  will  not  give  him  a  mmute's  time  more,  to  save  his  life. 
We  have  had  to  do,'  said  he,  'widi  other  sorts  of  persons,  but 
now  we  have  a  saint  to  deal  with;  and  I  know  how  to  deal  with 
saints  as  well  as  sinners.  Yonder,'  said  he,  'stands  Oates  in  the 
pillory'  (as  he  actually  did  at  that  very  time  in  the  New  Palace 

(1)  A  particular  account  of  the  'Paraphrase  on  tlio  New  Testament,'  will  be  found 
in  the  second  part  of  this  work, 
(m)  Penitent  Confessions^  p.  40. 


318 


TTIE  MFE    AND  TIMES 


Yard,)  'and  lie  says  he  sufTers  for  the  truth,  and  so  says  Baxter; 
but  if  Baxter  did  but  stand  on  the  other  side  of  the  pillory  with 
him,  I  would  say,  two  of  tlie  greatest  rogues  and  rascals  in  the 
kingdom  stood  there.'" 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  indictment,  which,  from  its 
singular  nature,  1  have  preferred  giving  in  its  original  state  to  a 
translation.  Even  the  mere  English  reader  will  have  Utile  diffi- 
culty in  understanding  its  scope,  and  the  substance  of  its  mean- 
ing, as  it  is  so  much  interlarded  with  quotations  from  the  Para- 
phrase:— 

"Quod  Richardus  Baxter,  nuper  de,  &c.,  Clericus  existens 
y)erson'  seditiosa  et  factiosa,  pravae  mentis,  impia3,  incjuieta),  tur- 
bulent' disposition'  et  conversation,'  ac  machinans,  practicans  et 
intendens,  quantum  in  ipso  fuit,  non  solem  pacem  et  communem 
tranquillitat'  diet'  Dom'  Regis  infra,  hoc  regnum  Angl'  inquie- 
tare,  molestare  et  perturbare,  ac  seditionem,  discord'  et  malevo- 
lent' int'  ligeos  et  fideles  subdit'  diet'  Dom'  Regis  movere, 
p'curare  et  excitare,  verum  etiam  sinceram,  piam,  beatam,  et 
])acificam  Protestan'  Religion'  infra  hoc  regn'  Angl'  usitat',  ac 
Prelat',  Episcopos,  aliosq;  Clericos  in  Ecclesia  Anglicana  legi- 
bus  hujus  regni  Angl'  stabillt',  ac  Novum  Testamentu,  Dorn' 
Salvator'  nostri  Jesu  Christi  in  contempt'  et  vilipend'  inducere 
ct  inutile  reddere;  quodq;  p'd'  R.  B.  ad  nequissimas,  nefan- 
dissimas  et  diabolicas  intention'  suas,  pred'  perimplend'  perfici- 
end'  et  ad  effect'  redigend'  14  die  Febr',  anno  regni  diet  Dom' 
Jacobi  Secundi,  &c.  prirao,  vi  et  armis,  &c.  apud,  fee.  falso 
illicite,  injuste,  nequit',  factiose,  seditiose  et  irreligiose  fecit, 
composuit,  scripsit,  impressit  et  publicavit,  et  fieri,  componi, 
scribi,  imprimi  et  publicari  causavit,  quendam  falsum,  seditios- 
um,  libcllosum,  factiosum  et  irreligiosum  hbrum,  intitulat'  /L 
Paraphrase  on  the  Testament,  with  JVotes  doctrinal  and  prac- 
tical: In  quo  quidem,  falso,  seditioso,  libelloso,  factioso  et  irre- 
ligioso  libro  int'  al'  content'  fuer'  hae  falsee,  factiosas  malitiosaE! 
seandalosre,  et  seditiosas  sententia;  de  eisdem  Prelat'  Episcopis, 
aliisq;  Clericis  Ecclesise  hujus  regn'  in  his  Anglican'  verbis  se- 
quen',  videl't,  Note,  Jlre  not  these  Preachers  and  Prelates 
(Epos  aliosq;  Clericos,  pr;ed'  Ecclesise  hujus  regn'  Angl'  innu- 
cnd')  then  the  least  and  basest  that  preach  and  tread  down 
Christian  love  of  all  that  dissent  from  any  of  their  presump- 
tions, and  so  preach  down  not  the  least,  but  the  great  command?' 
Et  ult'  idem  Attorn'  diet  Dom'  Regis  nunc  general'  pro  eodem 
Dom'  Rege  dat  Cur'  hie  intelligi  et  informari,  quod  in  al'  loco 
in  p'd'  falso,  scandaloso,  seditioso  et  irreligioso  libro,  int'  al'  con- 
tent' fuer'  hce  al'  falsae,  libellosae,  scandalos?e,  seditiosae  et  irre- 

(o)  Colonel  Dangcrfield  had  been  tried  before  Jefieries.  and  condemned  lo  be  whip- 
ped that  nioniiiig  al  Westminster  Hall,  for  the  Meal-Tub  plot;  so  that  JcfTeries  was 
()uitc  in  a  whipping;  humor. 


OF   UICHAUI)  liAKTKK. 


319 


ligiosa3  sentent'  sequent'  de  Clericis  Ecclesiai  luijus  rcgn',  vidcl'l, 
Note,  It  is  folly  to  doubt  whether  there  be  Devils,  while  Devils 
incarnate  live  here  amongst  ns  (Clericos  prod'  luijus  rcgni  Angl' 
innuendo;)  fVhat  else  but  Devils,  sure,  could  make  ceremonious 
hypocrites  (Clericos  pred'  innuendo)  consult  tvith  Politic  Roy- 
alists (lisieos  et  fide!'  subdit'  diet'  Dom'  Regis  luijus  regni  Angl' 
innuendo)  to  destroy  the  Son  of  God  for  saving  men's  health 
and  lives  by  miracles?    Quiere,  PVhcther,  if  this  withered  hand 
had  been  their  own,  they  loould  have  plotted  to  kill  him,  that 
would  have  cured  them  by  a  miracle,  as  a  Sabbath-Breaker'? 
And  whether  their  successors  (Prelat',  Episcopos,  Aliosq;  Cleri- 
cos Ecclesiffi  luijus  regni  Angl'  qui  deinccps  fuerint  innuendo) 
would  silence  and  imprison  godly  ministers  (seipsum  R.  B.  et 
al'  factiosas  et  seditias  as  p'son'  infra  hoc  regn'  Angl'  contra 
leges  luijus  regni  ac  Liturg'  Ecclesiae  infra  hoc  reg'  stabilit' 
p'dican'  innuendo)  if  they  coidd  cure  them  of  all  their  sicknesses, 
and  help  them  to  preferment,  and.  give  them  money  to  feed  their 
lusts?   Et  ult'  idem  Attorn'  diet  Dom'  Regis  nunc  general'  pro 
eodem  Dom'  rege  dat  Cur'  hie  intelligi  et  inforniari,  quod  in  al' 
loco  in  pred'  falso,  libelloso,  scandaloso  et  irreligioso  libro  inter 
al'  content'  fuer'  hai  al  falsa3,  libellosae,  scandaloso,  seditiosfe  et 
irreligiosfu  Anglican'  sentent'  sequen'  de  et  concernen'  Ep'is 
p'd'  et  Ministris  Justitlae  hujus  regn'  Angl',  videl't.  Note,  Men 
that  preach  in  Chrisfs  name  (seipsum  R.  B.  et  al'  factiosas  et 
seditiosas  p'son'  infra  hoc  regn'  Angl'  contra  leges  hujus  regn' 
Angl'  et  Liturg'  Ecclesias  hujus  regn'  per  legem  stabilit'  pred' 
innuendo)  therefore  are  not  to  be  silenced,  though  faulty,  if  they 
(pred  malffi  dispo'  it  factiosas  et  seditiosas  person'  pred'  iterum 
innuendo)  do  more  good  than  harm;  dreadful,  then,  is  the  case 
of  them  (Episcopos  et  Minlstros  Justitire  infra  hoc  regn'  Angl' 
innuendo)  that  silence  Chrisfs  faithfid  ministers  (seipsum  R.  13. 
et  al'  seditiosas  et  factiosas  person'  pred'  innuendo.)    Et  ulterius 
idem  Attorn'  diet'  Dom'  Regis  nunc  general'  pro  eodem  Dom' 
Rege  dat  Cur'  hie  intelligi  et  informari,  quod  ad  excitand'  popul' 
hujus  regn'  Angl'  in  illicit'  Conventicul  convenire  et  defamand' 
Justit'  hujus  regn'  impuniendo  illicit'  Conventicul',  in  al'  loco  in 
pred'  falso,  scandaloso,  seditioso,  et  irreligioso  libro,  nit'  al'  con- 
tent' fuer'  hffi  al'  falsae,  scandaloso,  libelloso,  seditioso  et  irre- 
ligioso Anglican'sentent'  sequen',  videl't,  (1)  Note,  It  was  well 
that  they  considered  what  might  be  said  against  them,  tvhich  now 
most  Christians  do  not  in  their  disputes.    (2)  These  Peisecu- 
tors,  and  the  Romans,  had  some  charity  and  consideration,  in 
that  they  were  restrained  by  the  fear  of  the  people,  and  did  not 
accuse  and  fine  them  as  for  Routs,  Riots,  and  Seditions.  (3) 
They  that  deny  necessary  premises  are  not  to  be  disputed  with. 
Et  ulterius  idem  Attorn'  diet'  Dom'  Regis'  nunc  general'  pro 
eodem  Dom'  Rege'  dat  Cur'  hie  intelligi  et  informari  quod  in 


320 


THE    LIFE  ANi)  TIMES 


al'  loco  in  pred'  falso,  scandaloso,  seditioso  et  irrcligioso  libro, 
intal'  content'  fuer'  hse  al'  falsa),  libellosse,  scandalosae,  seditiosae 
et  irreligiosa)  Anglican'  Sententiaj  sequent'  de  et  concernen' 
E])iscopis  et  al'  Clericis  Iiiijus  regn'  Angl',  videl't,  (3)  Let  not 
those  proud  hypocrites  (Episcopos  et  al'  Clericos  Ecclesiae 
luijus  regn'  Angl'  uinuendo)  deceive  you  (subdit'  dicti  Dom' 
Regis  hujus  rQgn'  Ajigl  innuendo)  who  by  their  long  lAturgies 
and  Ceremonies,  (Liturg'  et  Ceremon'  Ecclesia)  hujus  regn' 
Angl'  innuendo,)  and  claim  of  Superiority,  do  hut  cloak  their 
Worldliness,  Pride,  and  Oppression,  and  are  religious  to  their 
greater  Damnation.  Et  ullerius  idem  Attorn'  dicti  Doni'  Regis 
nunc  general'  pro  eodem  Doni'  Rege  dat  Cur'  hie  intelligi  et 
informari,  quod  in  al'  loco  in  pred'  falso,  scandaloso,  seditioso 
et  irreligioso  libro  int'  al'  content'  fuer'  hae  al'  falsas,  libellosce, 
scandalosas,  seditiosae,  et  religiosae,  Sentent'  Anglican'  sequent' 
de  et  concernen'  Clericis  hujus  regn'  Angl',  (2)  Note,  Priests 
now  are  many  (Clericos  Ecclesia  hujus  regn'  Angl  innuendo) 
but  Laborers  few,  ivhat  men  are  they  that  have  and  do  silence 
the  faithfullest  laborers  (seipsum  R.  B.  et  al'  facti'  as  et  sedit' 
as  p'son'  pred'  innuendo)  suspecting  that  they  are  not  for  their 
Interest'^  (interesse  Clericor'  Ecclesiaj  hujus  regn'  Angl'  innu- 
endo.) Et  ulterius  idem  Attorn'  dicti'  Dom'  Regis  nunc  gen- 
eral' pro  eodem  Dom'  Rege  dat  Cur'  hie  intelligi  et  informari, 
quod  in  al'  loco  in  pred'  falso  scandaloso,  seditioso  et  irreligioso 
iibro,  inter  al'  content'  fuerunt  hne  al'  falsae  libellosas  scandalosa?, 
seditiosaj  et  irreligioste  sentent'  sequen'  de  et  concernen'  Cleri- 
cis hujus  regn'  Angl',  videl't,  (3)  Note,  ChrisVs  Ministers  use 
God^s  ordinances  to  save  Men,  and  the  DeviVs  Clergy  (Cleri- 
cos EcclesisD  hujus  regn'  Angl'  innuendo)  ?/se  them  for  Snares 
Mischief,  and  Murder,  (2)  They'  (Clericos  Ecclesias  hujus 
regn'  Angl'  innuendo)  tvill  not  let  the  people  be  JVeuters  be- 
tween God  and  the  Devil,  but  force  them  (subdit  hujus  regn' 
Angl'  innuendo)  to  be  informing  Persecutors.  Et  ulterius  idem 
Attorn'  dicti'  Dom'  Regis  nunc  general'  pro  eodem  Dom'  Rege 
dat  Car'  hie  intelligi  et  informari,  quod  in  al'  loco  in  pra:d'  falso, 
scandaloso,  seditioso  et  irreligioso  libro,  int'  al'  content'  fuerunt 
ha;  alia)  falsfe,  libellosa),  scandalosas  seditiosa)  et  irreligioste  sen- 
tentiaj AnglicaniE  sequen'  de  et  concernen'  legibus  hujus  regn' 
Angl'  contra  illicit'  Conventicul'  et  ad  excitand'  popul'  convenire 
in  illicit'  Conventical',  videl't,  (2)  Note,  To  be  Dissenters  and 
Disputants,  against  errors  and  tyrannical  impositions,  upton 
conscience  (leges  et  statut'  hujus  regn'  Angl'  contra  person'  lac- 
tios'  et  Liturg'  Eccl'  hujus  regn'  Angl'  adversar'  Anglice,) 
against  Dissenters  (edit'  et  provis'  innuendo,)  is  no  Fault,  but 
a  great  Duty.  In  magnam  Dei  omnipotent'  displicent'  in  con- 
tempt' leg'  hujus  regn'  Angl'  manifest'  in  malum  et  pernitiosis- 
sim  exemplum  onuiiu'  al'  in  tali  casu  delinquen'  ac  contra  paccm 


OF  lUCHARD  BAXTER. 


321 


dicti  Dom'  Regis  nunc,  coion'  ct  dignitat'  suas,  he.  Unde  idom 
Attorn'  dicti  Dom'  Regis  nunc  general  pro  eodeni  Dom'  Rege 
pet'  advisamcnt'  Cur'  hie  in  premiss'  et  debit'  legis  process' 
versus  ipsum  prefat  R.  B.  in  liac  parte  fieri  ad  respond'  dicto 
Dom'  Rcgi  de  ct  in  premiss,  Sic." 

On  May  die  30tli,  in  die  afternoon,"  Baxter  was  brought  to 
trial,  before  the  lord  chief  justice,  at  Guildhall.  Sir  Henry  Ash- 
urst,  who  would  not  forsake  his  own  and  his  father's  friend,  stood 
by  him  all  the  while.  Baxter  came  first  into  court,  and,  widi  all 
the  marks  of  sincerity  and  composure,  waited  for  the  coming  of 
the  lord  chief  justice,  who  appeared  quickly  after,  widi  great 
indignation  m  his  face. 

"When  I  saw,"  says  an  eye-witness,  "tlie  meek  man  stand 
before  the  flaming  eyes  and  fierce  looks  of  this  bigot,  I  thought 
of  Paul  standing  before  Nero.  The  barbarous  usage  which  he 
received  drew  plenty  of  tears  from  my  eyes,  as  well  as  from 
odiers  of  the  auditors  and  spectators:  yet  I  could  not  but  smile 
sometimes,  when  I  saw  my  lord  imitate  our  modern  pulpit  drol- 
lery, which  some  one  saith  any  man  engaged  in  such  a  design 
would  not  lose  for  a  world.  He  drove  on  furiously,  like  Hanni- 
bal over  the  Alps,  with  fire  and  vinegar,  pouring  all  the  contempt 
and  scorn  upon  Baxter,  as  if  he  had  been  a  link-boy  or  knave: 
which  made  the  people  who  could  not  come  near  enough  to  hear 
the  indictment  or  Mr.  Baxter's  plea,  cry  out,  'Surely  this  Bax- 
ter had  burned  the  city  or  the  temple  of  Delphos.'  But  others 
said,  it  was  not  the  custom,  now-a-days,  to  receive  ill,  except  for 
doing  well;  and  therefore  this  must  needs  be  some  good  man 
that  my  lord  so  rails  at."  i' 

Jefferies  no  sooner  sat  down  than  a  short  cause  was  called 
and  tried;  after  which  the  clerk  began  to  read  the  title  of  an- 
other cause.  'You  blockhead,  you,'  said  Jefferies,  'the  next 
cause  is  between  Richard  Baxter  and  the  king:'  upon  which 
Baxter's  cause  was  called. 

On  the  jury  being  sworn,  Baxter  objected  to  them,  as  incom- 
petent to  his  trial,  owmg  to  its  peculiar  nature.  The  jurymen 
being  tradesmen,  and  not  scholars,  he  alleged  they  were  incapa- 
ble of  pronouncing  whether  his  'Paraphrase'  was,  or  was  not, 
according  to  the  original  text.  He  therefore  prayed  that  he 
might  have  a  jury  of  learned  men,  though  the  one  half  of  them 
should  be  Papists.  This  objection,  as  might  have  been  expect- 
ed, was  overruled  by  the  court.i 

The  passages  contained  in  the  indictment,  were,  it  is  under  - 
stood, picked  out  by  Sir  Roger  L'Estrange  and  some  of  his 

(n)  Ilargreaves'  State  Trials,  vol.  x.  App.  p.  (37.)  The  editor  expresses  his  regret 
that  no  account  of  this  trial  exists,  e.xcept  what  is  given  by  Calamy.  He  says,  "It 
shows  the  temper  of  the  chief  justice,  and  the  cruel  usage  of  the  prisoner." 

(p)  Baxter  MSS.  (q)  Ibid. 

VOL.  I.  41 


322 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


associates:  and  a  certain  noted  clergyman,  who  is  supposed  to 
have  been  Dr.  Sherlock,  put  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies  some 
accusations  out  of  Rom.  xiii.,  &c.  as  against  the  king,  which 
might  have  affected  his  life;  but  no  use  was  made  of  them.  The 
great  charge  was,  that,  in  these  several  passages,  he  reflected 
on  the  prelates  of  the  church  of  England,  and  so  was  guilty  of 
sedition.'' 

The  king's  counsel  opened  the  information  at  large,  with  its 
aggravations.  Mr.  Pollexfen,  Mr.  Wallop,  Mr.  Williams,  Mr. 
Rotherham,  Mr.  Atwood,  and  Mr.  Phipps,  were  Baxter's  coun- 
sel, and  had  been  fee'd  by  Sir  Henry  Ashurst. 

(i  )  As  llie  'Paiaphrasc' is  not  in  every  body's  hands,  I  liave  extracted  llie  passa- 
ges and  notes  referred  to  in  the  indictment,  and  placed  them  together,  that  the  read- 
ers may  have  fairly  and  fully  before  them  the  grounds  on  which  the  charge  of  sedition 
was  preferred.  Some  of  the  phraseology  is  pointed  and  severe,  characteristic  of 
Baxter's  style,  but  all  justly  called  for  by  the  treatment  which  he  and  others  had  ex- 
perienced. 

Matt.  V.  19.  "If  any  shall  presume  to  break  the  least  of  these  commands,  because 
it  is  a  little  one,  and  teach  men  so  to  do,  he  shall  be  vilified  as  he  vilified  God's  law, 
and  not  thought  fit  for  a  place  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah;  but  he  shall  be  there 
greatest  that  is  most  exact  in  doing  and  teaching  ail  the  law  of  God." 

Note. — "Are  not  those  preachers  and  prelates,  then,  the  least  and  basest,  that  preach 
and  tread  down  Christian  love  of  all  that  dissent  from  any  of  their  presumptions,  and 
so  preach  down,  not  the  least,  but      great  command." 

Mark  iii.  6.  ''It  is  folly  to  doubt  whether  there  be  devils,  while  devils  incarnate 
dwell  among  us.  What  else  but  devils,  sure,  could  ceremonious  hypocrites  consult 
with  politic  royalists  to  destroy  the  Son  of  God,  for  saving  men's  health  and  lives  by 
miracle?  Quore:  Whether  this  withered  hand  had  been  their  own,  they  would  have 
plotted  to  kill  him  that  would  have  cured  them  by  a  miracle,  as  a  sabbath-breakerT 
And  whether  their  successors  would  silence  and  imprison  godly  ministers,  if  they  could 
cure  them  of  all  their  sicknesses,  help  them  to  prei'erment,  and  give  them  money  to 
feed  their  lusts?" 

Mark  ix.  39.  Note. — "Men  that  preach  in  Christ's  name,  therefore,  are  not  to  he 
silenced,  though  faulty:  if  they  do  more  good  than  harm,  dreadful,  then,  is  the  case  of 
them  that  silence  Christ's  failliful  ministers." 

Mark  xi.  31.  Note. — "It  is  well  that  they  considered  what  might  be  said  against 
them,  which  now  most  Christians  do  not  in  their  disputes.  These  persecutors,  and 
the  llomans,  had  some  charity  and  consideration,  in  that  they  were  restrained  by 
the  fear  of  'the  people,  and  did  not  accuse  and  fine  them,  as  for  routs,  riots,  and 
seditions.' " 

Mark  xii.  38 — 40.  Note. — "Let  not  these  proud  hypocrites  deceive  you,  who,  by 
their  long  liturgies  and  ceremonies,  and  claim  of  superiority,  do  but  cloak  their  world- 
liness,  pride,  and  oppression,  and  are  religious  lo  their  greater  damnation." 

Luke  X.  2.  iVoZe.— "Priests  now  are  many,  but  laborers  are  few.  What  men  are 
they  that  hate  and  silence  the  faithfulcst  laborers,  suspecting  that  they  are  not  for 
their  interest?" 

John  xi.  57.  Note. — "1.  Christ's  ministers  are  God's  ordinances  to  save  men,  and 
the  devil's  clergy  use  them  for  snares,  mischief,  and  murder.  2.  They  will  not  let 
the  people  be  neuters  between  God  and  the  devil,  but  force  them  to  be  informing  per- 
secutors." 

Ads  XV.  2.  Note. — "L  To  be  dissenters  and  disputants  against  errors  and  tyran- 
nical impositions  upon  conscience  is  no  fault,  but  a  great  duty.  2.  It  is  but  a  ground- 
less fiction  of  some  that  tell  us  that  this  was  an  appeal  to  Jerusalem,  because  it  was 
the  mclropolis  of  Syria  and  Antioch,  as  if  the  metropolitan  church  power  had  been  then 
settled;  when,  long  after,  when  it  was  devised,  indeed,  Antioch  was  above  Jerusalem; 
and  it  is  as  vain  a  fiction  that  this  was  an  appeal  to  a  general  council,  as  if  the  apos- 
tles and  elders  at  Jerusalem  had  been  a  general  council,  when  none  of  the  bishops  of 
the  gentile  churches  were  there,  or  called  thither.  It  is  notorious  that  it  was  an  appeal 
to  the  apostles,  taking  in  the  elders,  as  those  that  had  the  most  certain  notice  of 
Christ's  mind,  having  conversed  with  him,  and  being  entrusted  to  teach  all  nations 
whatever  he  commanded  them,  and  had  the  greatest  measure  of  the  Spirit;  and  also, 
being  Jews  themselves,  were  such  as  the  Judaising  Christians  had  no  reason  to  sus- 
pect or  reject." — Baxter's  New  Testament  in  locis. 


OP  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


323 


Pollcxfen  then  rose  and  addressed  the  court  and  the  jury. 
He  stated  that  he  was  counsel  for  the  prisoner,  and  felt  that  he 
had  a  very  unusual  plea  to  manage.  He  had  been  obliged,  he 
said,  by  the  nature  of  the  cause,  to  consult  all  our  learned  com- 
mentators, many  of  whom,  learned,  pious,  and  belonging  to  the 
church  of  England,  too,  concurred  with  Mr.  Baxter  in  his  par- 
aphrase of  those  passages  of  Scripture  which  were  objected  to 
in  the  indictment,  and  by  whose  help  he  would  be  enabled  to 
manage  his  client's  cause.  "I  shall  begin,"  said  he,  "with  Dr. 
Hammond;  and,  gentlemen,  though  Mr.  Baxter  made  an  ob- 
jection against  you,  as  not  fit  judges  of  Greek,  which  has  been 
overruled,  I  hope  you  understand  English,  common  sense,  and 
can  read."  To  which  the  foreman  of  the  jury  made  a  profound 
bow,  and  said,  "Yes,  sir." 

On  this  his  lordship  burst  upon  Pollexfen,  like  a  fury,  and 
told  him  he  should  not  sit  there  to  hear  hlra  preach.  "No,  my 
lord,"  said  Pollexfen,  "I  ara  counsel  for  Mr.  Baxter,  and 
shall  offer  nothing  but  what  is  ad  rem.''''  "Why,  this  is  not," 
said  Jefferies,  "that  you  cant  to  the  jury  before  hand."  "I  beg 
your  lordship's  pardon,"  said  the  counsel,  "and  shall  dien  pro- 
ceed to  business."  "Come,  then,"  said  Jefferies,  "what  do 
you  say  to  this  count:  read  it,  clerk:"  referring  to  the  paraphrase 
on  Mark  xii.  38 — 40.  "Is  he  not,  now,  an  old  knave,  to  inter- 
pret this  as  belonging  to  liturgies?"  "So  do  others,"  replied 
Pollexfen,  "of  the  church  of  England,  who  would  be  loth  so  to 
wrong  the  cause  of  liturgies  as  to  make  them  a  novel  invention, 
or  not  to  be  able  to  date  them  as  early  as  the  Scribes  and  Phar- 
isees." "No,  no,  Mr.  Pollexfen,"  said  the  judge,  "they  were 
long-winded,  extempore  prayers,  such  as  they  used  to  say  when 
they  appropriated  God  to  themselves:  'Lord,  we  are  thy  peo- 
ple, thy  peculiar  people,  thy  dear  people.'  "  And  then  he  snort- 
ed, and  squeaked  through  his  nose,  and  clenched  his  hands,  and 
lifted  up  his  eyes,  mimicking  their  manner,  and  running  on 
furiously,  as  he  said  they  used  to  pray.  But  old  Pollexfen  gave 
him  a  bite  now  and  then,  though  he  could  hardly  get  in  a  word. 
"Why,  my  lord,"  said  he,  "some  will  think  it  is  hard  measure  to 
stop  these  men's  mouths,  and  not  let  them  speak  through  their 
noses."  "Pollexfen,"  said  Jefferies,  "I  know  you  well;  1  will 
set  a  mark  upon  you:  you  are  the  patron  of  the  faction.  This 
is  an  old  rogue,  who  has  poisoned  the  world  with  his  Kidder- 
minster doctrine.  Don't  we  know  how  he  preached  formerly, 
'Curse  ye  Meroz;  curse  them  bitterly  that  come  not  to  the  help 
of  the  Lord,  to  the  help  of  the  Lord  against  the  mighty.'  He 
encouraged  all  the  women  and  maids  to  bring  their  bodkins 
and  thimbles  to  carry  on  their  war  against  the  king  of  ever 
blessed  memory.  An  old  schismatical  knave,  a  hypocritical 
villain!" 


324 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


"I  beseech  your  lordship,"  said  Pollexfen  "suffer  me  a  word 
for  my  client.  It  is  well  known  to  all  intelligent  men  of  age  in 
this  nation,  that  these  things  do  not  apply  to  the  character  of 
Mr.  Baxter,  who  wished  as  well  to  the  king  and  royal  fam- 
ily as  Mr.  Love,  who  lost  his  head  for  endeavoring  to  bring 
in  the  son  long  before  he  was  restored.  And,  my  lord,  Mr. 
Baxter's  loyal  and  peaceable  spirit.  King  Charles  would  have 
rewarded  with  a  bishopric,  when  he  came  in,  if  he  would  have 
conformed." 

"Aye,  aye,"  said  the  judge  "we  know  that;  but  what  ailed  the 
old  blockhead,  the  unthankful  villain,  that  he  would  not  conform? 
Was  he  wiser  or  better  than  other  men?  He  hath  been,  ever 
since,  the  spring  of  the  faction.  I  am  sure  he  hath  poisoned  the 
world  with  his  linsey-woolsey  doctrine."  Here  his  rage  increas- 
ed to  an  amazing  degree.  He  called  Baxter  a  conceited,  stub- 
born, fanatical  dog.  "Hang  him,"  said  he;  "this  one  old  fellow 
hath  cast  more  reproach  upon  the  constitution  and  discipline  of 
our  church  than  will  be  wiped  off  this  hundred  years;  but  I'll 

handle  him  for  it:  for,  by  G  ,  he  deserves  to  be  whipped 

through  the  city." 

"My  lord,"  said  Pollexfen,  "I  am  sure  these  things  are  not 
ad  rem.  Some  persons  think,  my  lord,  it  is  very  hard  these  men 
should  be  forced  against  their  consciences  from  the  church. 
But  that  is  not  my  business,  my  lord.  I  am  not  to  justify  their 
nonconformity,  or  give  here  the  reasons  of  their  scruples  to  ac- 
cept beneficial  places,  but  rather  to  suffer  any  thing.  I  know 
not,  my  lord,  what  reasons  sway  other  men's  consciences;  my 
business  is  to  plead  for  my  client,  and  to  answer  the  charge  of 
dangerous  sedition,  which  is  alleged  to  be  contained  in  his 
'Paraphrase  of  the  New  Testament.'  "  ^ 

Mr.  Wallop  said,  that  he  conceived,  the  matter  depending 
being  a  point  of  doctrine,  it  ought  to  be  referred  to  the  bishop 
his  ordinary;  but  if  not,  he  humbly  conceived  the  doctrine  was 
innocent  and  justifiable,  setting  aside  the  inuendos,  for  which 
there  was  no  color,  there  being  no  antecedent  to  refer  them  to 
(i.  e.  no  bishop  or  clergy  of  the  church  of  England  named;) 
he  said  the  book  accused,  i.  e.  the  'Comment  on  the  New  Tes- 
tament,' contained  many  eternal  truths:  but  they  who  drew  the 
information  were  the  libellers,  in  applying  to  the  prelates  of  the 

(s)  Baxter  MSS.  Pollexfen,  who  acted  as  first  counsel  in  the  trial  of  Baxter,  is 
not  mentioned  at  all  in  Calamy's  account  of  the  trial.  The  whole  that  I  have  given 
above  is  contained  in  the  manuscript  account  furnished  by  a  person  who  was  present. 
As  far  as  it  proceeds  in  the  remainder  of  the  narrative  it  agrees  with  Calamy.  Pol- 
lexfen was  descended  from  a  good  family  in  Devonshire,  and  rose  lu  the  liighesl  rank 
in  his  profession.  He  Avas  counsel  for  the  Earl  of  Danby,  in  1679,  was  employed  by 
the  Corporation  of  Lon<loii  in  the  afi'air  of  their  charter,  and  was  one  of  the  counsel 
retained  for  the  bishops.  He  was  knighted  after  the  Revolution,  and  made  chief  ju.s- 
tice  of  the  Common  Pleas.  He  died  in  Noble's  Continuation  of  Grander,  vol. 

i.  p.  170. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


325 


church  of  England,  those  severe  things  which  were  written  con- 
cerning some  prelates  who  deserved  the  ciiaracters  which  he 
gave.  "INly  lord,"  said  he,  "I  humbly  conceive  the  bishops  Mr. 
Baxter  speaks  of,  as  your  lordship,  if  you  have  read  church  his- 
tory, must  confess,  were  the  plagues  of  the  church  and  of  the 
world." 

"Mr.  Wallop,"  said  the  lord  chief  justice,  "I  observe  you 
are  in  all  tliese  dirty  causes:  and  were  it  not  for  you  gcndemen 
of  the  long  robe,  who  should  have  more  wit  and  honesty  than 
to  support  and  hold  up  these  factious  knaves  by  the  chin,  we 
should  not  be  at  the  pass  we  are."  "My  lord,"  replied  Wallop, 
"I  humbly  conceive  that  the  passages  accused  are  natural  de- 
ductions from  the  text."  "You  humbly  conceive,"  said  Jeffe- 
ries,  "and  I  humbly  conceive.  Swear  him,  swear  him."  "My 
lord,"  said  he,  "under  favor,  I  am  counsel  for  the  defendant, 
and  if  I  understand  either  Latin  or  English,  the  information  now 
brought  against  Mr.  Baxter  upon  such  a  slight  ground,  is  a 
greater  reflection  upon  the  church  of  England,  than  any  thing 
contained  in  the  book  he  is  accused  for."  "Sometimes  you 
humbly  conceive,  and  sometimes  you  are  very  positive,"  said 
JefFeries;  "you  talk  of  your  skill  in  church  history,  and  of  your 
understanding  Latin  and  English;  I  think  I  understand  some- 
thing of  them  as  well  as  you;  but,  in  short,  must  tell  you,  that  if 
you  do  not  understand  your  duty  better,  I  shall  teach  it  you." 
Upon  which  Mr.  Wallop  sat  down. 

Mr.  Rotherham  urged,  "that  if  Mr.  Baxter's  book  had  sharp 
reflections  upon  the  church  of  Rome  by  name,  but  spake  well  of 
the  prelates  of  the  church  of  England,  it  was  to  be  presumed, 
that  die  sharp  reflections  were  intended  only  against  the  prelates 
of  the  church  of  Rome."  The  lord  chief  justice  said,  "Baxter 
was  an  enemy  to  the  name  and  thing,  the  office  and  persons,  of 
bishops."  Rotherham  added,  "that  Baxter  frequently  attended 
divLie  service,  went  to  the  sacrament,  and  persuaded  others  to 
do  so  too,  as  was  certainly  and  publicly  known;  and  had,  in  the 
very  book  so  charged,  spoken  very  moderately  and  honorably  of 
the  bishops  of  die  church  of  England." 

Baxter  added,  "My  lord,  I  have  been  so  moderate  with  re- 
spect to  the  church  of  England,  that  I  have  incurred  the  censure 
of  many  of  the  dissenters  upon  that  account."  "Baxter  for 
bishops!"  exclaimed  Jelferies,  "that  is  a  merry  conceit  indeed: 
turn  to  it,  turn  to  it."  Upon  this,  Rotherham  turned  to  a  place 
where  it  is  said,  "that  great  respect  is  due  to  those  truly  called 
to  be  bishops  among  us;"  or  to  that  purpose:  "Aye,"  said  Jef- 
feries,  "this  is  your  Presbyterian  cant;  truly  called  to  be  bishops: 
that  is  himself,  and  such  rascals,  called  to  be  bishops  of  Kidder- 
minster, and  other  such  places.  Bishops  set  apart  by  such  fac- 
tious, snivelling  Presbyterians  as  himself:  a  Kidderminster  bishop 


326 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


he  means.  According  to  the  saying  of  a  late  learned  author — 
And  every  parish  shall  maintain  a  tithe  pig  metropolitan." 

Baxter  beginning  to  speak  again,  JefFeries  reviled  him;  "Rich- 
ard, Richard,  dost  thou  think  we'll  hear  thee  poison  the  court? 
Richard,  thou  art  an  old  fellow,  an  old  knave;  thou  hast  written 
books  enough  to  load  a  cart,  every  one  as  full  of  sedition,  I  might 
say  treason,  as  an  egg  is  full  of  meat.  Hadst  thou  been  whip- 
ped out  of  thy  writing  trade  forty  years  ago,  it  had  been  happy. 
Thou  pretendest  to  be  a  preacher  of  the  Gospel  of  peace,  and 
thou  hast  one  foot  in  the  grave:  it  is  time  for  thee  to  begin  to 
think  what  account  thou  intendest  to  give.  But  leave  thee  to 
thyself,  and  I  see  thou'lt  go  on  as  thou  hast  begun;  but,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  I'll  look  after  thee.  I  know  thou  hast  a  mighty 
party,  and  I  see  a  great  many  of  the '  brodierhood  in  corners, 
waiting  to  see  what  will  become  of  their  mighty  Don,  and  a 
Doctor  of  the  party  (looking  to  Dr.  Bates)  at  your  elbow;  but, 
by  the  grace  of  Almighty  God,  I'll  crush  you  all.  Come,  what 
do  you  say  for  yourself,  you  old  knave;  come,  speak  up.  Wliat 
doth  he  say?  I  am  not  afraid  of  you,  for  all  the  snivelling  calves 
you  have  got  about  you:"  alluding  to  some  persons  who  were  in 
tears  about  Mr.  Baxter.  "Your  lordship  need  not,"  said  the 
holy  man;  "for  I'll  not  hurt  you.  But  these  things  will  surely 
be  understood  one  day;  what  fools  one  sort  of  Protestants  are 
made,  to  persecute  the  other."  And  lifting  up  his  eyes  to 
heaven,  said,  "I  am  not  concerned  to  answer  such  stuff;  but  am 
ready  to  produce  my  writings  for  the  confutation  of  all  this;  and 
my  life  and  conversation  are  known  to  many  in  this  nation."* 

Mr.  Rotherhara  sitting  down,  Mr.  Atwood  began  to  show, 
that  not  one  of  the  passages  mentioned  in  the  information  ought 
to  be  strained  to  the  sense  which  was  put  upon  them  by  the  inu- 
endos;  they  being  more  natural  when  taken  in  a  milder  sense: 
nor  could  any  one  of  them  be  applied  to  the  prelates  of  the 
church  of  England,  without  a  very  forced  construction.  To 
prove  this,  he  would  have  read  some  of  the  text:  but  Jefferies 
cried  out,  "You  shan't  draw  me  into  a  conventicle  with  your 
annotations,  nor  your  snivelling  parson,  neither."  "My  lord," 
said  Mr.  Atwood,  "that  I  may  use  the  best  authority,  permit  me 
to  repeat  your  lordship's  own  words  in  that  case."  "No,  you 
shan't,"  said  he:  "you  need  not  speak,  for  you  are  an  author 
already;  though  you  speak  and  write  impertinently."  Atwood 
replied,  "I  can't  help  that,  my  lord,  if  my  talent  be  no  better, 
but  it  is  my  duty  to  do  my  best  for  my  client." 

Jefferies  then  went  on  inveighing  against  what  Atwood  had 
published;  and  Atwood  justified  it  as  in  defence  of  the  English 
constitution,  declaring  that  he  never  disowned  any  thing  that  he 

(t)  Baxter's  MSS. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


327 


had  written.  JefFeries,  several  times,  ordered  him  to  sit  down; 
but  he  still  went  on.  "My  lord,"  said  he,  "I  have  matter  of 
law  to  urge  for  my  client."  He  then  proceeded  to  cite  several 
cases  wherein  it  had  been  adjudged  that  words  ought  to  be  taken 
in  the  milder  sense,  and  not  to  be  strained  by  inuendos.  'Well, 
said  Jefieries,  when  ho  had  done,  'you  have  had  your  say.' 

Mr.  Williams  and  Mr.  Phipps  said  nothing,  for  they  saw  it 
was  to  no  purpose.  At  last,  Baxter  himself  said,  "My  lord,  I 
think  I  can  clearly  answer  all  diat  is  laid  to  my  charge,  and  I 
shall  do  it  briefly.  The  sum  is  contained  in  these  few  papers, 
to  which  I  shall  add  a  litde  by  testimony."  But  he  would  not 
hear  a  word.  At  length,  die  chief  justice  summed  up  the  matter 
in  a  long  and  fulsome  harangue.  "It  was  notoriously  known," 
he  said,  "diere  had  been  a  design  to  ruin  the  king  and  the  na- 
tion. The  old  game  had  been  renewed;  and  this  person  had 
been  the  main  incendiary.  He  is  as  modest  now  as  can  be; 
but  time  was,  when  no  man  was  so  ready  at,  'Bind  your  kings 
in  chains,  and  your  nobles  in  fetters  of  iron;'  and,  *To  your 
tents,  O  Israel.'  Gendemen,  for  God's  sake,  don't  let  us  be 
gulled  twice  in  an  age."  And  when  he  concluded,  he  told  the 
jury,  "that  if  they  in  their  consciences  believed  he  meant  the 
bisliops  and  clergy  of  the  church  of  England,  in  the  passages 
which  the  information  referred  to,  and  he  could  mean  nothing 
else;  diey  must  find  him  guilty.  If  not,  they  must  find  him  not 
guilty."  When  he  had  done,  Baxter  said  to  him,  "Docs  your 
lordship  think  any  jury  will  pretend  to  pass  a  verdict  upon  me 
upon  such  a  trial?"  "I'll  warrant  you,  Mr.  Baxter,"  said  he; 
"don't  you  trouble  yourself  about  that." 

The  jury  immediately  laid  their  heads  together  at  the  bar, 
and  found  him  guilty.  As  he  was  going  from  the  bar,  Baxter 
told  the  lord  chief  justice,  who  had  so  loaded  him  with  re- 
proaches, and  still  continued  them,  that  a  predecessor  of  his, 
had  had  other  thoughts  of  him;  upon  which  he  replied,  "diat 
there  was  not  an  honest  man  in  England  but  what  took  him  for 
a  great  knave."  Baxter  had  subpceaned  several  clergymen,  who 
appeared  in  court,  but  were  of  no  use  to  him,  through  die  vio- 
lence of  the  chief  justice.  The  trial  being  over.  Sir  Henry 
Ashurst  led  him  through  die  crowd,  and  conveyed  him  away  in 
his  coach." 

(u)  Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  who  acted  in  this  truly  Christian  and  noble  manner  to 
Baxter,  feeing  his  counsel,  standing-  by  him  at  his  trial,  and  conveying  him  liome  in 
his  own  carriage,  w  as  the  son  of  one  of  his  oldest  and  best  friends,  and  in  all  respects 
worthy  of  the  family  whose  honors  he  sustained  and  increased.  He  married  Lady 
Diana,  the  fifth  daughter  of  William  Lord  Paget,  by  whom  he  had  several  children. 
She  died  in  August,  1707,  when  a  funeral  sermon  was  preached  on  the  occasion  by 
the  Rev.  Richard  Mayo.  Sir  Henry  was  the  intimate  friend  and  correspondent  of 
the  Rev.  Philip  Henry.  He  published  a  short  life  of  the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Heyvvood, 
the  ejected  minister  oi^  Ormskirk,  which  shows  that  he  was  not  ashamed  of  his  con- 
nection with  that  despised  race  of  confessors.  Sir  Henry  died  at  his  seat  at  VVa- 
terstroke,  near  Coventry,  on  the  13lh  of  April,  1710-11.— See  the  Lives  of  Philip  and 
Matthew  Henry,  by  Mr.  Williams. 


328 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


Between  the  time  of  his  trial,  and  of  his  being  brought  up  for 
sentence,  Baxter  employed  what  influence  he  possessed,  to  pro- 
cure a  more  favorable  result  than  he  had  reason  to  expect  from 
the  temper  of  Jefferies.  He  addressed  himself  to  a  nobleman 
of  influence  at  court,  whose  name  does  not  appear,  and  also  to 
the  Bishop  of  London,  entreating  them  to  interpose  on  his  be- 
half. His  letter  to  the  bishop,  is  worthy  of  being  inserted 
entire.  It  gives  a  calm  and  correct  view  of  his  case,  shows  his 
attachment  to  the  church,  the  labor  he  had  bestowed  to  promote 
its  interests;  and  entreats  that  he  might  yet  be  heard  before  a 
more  impartial  and  competent  tribunal. 

"My  Lord, 

"Being  by  episcopal  ordination  vowed  to  the  sacred 
ministry,  and  bound  not  to  desert  it,  when  by  painful  diseases 
and  debility  I  waited  for  my  change,  I  durst  not  spend  my  last 
days  in  idleness,  and  knew  not  how  better  to  serve  the  church 
than  by  writing  a  'Paraphrase  on  the  Nev/  Testament,'  pur- 
posely fitted  to  the  use  of  the  most  ignorant,  and  the  reconciling 
of  doctrinal  differences  about  texts  variously  expounded.  Far 
was  it  from  my  design  to  reproach  the  church,  or  draw  men 
from  it,  having  therein  pleaded  for  diocesans  as  successors  of 
the  apostles  over  many  churches;  though  I  confute  the  over- 
throwing opinion  which  setteth  them  over  but  one  church,  deny- 
ing the  parishes  to  be  churches.  But  some  persons  ofiendcd, 
it  is  like,  at  some  odier  passages  in  the  book,  have  thought  fit 
to  say  that  I  scandalised  the  church  of  England;  and  an  infor- 
mation being  exhibited  in  the  King's  Bench,  at  a  trial  before  a 
common  jury,  on  my  owning  the  book,  they  forthwith  found  me 
guilty  without  hearing  my  defence,  and  I  have  cause  to  expect 
a  severe  judgment,  the  beginning  of  the  next  term.  All  this  is  on 
a  charge  that  my  unquestionable  words  were  meant  by  me  to 
scandalise  the  church,  which  I  utterly  deny.  If  God  will  have 
me  end  a  painful,  weary  life,  by  such  a  suffering,  I  hope  I  shall 
finish  my  course  with  joy;  but  my  conscience  commandeth  me 
to  value  the  church's  strength  and  honor  before  my  life,  and  I 
ought  not  to  be  silent  under  the  scandal  of  suffering  as  an  enemy 
to  it.  Nor  would  I  have  my  sufferings  increase  men's  prejudice 
against  it.  I  have  lived  in  its  communion,  and  conformed  to  as 
much  as  the  Act  of  Uniformity  obliged  one  in  my  condition;  I 
have  drawn  multitudes  into  the  church,  and  written  to  justify  the 
church  and  ministry  against  separation,  when  the  Paraphrase 
was  in  the  press:  and  my  displeasing  writings  (whose  eagerness 
and  faults  1  justify  not)  have  been  ray  earnest  pleadings  for  the 
healing  of  a  divided  people,  and  the  strengtiiening  of  the  church 
by  love  and  concord  on  possible  terms.  I  owe  satisfaction  to 
you  that  are  my  diocesan,  and  therefore  presume  to  send  you  a 
copy  of  tlie  information  against  me,  and  ray  answer  to  the  par- 


OP  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


329 


licnlar  accusations;  humbly  entreatiug  you  to  spare  so  much 
time  irom  your  weighty  business  as  to  peruse  them,  or  to  refer 
them  to  be  perused  for  your  satisfaction.  I  would  fain  send 
with  them  one  sheet,  (in  vindication  of  my  accused  life  and  loy- 
alty, and  of  positive  proofs  that  I  meant  not  to  accuse  the 
church  of  England,  and  of  the  danger  of  exposing  the  clergy 
to  charges  of  thoughts  and  meanings  as  prejudice  sliall  conjec- 
ture,) but  for  fear  of  displeasing  you  by  length.  For  exposi- 
tions of  Scripture  to  be  thus  tried  by  such  juries,  as  often  as 
they  are  but  called  seditious,  is  not  the  old  way  of  managing 
church  differences;  and  of  what  consequence  you  will  easily 
judge.  If  your  lordship  be  satisfied  that  I  am  no  enemy  to  the 
churcli,  and  that  my  punishment  will  not  be  for  its  interest,  I  hope 
you  will  vouchsafe  to  present  my  petition  to  his  majesty,  that  my 
appeal  to  the  church  may  suspend  the  sentence  till  my  diocesan, 
or  whom  his  majesty  shall  appoint,  may  hear  me,  and  report 
their  sense  of  the  cause.  By  which  your  lordship  will,  I  doubt 
not,  many  ways  serve  the  welfare  of  the  church,  as  well  as 

"Oblige  your  languishing  humble  servant."'' 

It  does  not  appear  that  these  applications,  or  any  other  Influ- 
ence employed,  was  of  much  avail.  It  will  not  be  thought  that 
he  received  a  mitigated  sentence,  though  perhaps  this  was  the 
case. 

On  the  29th  of  June,  he  had  judgment  given  against  him. 
He  was  fined  five  hundred  marks,  condemned  to  lie  in  prison 
till  he  paid  it,  and  bound  to  his  good  behavior  for  seven  years. 
It  is  said  that  Jefferles  proposed  a  coi'poral  punishment,  namely, 
whipping  through  the  city;  but  his  brethren  would  not  accede  to 
it.  In  consequence  of  which,  the  fine  and  Imprisonment  were 
agreed  to.^ 

Thus  ended  this  strange,  comic  tragedy,  for  such  it  must 
have  appeared  to  be,  even  to  the  parties  most  deeply  interested 
in  the  result.  Had  Jefferles  Intended  to  bring  all  law  and  jus- 
tice into  contempt,  or  to  render  judicial  proceedings  the  object  of 
disgust  throughout  the  kingdom,  he  could  not  have  adopted  a 
more  effectual  method  than  the  conduct  he  pursued  at  Baxter's 
trial.  The  apology  which  has  sometimes  been  offered  for  this 
unjust  judge,  that  his  cruelties  were  perpetrated  to  please  his 
royal  master,  will  not,  I  am  afraid,  stand  the  test  of  a  rigid  ex- 
amination. That  James  was  cold,  and  cruel  too,  cannot  be 
doubted;  but  the  conduct  of  Jefferles  on  this  and  similar  occa- 
sions, seems  evidently  to  have  arisen  from  his  own  nature,  which 
was  savage,  vulgar,  and  unrelenting.  He  was  a  fit  instrument 
for  doing  the  work  of  a  despotic  government;  but  he  was  also 


(x)  Baxter's  MSS. 

VOL.  I.  42 


(>•)  Ibid. 


330 


THE    LIKE   AND  TIMES 


admirably  qualified  for  rendering  that  government  an  object  of 
universal  hatred  and  loathing.  Notliing,  probably,  contributed 
more  effectually  to  die  downfall  of  James's  authority,  and  the 
utter  extinction  of  his  influence  in  the  country,  than  the  brutal 
outrages  of  this  man.  They  may  be  said  to  have  commenced 
with  his  treatment  of  Baxter,  and  to  have  terminated  with  his 
western  campaign.  His  track  was  marked  with  blood  and  mur- 
der, which  at  last  brought  down  the  vengeance  of  Heaven  on 
his  infatuated  employers,  and  led  to  the  final  deliverance  of  his 
oppressed  and  injured  country. 

On  the  legal  merits  of  Baxter's  trial,  there  can  now  be  but 
one  opinion.  It  is  highly  probable,  as  has  been  already  re- 
maiked,  that  he  was  singled  out  to  be  the  first  victim,  and  with 
a  view  of  striking  terror  into  all  his  brethren.  His  services  to 
the  church,  by  his  writings  in  her  defence,  and  by  the  division 
which  he  mainly  contributed  to  keep  up  among  the  dissenters: 
were  very  considerable.  If  such  a  man,  therefore,  must  be 
severely  punished,  and  that  for  one  of  the  least  offensive  of  his 
publications,  what  might  others  expect?  The  notes  fastened  on, 
certainly  contain  no  sedition.  They  do  not  even  name  the  bish- 
ops, the  constitution,  or  the  services  of  the  church  of  England. 
It  was  therefore  entirely  by  inuendo,  or  insinuation,  as  the 
counsel  alleged,  that  his  words  were  construed  to  be  an 
attack  on  the  prelates  and  liturgy  of  the  church.  As  he  was  a 
believer  in  bishops,  and  no  enemy  to  a  liturgy,  he  could  only 
refer  to  unsuitable  persons  holding  the  office,  or  to  the  abuse  of 
the  forms  of  the  church.  To  constitute  allusions  to  such  things 
in  a  commentary  on  the  Scriptures,  high  legal  offences,  endan- 
gering the  liberty  or  lives  of  the  subjects,  shows  either  that  the 
court  was  at  a  loss  for  grounds  of  prosecution,  or  that  even  at 
this  early  j^eriod  of  James's  reign,  a  deep-laid  plot  had  been 
formed  to  ruin  the  dissenters,  and,  with  them,  the  liberties  of 
England. 

At  the  end  of  the  second  edition  of  the  Paraphrase,  he  left 
the  following  note  to  be  inserted:  "Reader, — It's  like  you  have 
heard  how  I  was,  for  this  book,  by  the  instigation  of  Sir  Roger 
L'Estrange  and  some  of  the  clergy,  imprisoned  nearly  two 
years,  by  Sir  George  Jefferics,  Sir  Francis  Wilkins,  and  the 
rest  of  the  judges  of  the  King's  Bench,  after  their  preparatory 
restraints,  and  attendance  under  the  most  reproachful  words,  as 
if  I  had  been  the  most  odious  person  living,  and  not  suffered  at 
all  to  speak  for  myself.  Had  not  the  king  taken  off  my  fine,  I 
had  continued  in  prison  till  death.  Because  many  desire  to 
know  what  all  this  was  for,  I  have  here  written  the  eight  accu- 
sations which  (after  the  great  clergy  search  of  my  book)  were 
brought  in  as  seditious.  I  have  altered  never  a  word  accused, 
that  you  may  know  the  worst.    What  I  said  of  the  murderers 


OF     RICHARD  BAXTKR. 


331 


of  Christ,  and  the  hypocrite  Pharisees  and  dicir  sins,  the  jiidi^o 
said  I  meant  of  die  tlmrch  of  England,  thousih  I  have  written 
for  it,  and  still  communicate  with  it."  Tlien  follow  die  passages 
of  Scri[)turc,  which  have  been  given  in  a  preceding  note. 
"These,"  he  adds,  were  all,  by  one  that  knoweth  his  own  name, 
put  into  their  hands,  widi  some  accusations  out  of  Roni.  xiii., 
as  against  my  life;  but  their  discretion  forbade  them  to  use  or 
name  them." 

The  conduct  of  L'Estrange,  in  promoting  the  prosecution  of 
Baxter,  is  only  in  harmony  with  other  parts  of  his  character.'- 
He  was  one  of  the  most  unprincipled,  mercenary  scribblers  of 
the  age  to  which  he  belonged;  a  man  who  stuck  at  nothing 
which  the  interests  of  arbitrary  power  and  high-church  politics 
required.  To  such  a  man,  Richard  Baxter  afforded  delicious 
food:  he  had  often  before  attacked  him  by  his  pen;  he  now 
employed  a  more  formidable  and  dangerous  weapon,  the  attor- 
ney-general and  lord  chief  Justice  JefFeries. 

The  conduct  of  the  clergymen  referred  to,  understood  to  be 
Dr.  Sherlock,  who  suggested  a  charge  of  treason,  founded  on 
the  annotations  on  the  13th  chapter  of  the  Romans,  is  more 
difficult  to  be  accounted  for.  There  was  not  sufficient  ground 
for  the  charge,  otherwise  it  would  doubdess  have  been  adopted. 
But  what  could  instigate  Sherlock  to  such  a  proceeding,  affect- 
ing the  life  of  a  venerable  servant  of  Christ,  must  be  left  to  the 
disclosures  of  another  day.  We  would  hope  Baxter  may  have 
been  under  some  mistake,  and  diat  Sherlock  was  not  guilty  of 
such  base  and  atrocious  conduct. 

Baxter  being  unable  to  pay  the  fine,  and  aware  that,  though 
he  did,  he  might  soon  be  prosecuted  again,  on  some  equally 
unjust  pretence,  went  to  prison.  Here  he  was  visited  by  his 
friends,  and  even  by  some  of  the  respectable  clergy  of  the 
church,  who  sympathised  with  his  sufferings,  and  deplored  the 
injustice  he  received.  He  continued  in  this  imprisonment  nearly 
two  years;  during  which  he  enjoyed  more  quietness  than  he  had 
done  for  many  years  before. 

(z)  Ecliard  relates  a  curious  niiecdole  of  Raxlcr  and  I. 'Estrange.  "Mlicn  Dr. 
Sliarp,  afterwards  archbishop  of  Yorl<,  was  rector  of  St.  Gilcs-in-the-Fields,  L'Est- 
ran°;e,  Baxter,  and  the  notorious  Miles  I'ranse,  who  was  convicted  of  perjury  in  tlie 
affair  of  Sir  Edmund  Godfrey,  all  approaclied  the  communion  table,  on  a  sacrament 
day;  L'Estrange  at  one  end,  I'ranse  at  the  other,  and  Baxter  in  the  middle.  Baxter 
and  Pranse,  from  their  situation,  received  Ix'fore  L'Estrange,  who  when  it  came  to 
liis  turn,  taking  the  bread  in  his  hand,  asked  the  doclorif  lie  knew  who  that  man  was, 
pointing  to  Pranse.  To  which  the  doctor  answering  in  the  negative,  L'Estrange  re- 
plied, 'That  is  Miles  Pranse;  and  I  here  challenge  him,  and  solemnly  declare,  before 
God  and  this  congregation,  that  what  that  man  has  sworn  or  published  concerning  me 
is  totally  and  absolutely  false;  and  may  this  sacrament  be  my  damnation  if  all  this 
declaration  be  not  true.'  Pranse  was  silent;  Mr.  Baxter  took  special  notice  of  it; 
and  Dr.  Sharp  declared  he  would  have  refused  Pranse  the  sacrament,  had  the  chal- 
lenge been  made  in  time." — EcJtard's  Church  Hist.  What  a  scene  this  was  for  a 
communion  table!  I  am  surprised  it  did  not  for  ever  disgust  Baxter  at  occasional 
conformity,  and  teach  him  the  importance  of  knowing  something  about  the  persons 
with  whom  he  held  religious  fellowship  in  this  sacred  ordinance. 


332 


THE   LIFE    AND  TIMES 


An  imprisonment  of  two  years  would  have  been  found  very 
trying  and  irksome  to  most  men.  To  Baxter,  however,  it  does 
not  appear  to  have  proved  so  painful,  though  he  had  now  lost 
his  beloved  wife,  who  had  frequently  before  been  his  companion 
in  solitude  and  suffering.  His  friends  do  not  appear  to  have 
neglected  or  forgotten  him.  The  following  extract  of  a  letter 
from  the  well-known  Matthew  Henry,  presents  a  pleasing  view 
of  the  manner  in  which  he  endured  bonds  and  afflictions  for 
Christ's  sake.  It  is  addressed  to  his  father,  and  dated  the 
17th  of  November,  1685,  when  Baxter  had  been  several  months 
confined.  Mr.  Williams  justly  remarks,  "It  is  one  of  those 
pictures  of  days  which  are  past,  which,  if  rightly  viewed,  may 
produce  lasting  and  beneficial  effects:  emotions  of  sacred  sorrow 
for  the  iniquity  of  persecution;  and  animating  praise,  that  the 
demon  in  these  happy  days  of  tranquillity,  is  restrained  though 
not  destroyed." 

"I  went  into  Southwark,  to  Mr.  Baxter.  I  was  to  wait  upon 
him  once  before,  and  dien  he  was  busy.  I  found  him  in  pretty 
comfortable  circumstances,  though  a  prisoner,  in  a  private  house 
near  the  prison,  attended  on  by  his  own  man  and  maid.  My  good 
friend,  Mr.  S[amuel]  L[awrence,]  went  with  me.  He  is  in 
as  good  heahh  as  one  can  expect;  and,  methinks,  looks  better, 
and  speaks  heartier,  than  when  I  saw  him  last.  The  token  you 
sent,  he  would  by  no  means  be  persuaded  to  accept,  and  was 
almost  angry  when  I  pressed  it,  from  one  outed  as  well  as  him- 
self. He  said  he  did  not  use  to  receive;  and  I  understand 
since,  his  need  is  not  great. 

"We  sat  with  him  about  an  hour.  I  was  very  glad  to  find 
that  he  so  much  approved  of  my  present  circumstances.  He 
said  he  knew  not  why  young  men  might  not  improve  as  well,  as 
by  travelling  abroad.  He  inquired  for  his  Shropshire  friends, 
and  observed,  that  of  those  gentlemen  who  were  with  him  at 
Wem,  he  hears  of  none  whose  sons  tread  in  their  father's  steps 
but  Colonel  Hunt's.  He  inquired  about  Mr.  Mackworth's,  and 
Mr.  Lloyd's  (of  Aston)  children.  He  gave  us  some  good  coun- 
sel to  prepare  for  trials;  and  said  the  best  preparation  for  them 
was,  a  life  of  faith,  and  a  constant  course  of  self-denial.  He 
thought  it  harder  constantly  to  deny  temptations  to  sensual  lusts 
and  pleasures,  than  to  resist  one  single  temptation  to  deny  Christ 
for  fear  of  suffering:  the  former  requiring  such  constant  watch- 
fulness; however,  after  the  former,  the  latter  will  be  the  easier. 
He  said,  we  who  are  young  are  apt  to  count  upon  great  things, 
but  we  must  not  look  for  them;  and  much  more  to  this  purpose. 
He  said  he  thought  dying  by  sickness  usually  much  more  pain- 
ful and  dreadful,  than  dying  a  violent  death;  especially  consid- 


OP    RICHARD  BAXTER. 


333 


ering  the  extraordinary  supports  which  those  have  who  suffer  for 
righteousness'  sake."  " 

Wiien  it  was  seen  that  Baxter  would  neither  pay  the  fine, 
nor  petition  for  his  release,  a  private  offer  appears  to  have  been 
made  through  Lord  Powis,  that  the  king  would  grant  it  as  mat- 
ter of  favor. A  person  of  the  name  of  Williams,  at  tlie  end 
of  1G86,  offered  to  assist  him,  through  that  nobleman,  in  pro- 
curing his  liberty.  Baxter  appears  to  have  had  some  suspicion, 
either  of  the  man,  or  of  his  design;  whose  object  at  last  ap- 
peared to  be  to  get  money,  as  he  afterwards  made  a  demand  of 
38/.  for  his  trouble.  Baxter  resisted  this  demand,  and  apphed 
to  Lord  Powis  to  know  what  mfluence  he  had  in  procuring  his 
release.  His  lordshij)  declared  solemnly,  as  in  the  presence  of 
God,  he  had  had  no  influence  whatever,  and  deserved  no  reward.'^ 
Lord  Powis,  however,  appears  to  have  been  the  person  who  man- 
aged this  affair,  and  obtained  Baxter's  deliverance  from  pris- 
on, though  not  his  release  from  the  bond  of  his  good  behavior. 
It  is  probable  diat  Baxter  owed  the  favor  he  experienced  to  the 
change  in  the  disposition  of  the  court  towards  the  dissenters  gen- 
erally at  this  time,  owing  to  the  difficulties  experienced  from  the 
opposition  to  Popery  on  the  part  of  the  church,  and  the  hope 
that  by  courting  the  dissenters,  their  fears  might  be  quieted  and 
the  object  more  easily  secured. 

On  the  24th  of  November,  1686,  Sir  Samuel  Astrey  sent  his 
warrant  to  the  keeper  of  the  King's  Bench  prison,  to  discharge 
him.  He  gave  sureties,  however,  for  his  good  behavior,  his 
majesty  declaring  for  his  satisfaction,  that  it  should  not  be  inter- 
preted a  breach  of  good  behavior  for  him  to  reside  in  London, 
which  was  not  consistent  with  the  Oxford  act.  After  this  re- 
lease, he  continued  to  live  some  time  within  the  rules  of  the 
Bench;  till,  on  the  28th  of  February,  1687,  he  removed  to  his 
house  in  the  Charter-house-yard;  and  again,  as  far  as  his  health 
would  permit,  assisted  Mr.  Sylvester  in  his  public  labors.'* 

(a)  For  this  letter,  I  am  indebted  to  tlie  'Memoirs  of  the  Rev.  Matthew  Henry,' 
p.  22,  by  my  respected  friend  Mr.  Williams,  of  Shrewsbury.  Both  in  this,  and  in  his 
enlarged  'Life  of  Phillip  Henry,'  he  has  conferred  g^reat  obligations  on  all  the  lovers 
of  truly  Christian  and  evangelical  biography.  Both  works  are  replete  with  matter 
calculated  to  produce  the  most  salutary  influence  on  all  classes  of  our  religious  com- 
munitj'. 

(b)  Penitent  Confessions,  p.  40.  (c)  Baxter's  MSS. 

(d)  Calamy,  vol.  i.  p.  375. 


334  THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


CHAPTER  XIII.    1G87— 1G91. 

Baxter's  Review  of  his  own  I-ife  and  Opinions,  and  Account  of  his  matured  Sentiments  and 
Feelings— Remarks  on  that  Review — Tlie  Public  Events  of  his  last  Years — The  Revolu- 
tion— The  Act  of  Toleration — Baxter's  sense  of  the  Articles  required  to  be  subscribed  by 
this  Act — Agreement  of  the  Presbyterian  and  Independent  Ministers  of  London— Last 
Years  of  Baxter — Preaches  for  Sylvester — His  Writings — Visited  by  Dr.  Calainy — Account 
of  his  last  Sickness  and  Death,  by  Bates  and  Sylvester — Calumnious  Report  respecting  the 
State  of  his  Mind — Vindicated  by  Sylvester — Buried  in  Christ-church — His  Will — Wil- 
liam Baxter — Funeral  Sermons  by  Sylvester  and  Bates — Sketch  of  his  Character  by  the 
latter — Concluding  Observations  on  the  Characteristic  Piety  of  Baxter. 

Having  brought  down  the  narrative  of  this  venerable  man's 
life  and  times  nearly  to  the  close  of  his  active  career,  I  appre- 
hend this  is  the  proper  place  to  introduce  his  own  review  of  the 
progress  of  his  mind  and  character.  He  who  was  so  attentive 
to  others,  and  who  drew  the  character  of  many,  was  not  indif- 
ferent about  himself,  and  exercised  a  much  more  rigid  scrutiny 
into  his  own  principles  and  conduct  than  he  ever  employed  on 
those  of  his  fellow  men.  He  strongly  recommended  self-ex- 
amination and  self-judgment;  it  will  now  appear  how  consci- 
entiously he  practised  them.  The  virtue  of  candor  he  ever 
enforced,  with  all  the  energy  and  eloquence  of  which  he  was 
master;  and  in  the  development,  which  he  furnishes  of  the  state 
of  his  own  mind,  and  of  his  most  secret  thoughts,  he  shows  how 
he  was  trained  to  practise  it. 

In  his  case,  we  have  an  advantage  which  is  not  frequently 
enjoyed  in  writing  the  lives  of  distinguished  individuals.  We 
are  furnished  with  his  own  views  at  length,  not  merely  of  his 
life  and  labors,  but  of  the  gradual  and  successive  changes  of 
his  mind.  Had  this  been  the  production  of  a  weak,  self-con- 
ceited man,  or  of  one  little  accustomed  to  trace  the  workings  of 
his  intellectual  and  moral  principles,  it  would  have  been  worth 
very  little;  but  being  the  work  of  a  man  of  deep  piety,  un- 
feigned humility,  and  of  the  most  discriminating  powers  of 
mind;  of  one  who  studied  himself,  as  well  as  others,  with  the 
profoundest  attention,  and  who  was  more  ready  to  disclose  his 
own  failures  and  imperfections,  than  to  speak  of  his  own  virtues, 
it  is  exceedingly  valuable.  As  he  has  left  it  with  the  express 
view  of  enabling  posterity  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  himself;  of 
a  man  who  was  warmly  applauded  by  one  party,  and  not  less 
maligned  by  another,  it  would  be  altogether  wrong  to  withhold 
it,  or  to  give  it  in  any  other  words  than  his  own.  It  was  writ- 
ten towards  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  and  comprises  an  exten- 
sive review  of  his  experience,  opinions,  and  writings.  I  omit 
only  what  I  conceive  to  be  extraneous  or  now  unnecessary,  and 
reserve  his  opinion  of  his  writings,  with  a  few  other  passages, 
for  the  second  part  of  this  work.    If  the  reader  make  a  little 


OV    UICIIAUI)  UAXTKU. 


335 


allowance  for  a  slight  appearance  of  egotism  and  garrulity,  lie 
will  i)robal)]y  find  this  among  the  most  instructive  parts  of  the 
life  of  IJaxtcr.  It  is  the  summary  of  his  matured  views,  after  a 
long  and  busy  career,  in  which  he  had  seen  much  both  of  the 
world  and  of  die  church. 

"Because  it  is  soul  experience  which  those  who  urge  mo  to 
Uiis  kind  of  writing  expect,  tliati  should,  especially,  communicate 
to  odiers;  and  1  have  said  lilUe  of  God's  dealings  with  my  soul 
since  die  time  of  my  younger  years,  I  shall  only  give  the  reader 
so  much  satisfaction  as  to  acquaint  him  truly  what  change  God 
hath  made  upon  my  mind  and  heart  since  those  unriper  times, 
and  wherein  1  now  difler  in  judgment  and  dis[)03ition  from  my- 
self. For  any  more  particular  account  of  heart  occurrences, 
and  God's  operations  on  me,  I  diink  it  somewhat  unsavory  to  re- 
cite them,  seeing  God's  dealings  are  much  die  same  with  all  his 
servants  in  the  main,  and  points  wherein  he  variedi,  are  usually 
so  small,  that  I  think  such  not  fit  to  be  repeated.  Nor  have  I 
any  thing  extraordinary  to  glory  in,  which  is  not  common  to  the 
rest  of  my  brethren,  who  have  the  same  spirit,  and  are  servants 
of  die  same  Lord.  The  true  reasons  why  I  do  adventure  so  far 
upon  the  censure  of  the  world  as  to  tell  them  wherein  the  case 
is  altered  with  me,  is,  that  I  may  take  off  young  inexperienced 
Christians  from  over  confidence  in  their  first  apprehensions,  or 
overvaluing  their  first  degrees  of  grace,  or  too  much  applauding 
and  following  unfurnished,  inexperienced  men;  and  that  they 
may  be  directed  what  mind  and  course  of  life  to  prefer,  by  the 
judgment  of  one  that  hath  tried  both  before  them. 

"The  temper  of  iny  mind  hath  somewhat  altered  with  the 
temper  of  my  body.  When  I  was  young  I  was  more  vigorous, 
affectionate,  and  fervent,  in  preaching,  conference,  and  prayer, 
than,  ordinarily,  I  can  be  now.  My  style  was  more  extemporate 
and  lax,  but,  by  the  advantage  of  warmth,  and  a  very  familiar 
moving  voice  and  utterance,  my  preaching  then  did  more  affect  the 
auditory,  than  it  did  many  of  the  last  years  before  I  gave  over 
preaching.  But  what  I  delivered  then  was  much  more  raw,  and 
had  more  passages  that  would  not  bear  the  trial  of  accurate  judg- 
ments; and  my  discourses  had  both  less  substance  and  less  judg- 
ment than  of  late. 

"My  understanding  was  then  quicker,  and  could  more  easily 
manage  any  thing  that  was  newly  presented  to  it  upon  a  sudden; 
but  it  is  since  better  furnished,  and  acquainted  with  die  ways  of 
truth  and  error,  and  with  a  multitude  of  particular  mistakes  of 
the  world,  which  then  I  was  the  more  in  danger  of,  because  I 
had  only  the  faculty  of  knowing  them,  but  did  not  actually  know 
them.  I  was  then  like  a  man  of  a  quick  understanding,  that  was 
to  travel  a  way  which  he  never  went  before,  or  to  cast  up  an 
account  which  he  never  labored  in  before,  or  to  play  on  an  in- 


336 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


strument  of  music  which  he  never  saw  before.  1  am  now  like 
one  of  somewhat  a  slower  understanding,  who  is  travelling  a  way 
which  he  hath  often  gone,  and  is  casting  up  an  account  which  he 
hath  ready  at  hand,  and  that  is  playing  on  an  instrument  which 
he  hath  frequently  used:  so  that  I  can  very  confidently  say  my 
judgment  is  much  sounder  and  firmer  now  than  it  was  then:  for 
though  I  am  now  as  competent  a  judge  of  the  actings  of  my  own 
understanding  as  then,  I  can  judge  better  of  the  effects.  When 
I  peruse  the  writings  which  I  wrote  in  my  younger  years,  I  can 
find  the  footsteps  of  my  unfurnished  mind,  and  of  my  emptiness 
and  insufliciency:  so  that  the  man  that  followed  my  judgment 
then,  was  likelier  to  have  been  misled  by  me  than  he  that  should 
follow  it  now. 

"In  my  younger  years,  my  trouble  for  sin  was  most  about  my 
actual  failings;  but  now  I  am  much  more  troubled  for  inward 
defects  and  omissions,  for  want  of  the  vital  duties  or  graces  of 
the  soul.  My  daily  trouble  is  so  much  for  my  ignorance  of 
God,  weakness  of  belief,  want  of  greater  love  to  God,  strange- 
ness to  him  and  to  the  life  to  come,  and  for  want  of  a  greater 
willingness  to  die,  and  more  longing  to  be  with  God  in  heaven, 
that  I  take  not  some  immoralities,  though  very  great,  to  be  in 
themselves  so  great  and  odious  sins,  if  they  could  be  found  sep- 
arate from  diese.  Had  I  all  the  riches  of  the  world,  how  gladly 
should  I  give  them  for  a  fuller  knowledge,  belief,  and  love,  of  God 
and  everlasting  glory!  These  wants  are  the  greatest  burden  of 
my  life,  which  oft  maketh  my  life  itself  a  burden.  I  cannot 
find  any  hope  of  reaching  so  high  in  these  enjoyments,  while  I 
am  in  the  flesh,  as  I  once  hoped  before  this  time  to  have  attain- 
ed; which  maketh  me  the  wearier  of  this  sinful  world,  that  is 
honored  with  so  little  of  the  knowledge  of  God. 

"Heretofore,  I  placed  much  of  my  religion  in  tenderness  of 
heart,  grieving  for  sin,  and  penitential  tears;  and  less  of  it  in  the 
love  of  God,  in  studying  his  goodness,  and  engaging  in  his  joyful 
praises,  than  now  I  do.  Then  I  was  little  sensible  of  the  great- 
ness and  excellency  of  love  and  praise,  though  I  coldly  spake 
the  same  words  as  now  I  do.  I  am  less  troubled  for  want  of 
grief  and  tears  (though  I  value  humility,  and  refuse  not  needful 
humiliation,)  but  my  conscience  now  looketh  at  love  and  delight 
in  God,  and  praising  him,  as  the  top  of  all  my  religious  duties; 
for  which  it  is  that  1  value  and  use  the  rest. 

"My  judgment  is  much  more  for  frequent  and  serious  medita- 
tion on  the  heavenly  blessedness  than  it  was  in  my  younger  days. 
I  then  thought  that  a  sermon  on  the  attributes  of  God,  and  the 
joys  of  heaven,  was  not  the  most  excellent;  and  was  wont  to  say, 
'Every  body  knoweth  that  God  is  great  and  good,  and  that 
heaven  is  a  blessed  place;  I  had  rather  hear  how  I  may  attain 
it.'    Nothing  pleased  me  so  well  as  the  doctrine  of  regeneration 


OP    lUCHARU  UAXTEU. 


337 


and  the  marks  of  sincerity,  because  these  things  were  suitable  to 
me  in  that  state;  but  now  1  had  rather  read,  hear,  mechtatc,  on 
God  and  heaven,  than  on  any  other  subject.  1  perceive  that  it 
is  the  object  which  altcrctli  and  clevatetli  the  mind;  wiiich  will 
resemble  that  which  it  most  frequently  feedeth  on.  Jl  is  not  only 
useful  to  our  comfort  to  be  much  in  heaven  in  believing  thoughts; 
it  must  animate  all  our  other  duties,  and  fortify  us  against  every 
temptation  and  sin.  The  love  of  the  end  is  the  poise  or  spring 
which  setteth  every  wheel  a-going,  and  must  put  us  on  to  all  the 
means;  for  a  man  is  no  more  a  Christian  indeed  than  he  is  heav- 
enly. 

"Formerly  I  knew  much  less  than  now,  and  yet  was  not  half 
so  much  acquainted  with  my  ignorance:  1  had  a  great  delight  in 
the  daily,  new  discoveries  which  I  made,  and  of  the  light  which 
shined  in  upon  me,  like  a  man  that  cometh  into  a  country  where 
he  never  was  before;  but  1  little  knew  either  how  imperfectly  I 
understood  those  very  points  whose  discovery  so  much  delighted 
me,  or  how  much  might  be  said  against  them,  or  how  many 
things  I  was  yet  a  stranger  to.  I  now  find  far  greater  darkness 
in  all  things,  and  perceive  how  very  little  we  know  in  comparison 
of  that  of  which  we  are  ignorant.  I  have,  therefore,  far  meaner 
thoughts  of  my  own  understanding,  though  I  must  needs  know 
that  it  is  better  furnished  than  it  was  then. 

"I  now  see  more  good  and  more  evil  than  heretofore  I  did. 
I  see  that  good  men  are  not  so  good  as  I  once  thought  they  were, 
but  have  more  imperfections;  and  that  nearer  approach  and  fuller 
trial  do  make  the  best  appear  more  weak  and  faulty  than  their 
admirers  at  a  distance  think.  I  find  that  few  are  so  bad  as  either 
malicious  enemies  or  censorious,  separating  professors  do  imag- 
ine. In  some,  indeed,  I  find  that  human  nature  is  corrupted 
into  a  greater  likeness  to  devils  than  I  once  thought  any  on  earth 
had  been;  but  even  in  the  wicked,  usually,  there  is  more  for 
grace  to  make  advantage  of,  and  more  to  testify  for  God  and 
holiness,  than  I  once  believed  there  had  been. 

"I  less  admire  gifts  of  utterance  and  the  bare  profession  of 
religion  than  I  once  did;  and  have  much  more  charity  for  many 
who  by  the  want  of  gifts  do  make  an  obscurei-  profession.  I  once 
thought  that  almost  all  who  could  pray  movingly  and  fluently, 
and  talk  well  of  religion,  had  been  saints.  But  experience  hath 
opened  to  me  what  odious  crimes  may  consist  with  high  profes- 
sion; while  I  have  met  with  divers  obscure  persons,  not  noted 
for  any  extraordinary  profession  or  forwardness  in  religion,  but 
only  to  live  a  quiet,  blameless  life,  whom  I  have  after  found  to 
have  long  lived,  as  far  as  I  could  discern,  a  truly  godly  and  sanc- 
tified life;  only  their  prayers  and  duties  were,  by  accident,  kept 
secret  from  other  men's  observation.   Yet  he  that  upon  this  pre- 

voL.  43 


THE    LIFE   AND  TIMES 


lence  would  conlbund  llie  godly  and  the  ungodly,  may  as  well 
go  about  to  lay  heaven  and  hell  together. 

"I  am  not  so  narrow  in  my  special  love  as  heretofore:  being 
less  censorious,  and  taking  more  than  I  did  for  saints,  it  must 
needs  follow  that  I  love  more  as  saints  than  I  did  formerly.  I 
think  it  not  lawful  to  put  that  man  off  with  bare  church  commu- 
nion, and  such  common  love  which  I  must  allow  the  wicked, 
who  professcth  himself  a  true  Christian,  by  such  a  profession  as 
1  cannot  disprove.  I  am  not  so  narrow  in  my  principles  of 
church  communion  as  once  I  was.  I  more  plauily  perceive  the 
diflercnce  between  the  church  as  congregate,  or  visible,  and  as 
regenerate,  or  mystical.  I  can  now  distinguish  between  sincerity 
and  profession;  tliat  a  credible  profession  is  proof  sufficient  of  a 
man's  tide  to  church  admission;  and  that  the  profession  is  credi- 
ble in  foro  ecclesur,  which  is  not  disproved.  I  am  not  for  nar- 
rowing the  church  more  than  Christ  himself  alloweth  us;  nor  for 
robbing  him  of  any  of  his  flock.  I  am  more  sensible  how  much 
it  is  the  will  of  Christ,  that  every  man  be  the  chooser  or  refuser 
of  his  own  felicity,  and  that  it  lieth  most  on  his  own  hands  wheth- 
er he  will  have  communion  with  the  church  or  not,  and  that  if 
he  be  an  hypocrite,  it  is  himself  that  will  bear  the  loss. 

"Yet  I  am  more  apprehensive  than  ever  of  the  great  use  and 
need  of  ecclesiastical  discipline;  what  a  sin  it  is  in  the  pastors  of 
the  church  to  make  no  distinction,  but  by  bare  names  and  sacra- 
ments, and  to  force  all  the  unmeet,  against  their  wills,  to  church 
communion:  though  the  ignorant  and  erroneous  may  sometimes 
be  forced  to  hear  instruction.  What  a  great  dishonor  to  Christ 
it  is,  when  the  church  is  as  vicious  as  Pagan  and  Mahometan 
assemblies,  and  differs  from  them  only  in  ceremony  and  name! 

"I  am  much  more  sensible  how  prone  many  young  professors 
are  to  spiritual  pride,  and  self-conceitedness,  and  unruliness,  and 
division,  and  so  to  prove  the  grief  of  their  teachers,  and  fire- 
brands in  the  church;  and  how  much  of  a  minister's  work  lieth 
in  preventing  this,  and  humbling  and  confirming  such  young  in- 
experienced professors,  and  keeping  them  in  order  in  their  prog- 
ress in  religion.  Yet  I  am  more  sensible  of  the  sin  and  mischief 
of  using  men  cruelly  in  matters  of  religion,  and  of  pretending 
men's  good  and  the  order  of  the  church,  for  acts  of  inhumanity 
or  unclmritableness.  Such  know  not  their  own  infirmity,  nor 
yet  the  nature  of  pastoral  government,  which  ought  to  be  pater- 
nal and  by  love;  nor  do  they  know  the  way  to  win  a  soul,  or  to 
maintain  the  cliurch's  peace. 

"My  soul  is  much  more  afflicted  with  the  thoughts  of  this 
miserable  world,  and  more  drawn  out  in  desire  of  its  conversion, 
than  heretofore.  I  was  wont  to  look  but  little  further  than  Eng- 
land in  my  prayers,  not  considering  the  state  of  the  rest  of  the 
world;  or  if  1  prayed  for  the  conversion  of  the  Jews,  that  was  al- 


OF     RICHARD  BAXTER. 


339 


most  all.  But  now,  as  I  better  uudei  staiul  tlie  case  ol"  the  world, 
and  the  method  of  the  Lord's  prayer;  there  is  nothing  in  the 
world  that  lieth  so  heavy  npon  my  heart,  as  the  thought  of  the 
miserable  nations  of  the  earth.  It  is  the  most  astonishing  part  of 
all  God's  providence  to  me,  that  he  so  far  forsakelh  ahnost  all  the 
world,  and  conhneth  his  special  favor  to  so  few;  lhal  so  small  a 
part  of  the  world  hatli  the  profession  of  Christianity,  in  com- 
parison of  heatliens,  IVlahometans,  and  other  infidels;  that  among 
professed  Christians  there  are  so  few  that  are  saved  from  gross 
delusions,  and  have  any  competent  knowledge;  and  that  among 
those  there  are  so  few  that  are  seriously  I'cligious,  and  who  truly 
set  their  hearts  on  heaven.  I  cannot  be  aflected  so  much  with 
the  calamities  of  my  own  relations  or  the  land  of  my  nativity,  as 
with  the  case  of  the  heathen,  Mahometan,  and  ignorant  nations 
of  the  earth.  No  part  of  my  prayers  are  so  deeply  serious  as 
that  for  the  conversion  of  the  infidel  and  ungodly  world,  that 
God's  name  may  be  sanctified,  and  his  kingdom  come,  and  his 
will  be  done  on  earth  as  it  is  in  heaven.  Nor  was  I  ever  before 
so  sensible  what  a  plague  the  division  of  languages  is,  which 
hindereth  our  speaking  to  them  for  their  conversion.  Nor  what 
a  great  sin  tyranny  is,  which  keepeth  out  the  Gospel  from  most 
of  the  nations  of  die  world.  Could  we  but  go  among  Tartars, 
Turks,  and  heathens,  and  speak  dieir  language,  I  should  be  but 
little  troubled  for  the  silencing  of  eighteen  hundred  ministers  at 
once,  in  England,  nor  for  all  the  rest  that  were  cast  out  here,  and 
in  Scotland,  and  Ireland;  there  being  no  employment  in  the 
world  so  desirable  in  my  eyes  as  to  labor  for  the  winning  of  such 
miserable  souls;  which  maketh  me  greatly  honor  Mr.  John  El- 
liot, the  apostle  of  the  Indians  in  New  England,  and  whoever 
else  have  labored  in  such  work. 

"I  am  more  deeply  afflicted  for  the  disagreements  of  Chris- 
tians than  I  was  when  I  was  a  younger  Christian.  Except  the 
case  of  the  infidel  world,  nothing  is  so  bad  and  grievous  to  my 
thoughts  as  the  case  of  divided  churches:  and  therefore  I  am 
more  deeply  sensible  of  the  sinfulness  of  those  prelates  and  pas- 
tors of  churches  who  are  the  principal  cause  of  these  divisions. 
Oh!  how  many  millions  of  souls  are  kept  by  them  in  ignorance 
and  ungodliness,  and  deluded  by  faction,  as  if  it  were  true  re- 
ligion! How  is  the  conversion  of  infidels  hindered  by  them, 
and  Christ  and  religion  heinously  dishonored!  The  contentions 
between  the  Greek  church  and  the  Roman,  the  Papists  and  the 
Protestants,  the  Lutherans  and  the  Calvinists,  have  wofully  hin- 
dered the  kingdom  of  Christ. 

"I  am  farther  than  ever  I  was  from  expecting  great  matters 
of  unity,  splendor,  or  prosperity,  to  the  church  on  earth,  or  that 
saints  should  dream  of  a  kingdom  of  this  world,  or  flatter  them- 
selves with  the  hope  of  a  golden  age,  or  of  reigning  over  the 


340 


THE    MFIO   AND  TIMK.S 


ungodly,  till  there  be  a  new  heavens,  and  a  new  earth,  wherein 
dwclleth  righteousness.  On  the  contrary,  I  am  more  apprehen- 
sive that  suffering  must  be  the  church's  most  ordinary  lot;  and 
true  Christians  must  be  self-denying  cross-bearers,  even  where 
there  are  none  but  formal,  nominal  Christians  to  be  the  cross- 
makers:  for  though,  ordinarily,  God  would  have  vicissitudes  of 
summer  and  winter,  day  and  night,  that  the  church  may  grow 
externally  in  the  sunmier  of  prosperity,  and  intensively  and  rad- 
ically in  the  winter  of  adversity;  yet,  usually,  their  night  is  longer 
than  their  day,  and  that  day  itself  hath  its  storms  and  tempests. 

"1  do  not  lay  so  great  a  stress  upon  the  external  modes  and 
forms  of  worship,  as  many  young  professors  do.  I  have  sus- 
pected myself,  as  perhaps  the  reader  may  do,  that  this  is  from  a 
cooling  and  declining  of  my  former  zeal,  though  the  truth  is,  I 
jiever  much  complied  with  men  of  that  mind;  but  I  find  that 
judgment  and  charity  are  the  causes  of  it,  as  far  as  I  am  able  to 
discover.  I  cannot  be  so  narrow  in  my  principles  of  church 
communion  as  many  are,  that  are  so  much  for  a  liturgy,  or  so 
much  against  it;  so  much  for  ceremonies,  or  so  much  against 
them,  that  they  can  hold  communion  with  no  church  that  is  not 
of  their  mind  and  way. 

"If  I  were  among  the  Greeks,  the  Lutherans,  the  Independ- 
ents, yea,  the  Anabaptists,  owning  no  heresy,  nor  setting  them- 
selves against  charity  and  peace,  I  would  sometimes  hold  occa- 
sional communion  with  them  as  Christians;  if  they  would  give 
me  leave,  without  forcing  me  to  any  sinful  subscription  or  action, 
though  my  most  usual  communion  should  be  with  that  society 
which  I  thought  most  agreeable  to  the  word  of  God  if  I  were 
free  to  choose.  I  cannot  be  of  their  opinion,  that  think  God 
will  not  accept  him  that  prayeth  by  the  Common  Prayer-book; 
and  that  such  forms  are  a  self-invented  worship,  \vhich  God  re- 
jecteth;  nor  yet  can  I  be  of  their  mind  that  say  the  like  of 
extempore  prayers. 

"I  am  much  less  regardful  of  the  approbation  of  man,  and  set 
much  lighter  by  contempt  or  applause,  than  I  did  long  ago.  I 
am  oft  suspicious  that  this  is  not  only  from  the  increase  of  self- 
denial  and  humility,  but  partly  from  my  being  glutted  and  sur- 
feited with  human  applause.  All  worldly  things  appear  most 
vain  and  unsatisfactory  when  we  have  tried  them  most:  but 
though  I  feel  that  this  hath  some  hand  in  the  effect,  yet,  as  far 
as  I  can  perceive,  the  knowledge  of  man's  nothingness,  and 
God's  transcendent  greatness,  with  whom  it  is  that  I  have  most 
to  do,  and  the  sense  of  the  brevity  of  human  things,  and  the 
nearness  of  eternity,  are  the  principal  causes  of  this  effect;  which 
some  have  imputed  to  self-conceitedness  and  moroseness. 

"I  am  more  and  more  pleased  with  a  solitary  life,  and  though 
in  a  way  of  self-denial,  1  could  submit  to  the  most  public  life  for 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTKR. 


341 


the  service  of  God,  when  he  requireth  il,  and  would  not  be  un- 
profitable, that  I  might  be  private,  yet  I  must  confess  it  is  mucli 
more  pleasing  to  myself  to  be  retired  from  the  world,  and  to 
have  very  little  to  do  with  men,  and  to  converse  with  God  and 
conscience  and  good  books. 

"Though  I  was  never  niuch  tempted  to  the  sin  of  covetous- 
ness,  yet  my  fear  of  dying  was  wont  to  tell  me  that  I  was  not 
sufficiently  loosened  from  the  world:  but  I  find  that  it  is  comjiar- 
atively  very  easy  to  me  to  he  loose  from  this  world,  but  hard  to 
live  by  faith  above.  To  despise  earth,  is  easy  to  me;  but  not  so 
easy  to  be  acquainted  and  conversant  with  heaven.  I  have 
nothing  in  this  world  which  I  could  not  easily  let  go;  but  to  get 
satisfying  apprehensions  of  the  odier  world  is  the  great  and 
grievous  difficulty. 

"I  am  much  more  apprehensive  than  long  ago  of  the  odious- 
ness  and  danger  of  die  sin  of  pride.  Scarcely  any  sin  appear- 
eth  more  odious  to  me,  having  daily  more  acquaintance  with  the 
lamentable  nangliiiness  and  frailty  of  man,  and  of  the  mischiefs 
of  dial  sin,  and  especially  in  matters  spiritual  and  ecclesiastical. 
I  think  so  far  as  any  man  is  proud,  he  is  kin  to  the  devil,  and 
utterly  a  stranger  to  God  and  to  himself.  It  is  a  wonder  that  it 
should  be  a  possible  sin  to  men  that  still  carry  about  with  them, 
in  soul  and  body,  such  humbling  matter  to  remedy  as  we  all 
do. 

"I  am  much  more  sensible  dian  heretofore,  of  the  breadth, 
and  lengdi,  and  depth,  of  the  radical,  universal,  odious  sin  of 
selfishness,  and  therefore  have  written  so  much  against  it;  and 
of  the  excellency  and  necessity  of  self-denial,  and  of  a  public 
mind,  and  of  loving  our  neighbors  as  ourselves. 

"I  am  more  solicitous  than  I  have  been  about  mv  duty  to  God, 
and  less  solicitous  about  his  dealings  with  me;  being  assured 
that  he  will  do  all  things  well;  acknowledging  the  goodness  of 
all  the  declarations  of  his  holiness,  even  in  the  punishment  of 
man;  and  knowing  that  tiiere  is  no  rest  but  in  the  will  and  good- 
ness of  God. 

"Though  my  works  were  never  such  as  could  be  any  tempta- 
tion to  me  to  dream  of  obliging  God  by  proper  merit  in  com- 
mutative justice,  yet  one  of  the  most  readv,  constant,  undoubted 
evidences  of  my  uprightness  and  interest  in  his  covenant,  is,  the 
consciousness  of  my  hving  devoted  to  him.  I  the  more  easily 
believe  the  pardon  of  my  failings  through  my  Redeemer,  while 
I  know  that  1  serve  no  other  master,  and  that  I  know  no  other 
end,  or  trade,  or  business,  but  that  I  am  employed  in  his  woi'k, 
and  make  it  die  object  of  my  life  to  live  to  him  in  the  world, 
notwithstanding  my  infirmities.  This  bent  and  business  of  my 
life,  whh  my  longing  desires  after  perfection,  in  the  knowledge 
and  love  of  God,  and  in  a  holy  and  heavenly  mind,  are  the  two 


342 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


Standing,  constant,  discernible  evidences  whicli  most  put  me  out 
of  doubt  of  my  sincerity.  I  find  that  constant  action  and  duty 
are  what  keep  the  first  ahvays  in  sight;  and  constant  wants 
and  weaknesses,  and  coming  short  of  my  desires,  do  make  these 
desires  the  more  troublesome,  and  so  the  more  easily  still  per- 
ceived. 

"Though  my  habitual  judgment,  resolution,  and  scope  of  life, 
be  still  the  same,  yet  I  find  a  great  mutability  as  to  the  actual 
apprehensions  and  degrees  of  grace;  and  consequendy  find  that 
so  mutable  a  thing  as  the  mind  of  man,  would  never  keep  itself 
if  God  were  not  its  keeper.  When  I  have  been  seriously  nmsing 
upon  the  reasons  of  Christianity,  with  the  concurrent  evidences 
methodically  placed  in  their  just  advantages  before  my  eyes,  I 
am  so  clear  in  my  belief  of  the  Christian  verities,  that  Satan  hath 
little  room  for  a  temptation;  but  sometimes  when  he  hath  on  a 
sudden  set  some  temptation  before  me,  when  the  foresaid  evi- 
dences have  been  out  of  the  way,  or  less  upon  my  thoughts,  he 
hath,  by  such  surprises,  amazed  me,  and  weakened  my  faith  in 
the  present  act.  So  also  as  to  the  love  of  God,  and  trusting  in 
him,  sometimes  when  the  motives  are  clearly  apprehended,  the 
duty  is  more  easy  and  delightfiil;  and  at  other  times  I  am  mere- 
ly passive  and  dull,  if  not  guilty  of  actual  despondency  and 
distrust. 

"Thus  much  of  the  alterations  of  my  soul  since  my  younger 
years,  I  thought  best  to  give  the  reader,  instead  of  all  those  ex- 
periences and  actual  motions  and  affections,  which  I  suppose 
him  rather  to  have  expected  an  account  of.  And  having  tran- 
scribed thus  much  of  a  life  which  God  hath  read,  and  conscience 
hath  read,  and  must  further  read,  I  humbly  lament  it,  and  beg 
pardon  of  it,  as  sinful,  and  too  unequal  and  unprofitable.  I  warn 
the  reader  to  amend  that  in  his  own,  which  he  findeth  to  have 
been  amiss  in  mine;  confessing,  also,  that  much  hath  been  amiss 
which  1  have  not  here  particularly  mentioned,  and  that  I  have 
not  lived  according  to  the  abundant  mercies  of  the  Lord.  But 
what  I  have  recorded  hath  been  especially  to  perform  my  vows, 
and  declare  his  praise  to  all  generations,  who  liath  filled  up  my 
days  with  his  invaluable  favors,  and  bound  me  to  bless  his  name 
for  ever.  I  have  done  it  also  to  prevent  the  defective  perfor- 
mance of  this  task  by  some  overvaluing  brethren,  who  I  know 
intended  it,  and  were  unfitter  to  do  it  than  myself;  and  for 
such  reasons  as  Junius,  Scultetus,  Thuanus,  and  many  others, 
have  done  the  like  before  me.  The  principal  of  which  are  these 
three:  1.  As  travellers  and  seamen  used  to  do  after  great  ad- 
ventures and  deliverances,  I  hereby  satisfy  my  conscience,  in 
praising  the  blessed  Author  of  all  those  undeserved  mercies 
which  have  filled  up  my  life.  2.  Foreseeing,  by  the  attempts  of 
Bishop  Morley,  what  Prelatists  and  Papists  are  likely  to  say  of 


OF   UICIIARI)  HAXTICII. 


313 


me,  when  they  have  none  to  contradict  them,  and  how  pos 
sible  it  is  lliat  diose  who  never  knew  me  may  believe  them, 
tliough  they  liavc  lost  their  hope  widi  all  die  rest,  I  take  it  to 
be  my  duty  to  be  so  faithfnl  to  that  stock  of  reputation  which 
God  liath  entrusted  me  with,  as  to  defend  it  at  tiie  rate  of 
opening  tlie  truth.  Such  as  have  made  the  world  believe  that 
Luther  consulted  widi  the  devil,  that  Calvin  was  a  stigmatised 
sodomite,  that  Beza  turned  Papist,  &c.,  to  blast  their  labors,  I 
know  are  very  likely  to  say  any  thing  respecting  me,  which  theu' 
interest  or  malice  tell  diem  will  any  way  advantage  Uieir  cause, 
to  make  my  writings  unprofitable  when  I  am  dead.  3.  That 
young  Christians  may  be  warned  by  the  mistakes  and  failings 
of  my  unriper  times,  to  learn  in  patience,  live  in  watchfulness, 
and  not  be  fierce  and  proudly  confident  in  their  first  concep- 
tions; to  reverence  ripe,  experienced  age,  and  to  beware  of 
taking  such  for  their  chief  guides,  as  have  nothing  but  imma- 
ture and  inexi)erienced  judgments,  with  fervent  affections  and 
free  and  confident  expressions;  but  to  learn  of  them  that  have 
with  holiness,  study,  time,  and  trial,  looked  about  them,  as  well 
on  one  side  as  on  the  other,  and  attained  to  clearness  and  im- 
partiality in  their  judgments. 

"Having  mentioned  the  changes  which  I  think  were  for  the 
better,  I  must  add,  that  as  I  confessed  many  of  my  sins  before, 
so  I  have  been  guilty  of  many  since  which,  because  materially 
they  seemed  small,  have  had  the  less  resistance,  and  yet  on  the 
review,  do  trouble  me  more  than  if  they  had  been  greater,  done 
in  ignorance.  It  can  be  no  small  sin  formally,  which  is  committed 
against  knowledge  and  conscience  and  deliberation,  whatever 
excuse  it  have.  To  have  sinned  while  I  preached  and  wrote 
against  sin,  and  had  such  abundant  and  great  obligations  from 
God,  and  made  so  many  promises  against  it,  doth  lay  me  very 
low:  not  so  much  in  fear  of  hell,  as  in  great  displeasure  against 
myself,  and  such  self-abhorrence  as  would  cause  revenge  upon 
myself,  were  it  not  forbidden.  When  God  forgiveth  me,  I 
cannot  forgive  myself;  especially  for  my  rash  words  or  deeds, 
by  which  I  have  seemed  injurious  and  less  tender  and  kind  than 
I  should  have  been  to  my  near  and  dear  relations,  whose  love 
abundantly  obliged  me.  When  such  are  dead,  though  we  never 
differed  in  point  of  interest,  or  any  other  matter,  every  sour  or 
cross,  provoking  word  which  I  gave  them,  maketh  me  almost 
irreconcilable  to  myself,  and  tells  me  how  repentance  brought 
some  of  old  to  pray  to  the  dead  whom  they  had  wronged,  to 
forgive  diem,  in  the  hurry  of  their  passion. 

"That  which  I  named  before,  by-the-by,  is  grown  one  of  my 
great  diseases;  I  have  lost  much  of  that  zeal  which  I  had  to 
propagate  any  truths  to  others,  save  the  mere  fundamentals. 
When  I  perceive  people  or  ministers  to  think  they  know  what 


344 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


indeed  they  do  not,  which  is  too  common,  and  to  dispute  tliose 
things  which  diey  never  thorouglily  studied,  or  expect  that  I 
should  dehate  the  case  with  them,  as  if  an  hour's  talk  would 
serve  instead  of  an  acute  understanding  and  seven  years'  study, 
I  have  no  zeal  to  make  them  of  my  opinion,  but  an  impatience 
of  continuing  discom-se  with  them  on  such  subjects,  and  am  apt 
to  be  silent  or  to  turn  to  something  else;  which,  though  there 
be  some  reason  for  it,  I  feel  cometh  from  a  want  of  zeal  for  the 
truth,  and  from  an  impatient  temper  of  mind.  I  am  ready  to 
think  that  people  should  quickly  understand  all  in  a  few  words; 
and  if  they  cannot,  to  despair  of  them,  and  leave  them  to  them- 
selves. I  know  the  more  that  this  is  sinful  in  me,  because  it 
is  partly  so  in  other  things,  even  about  the  faults  of  my  servants 
or  other  inferiors;  if  three  or  four  times  warning  do  no  good  to 
them,  I  am  much  tempted  to  despair  of  them,  turn  them  away, 
and  leave  them  to  themselves. 

"I  mention  all  these  distempers  that  my  faults  may  be  a  warn- 
ing to  others  to  take  heed,  as  they  call  on  myself  for  repentance 
and  watchfulness.  O  Lord!  for  the  merits,  and  sacrifice,  and 
intercession  of  Christ,  be  merciful  to  me,  a  sinner,  and  forgive 
my  known  and  unknown  sins!"  " 

Thus  far  Baxter's  review  of  his  own  experience  and  opinions. 
— If  ever  a  human  being  was  made  transparent  by  its  own  sim- 
plicity and  integrity,  we  may  be  justified  in  saying  it  was  Rich- 
ard Baxter.  In  this  lengthened  and  rigid  description  of  him- 
self, he  may  be  regarded  as  furnishing  us  with  that  window  in 
the  breast,  for  which  the  philosopher  so  ardently,  but  vainly, 
sighed,  and  by  which  he  has  enabled  us  to  see  all  its  movements 
and  hidden  springs.  Making  every  allowance  for  the  deceitful- 
ness  of  the  human  heart,  and  that  partiality  to  ourselves,  which 
constitutes  one  of  the  leading  evils  of  our  nature,  no  reasonable 
doubt  can  be  entertained  that  Baxter  has  given  a  very  fair  and 
full  view  of  his  principles  and  character.  It  is  evident  that  his 
judgment  of  himself  leaned  to  the  severe  rather  than  to  the  lax 
side;  and  that  while  he  properly  wished  to  be  acquitted  before 
men  of  evils  and  crimes  of  which  he  had  not  been  guilty,  and 
the  admission  of  which  would  have  fixed  reproach  on  the  Gos- 
pel, he  was  chiefly  desii'ous  that  no  over  estimate  should  be 
formed  of  his  attainments  as  a  Christian. 

His  solemn  warnings  to  the  young  and  inexperienced,  against 
being  led  away  by  novelties,  and  by  rash,  inexperienced  teach- 
ers, are  not  to  be  regarded  as  the  doling  of  an  old  man,  peevish 
from  his  own  waning  popularity,  or  from  being  overshadowed  by 
the  splendid  attractions  of  others.  He  had  had  much  experience 


(c)  Life,  part  i.  pp.  124—138. 


OF   RICHAUU  BAXTER. 


345 


among  the  professors  of  religion,  over  many  of  whom  he  had 
been  compelled  to  mourn.  His  instructions  are  as  applicable 
now  as  ever,  when  so  many  are  injured  by  want  of  sobriety  of 
mind,  and  are  ready  to  be  tossed  about  by  every  wind  of  doc- 
trine; when  Christianity  has  come  to  be  regarded  as  a  new  dis- 
covery, which  nobody  has  understood  till  lately,  and  the  Bible 
considered  as  a  book  of  enigmas,  capable  of  die  wildest  solutions, 
and  tlie  most  fanciful  combinations.  To  follow  truth,  wherever 
it  may  lead,  is  the  duty  of  all  Christians;  to  have  the  fortitude  to 
stop  where  its  evidence  ceases;  not  to  substitute  our  own  fancies 
in  the  place  of  the  revelation  of  God;  to  be  ready  to  receive 
from  all,  and  to  refuse  submitting  to  die  dictation  of  any,  ought 
no  less  to  be  our  study  and  our  aim. 

The  love  of  controversy  is  hateful,  the  fear  of  it  is  pusillani- 
mous. Both  ought  to  be  avoided  by  every  rightly  constituted 
mind.  No  man  of  his  age  engaged  in  it  to  so  great  an  extent  as 
Baxter,  and  yet  no  man  spoke  more  against  it.  In  both  he  was 
sincere.  He  loved  not  controversy  for  its  own  sake;  but  he 
was  frequently  impelled  by  regard  to  truth,  or  that  which  he 
considered  as  truth,  to  engage  in  what  was  most  unpleasant  to 
his  Christian  feelings.  He  sometimes  erred  in  his  judgment  in 
these  matters,  but  never  was  influenced  by  unworthy  motives,  or 
guilty  of  disingenuous  conduct.  He  loved  peace,  and  he  loved 
his  friends;  but  he  loved  truth  more. 

It  is  instructive  to  observe  the  deep  humility  of  his  mind,  and 
the  tenderness  of  his  conscience.  As  he  approached  the  world 
of  glory,  and  appeared  to  others  to  be  eminently  fitted  for  its 
enjoyments,  the  contemplation  of  its  light  and  splendor  only 
made  his  own  darkness  and  pollution  more  apparent  to  himself. 
The  increasing  clearness  of  his  perceptions  had  not  only  a  direct, 
but  a  reflex,  operation.  If  it  increased  his  knowledge  of  heaven, 
and  inflamed  his  desire  of  its  blessedness,  it  also  filled  him  with 
a  deeper  consciousness  of  his  own  unmeetness  for  its  pure  and 
perfect  felicity.  He  rejoiced,  but  he  also  trembled;  he  exulted 
in  hope,  but  he  also  feared  as  a  sinner.  While  the  Divine 
Character  attracted  him  by  its  infinite  love  and  compassion,  it 
awed  him  by  the  majesty  of  its  holiness,  and  its  peerless  glory. 

The  importance  which  he  attached  to  the  enjoyment  of  God 
as  the  main,  spring  and  principle  of  genuine  religion,  and  the 
degree  in  which  he  appears  to  have  experienced  it,  are  delight- 
ful proofs  of  the  ripeness  of  his  own  soul  for  that  blessedness  for 
which  he  so  earnestly  panted.  The  expansion  of  his  love  to 
God,  increased  his  love  to  men;  led  him  to  bear  with  their  in- 
firmities, to  mourn  over  their  evils,  and  to  pity  their  miseries. 
As  he  approached  nearer  to  heaven,  he  seemed  to  breathe  more 
of  its  spirit,  and  to  carry  its  very  atmosphere,  an  atmosphere 
of  holy  love,  about  him.    He  felt  he  had  litde  more  to  do  on 

roL.  I.  44 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


earth,  than  to  pray  for  its  guilty  inhahitants,  and  supphcatc  God 
to  estabhsh  his  own  kingdom.  Thus  did  he  continue  to  bless 
that  world  in  which  he  had  experienced  so  much  ingratitude  and 
affliction,  and  prepare  for  the  mansions  of  his  Father's  house, 
in  which  he  is  now  occupying  a  distinguished  place. 

The  public  transactions  of  the  nation,  during  the  last  years  of 
Baxter's  life,  were  of  the  highest  interest,  but  it  does  not  ap- 
pear, from  any  thing  I  could  discover,  that  he  took  much  part 
in  them.  During  the  whole  of  the  reign  of  James,  with  occa- 
sional intermissions,  the  dissenters  continued  to  be  oppressed 
and  persecuted.  The  declaration  for  general  liberty  of  con- 
science, which  was  issued  by  the  king,  in  April  1687,  was  not  in- 
tended to  benefit  them,  but  to  promote  the  interests  of  Popery. 
Still  it  was  a  mercy  to  conscientious  men,  to  enjoy  an  interval 
of  repose  from  suffering.  The  dissenters  accepted  the  boon, 
though  they  hated  the  principle  on  which  it  was  conferred. 
Addresses  to  the  court  were  expected  from  them,  and  some 
were  accordingly  presented;  but  in  these  Baxter,  and  several  of 
his  brethren,  refused  to  join;  though  he  availed  himself  of  the 
privilege,  which  was  justly,  though  unconstitutionally  bestowed.'" 

What  his  views  were  of  the  Revolution,  I  am  unable  to  state. 
No  man  would  more  heartily  rejoice  in  the  deliverance  of  his 
country,  and  the  overthrow  of  Popery,  than  Baxter:  though  it  is 
not  improbable  that  his  conscientiousness,  and  his  peculiar  prin- 
ciples on  the  subject  of  legitimate  monarchy,  might  cause  some 
doubt  in  his  mind  respecting  the  right  of  William  and  Mary  to 
the  throne  of  England.  This,  however,  is  merely  conjecture. 
The  dissenting  ministers  of  London,  to  the  number  of  ninety, 
soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  in  London, 
waited  on  him,  to  congratulate  him  on  his  success,  and  to  assure 
him  of  their  hearty  concurrence  in  his  enterprise.  I  suppose 
Baxter  was  not  of  the  number,  his  age  and  infirmities  render- 
ing him  unequal  to  such  a  service,  though  he  had  fully  approved 
of  it. 

In  that  ever-memorable,  event,  no  class  of  persons  had  great- 
er reason  to  rejoice  than  the  Protestant  dissenters.  On  the 
part  of  William,  there  was  (he  disposition  as  well  as  the  interest 
to  protect  and  encourage  them.  A  thorough  Protestant  himself, 
and  bred  in  a  country  of  religious  freedom,  he  was  the  natural 
friend  of  all  true  Protestants,  while  he  was  superior  to  those 
narrow  prejudices  which  an  exclusive  system  is  apt  to  create 
and  to  foster.  Had  his  own  views  and  wishes  been  realised,  he 
would  have  put  an  end  to  the  most  invidious  of  the  distinctions 
between  churchmen  and  dissenters,  and  would  not  have  left  it 
to  the  present  parliament  of  George  IV.,  to  perform  an  act 


(0  Calam>,vol.  i.  p.  377. 


OF  RICHARD  RAXTEU. 


347 


of  tardy  justice  to  a  large  body  of  men  wlio  have  always  de- 
served well  of  their  country. 

All  the  efforts  of  William,  and  of  the  few  enlightened  men  hy 
whom  he  was  surrounded,  failed  to  induce  the  houses  of  parlia- 
ment to  repeal  the  Tost  act,  or  to  adopt  measures  for  compre- 
hending the  Nonconformists  within  die  pale  of  the  estahiislied 
church.  An  act  of  toleration,  however,  was  passed,  by  which 
the  dissenters,  on  taking  the  oaths  to  government,  and  subscrib- 
ing  thirty-five  and  a  half  of  the  thirty-nine  articles,  should  be 
placed  under  the  full  protection  of  the  law.  This,  though  an 
imperfect  measure,  was  an  unspeakable  blessing  to  men  who 
had  long  been  o[)pressed  and  persecuted  for  righteousness'  sake. 
It  was  the  last  public  measure,  also,  in  regard  to  which  Baxter 
appears  to  have  taken  some  active  part.  To  relieve  his  own 
mind,  and  to  assist  his  brethren  in  coming  to  such  conclusions 
as  might  at  once  satisfy  their  consciences,  and  enable  them  to 
avail  themselves  of  the  benefit  of  this  act,  he  drew  up  a  paper 
containing  his  sense  of  the  articles  which  he  was  called  to  sub- 
scribe. The  substance  of  this  paper  deserves  to  be  communi- 
cated, as  it  shows  what  were  the  sentiments  of  Baxter  on  some 
important  points,  towards  the  close  of  his  life,  the  construction 
which  he  put  on  some  doubtful  expressions  in  the  articles,  and 
the  principle  on  which  he  thought  it  lawful  to  subscribe  accord- 
ing to  the  act  of  parliament,  that  he  might  enjoy  the  benefit  of 
a  tolerated  ministry. 

The  last  clause  of  the  second  article,  originally  contained  an 
expression  in  Latin,  which,  though  left  out  in  the  English,  led 
Baxter  to  demur  about  the  sense.  It  stated  diat  Christ  died  to 
be  a  sacrifice  for  all  [onmihus)  the  actual  sins  of  men.  This, 
he  supposed,  was  not  meant  to  include  final  impenitence,  but  all 
sorts  of  sin  which  had  been  forsaken.  Christ's  descent  into  hell, 
in  the  third  article,  he  explained  of  the  state  of  separate  souls. 
That  Christ,  on  his  resurrection,  "took  again  his  body  with  flesh 
and  bones,  and  all  things  appertaining  to  the  perfection  of  man's 
nature,  and  therewith  ascended  into  heaven,"  he  understood  as 
signifying  that  Christ  sitteth  in  heaven  with  the  same  body, 
glorified,  rendered  spiritual,  and  incorruptible,  which  on  earth 
had  consisted  of  flesh  and  bones.  In  the  strict  interpretation  of 
the  article,  the  words  would  be  contradictory  to  1  Cor.  xv.  50, 
that  "flesh  and  blood  cannot  inherit  the  kingdom  of  God;" 
it  would  also  give  us  a  degrading  idea  of  his  body,  as  inferior  to 
what  his  people  will  possess,  who  are  to  rise  incorruptible  and 
immortal.  He  agreed  to  the  sixth  article,  as  "containing  all 
things  necessary  to  salvation,  if  the  ministry,  sacraments,  and 
church  communion,  came  under  this  description:  and  if,  under 
the  title  of  "canonical  books,"  were  included  the  Epistles  to  the 
Hebrews,  the  2d  of  Peter,  and  the  2d  and  3d  of  John,  Jude, 


348 


THK   LIIF,   AND  TIMES 


and  the  Revelation.  He  enleied  his  protest  against  the  clause 
in  the  seventh  article,  "That  llie  civil  precepts  of  the  law  given 
from  God  by  Moses,  ought  not  of  necessity  to  be  received  in 
any  commonwealth,"  unless  it  referred  only  to  the  particular 
civil  laws  peculiar  to  the  Jewish  commonwealth,  and  not  to 
those  moral  laws  included  in  the  Mosaic  dispensation;  which  are 
of  universal  obligation,  and  common  to  all  Christian  nations. 
He  assented  to  the  eighth  article  on  the  three  creeds,  provided 
he  was  not  understood  to  admit  two  Gods,  by  subscribing  the 
clause  in  the  Nicene  creed,  "God  of  God,  very  God  of  very 
God;"  or  to  assent  to  the  damnatory  clause  of  the  Athanasian 
creed.  He  explained  the  infection  of  nature  remaining  even  in 
the  regenerate,  according  to  the  ninth  article,  to  he  so,  not  in 
predominant  force  or  unpardoned,  but  in  a  modified  and  sub- 
dued degree.  The  language  of  the  tenth  article,  that  "we  have 
no  power  to  do  good  works,"  he  softened  into  an  acknowledg- 
ment that  "our  natural  powers  or  faculties  are  not  sufficient 
without  grace."  That  the  eleventh  article  might  not  be  con- 
strued as  giving  countenance  to  a  disregard  of  righteousness  of 
life,  he  enters  at  large  into  it.  He  was  anxious  to  be  under- 
stood as  expressing,  by  the  twelfth  article,  that  "good  works  do 
spring  out  necessarily  of  a  true  and  lively  faith,"  an  hypotheti- 
cal necessity,  consistent  with  freedom;  and  he  expounded  the 
last  clause,  "that  by  them,"  i.  e.  good  works,  "a  lively  faith 
may  be  as  evidently  expressed,  as  a  tree  discerned  by  the  fruit," 
to  mean  a  truth  of  evidence,  not  an  equal  degree.  His  explana- 
tion of  the  thirteenth  article,  "Of  works  before  justification," 
seems  to  set  it  aside,  by  asserting  the  existence  of  common 
grace,  preparatory  to  special  grace;  and  to  contradict  it,  by  re- 
ferring to  the  texts,  which  declare,  that  "to  him  that  hath  by 
improvement  shall  be  given,  and,  in  every  nation  he  that  feareth 
God  and  worketh  righteousness,  is  accepted  of  him;"  and  by 
observing,  that  believing  in  the  being  of  God,  and  that  he  is  the 
rewarder  of  them  that  diligently  seek  him,  is,  "better  than 
nothing,  and  than  mere  sin."  He  supposed  that  the  phrase, 
"voluntary  works,"  in  the  fourteenth  article,  or  work  of  super- 
erogation, was  not  designed  to  stigmatise,  as  arrogant  and  impi- 
ous, voluntary  canons,  impositions,  oaths,  and  church  offices. 
The  sixteenth  article,  "Of  sin  after  baptism,"  he  supposes  to 
refer  only  to  the  unpardoned  sin  against  the  Holy  Ghost,  and 
a  total  departure  from  common  grace,  and  some  degree  of  habit 
and  act  of  some  special  grace;  but  that  it  does  not  determine 
the  controversy  concerning  a  total  and  final  falling  away  from 
such  an  unconfirmed  grace  as  would  otherwise  save. 

On  the  eighteenth  article,  "Of  obtaining  eternal  salvation  only 
by  the  name  of  Christ,"  he  observes,  that  God  judgeth  men  by 
no  other  law  than  that  which  they  were  under:  that  the  Jewish 


OP  niCHARD  BAXTER. 


349 


peculiarity  did  not  repeal  the  gracious  law  made  to  fallen  man- 
kind in  Adam  and  Noah:  that  God  had  more  people  of  old  than 
the  Jews  and  proselytes.  On  these  principles  he  conceives  that 
the  article  could  not  mean  to  denounce  a  curse  on  all  who 
thou2;ht  that  the  spirit  and  grace  of  Christ  extended  beyond  the 
knowledge  of  his  name,  and  who  hoped  that  some  who  never 
heard  it  would  be  saved.  If  it  were  intended  to  apply  to  such, 
he  declares  that  he  would  not  curse  them;  adding,  all  were  not 
accursed  who  hoped  well  of  Socrates,  Antoninus,  Severus, 
Cicero,  Epictetus,  Plutarch,  and  such  characters.  He  appeals 
to  the  case  of  the  Jews  of  old,  as  having  more  imperfect  notions 
of  the  character  of  Christ,  than  die  aposdes  before  his  resurrec- 
tion; and  to  the  erroneous  sentiments  of  even  the  apostles  them- 
selves before  that  event,  who  did  not,  till  afterwards,  believe  in 
the  death  of  Christ  for  our  sins,  in  his  rising  again,  in  his  ascen- 
sion and  intercession.  "Though  faith,"  he  considered,  "in  these 
facts  not  to  be  essential  to  Christianity,"  he  declares,  "If  I  durst 
curse  all  the  world,  who  now  believe  no  more  than  the  ancient 
Jews  and  the  apostles  then  did,  yet  I  durst  not  curse  all  Chris- 
tians that  hope  better  of  them."  The  twenty-third  article,  "of 
ministering  in  the  congregation,"  he  interprets  so  as  to  make  it 
comprehensive  of  the  holy  orders  of  the  Nonconformist.  The 
article  itself  describes  and  judges  those  to  be  lawfully  called  to 
preach  and  administer  the  sacraments,  "who  are  chosen  and 
called  to  this  work  by  men  who  have  public  authority  given  them 
in  the  congregation,  to  call  and  send  ministers  into  the  Lord's 
vineyard."  He  declares  he  understood  public  authority  to  mean 
"authority  given  by  Christ  in  his  Scripture  institution,  and  by 
those  whom  Christ  authorises  under  him."  Tliis  was  a  latitude 
of  interpretation  beyond  the  intention  of  the  compilers,  who  cer- 
tainly had  in  view  the  exclusive  authority  of  bishops.  On  the 
twenty-fifth  article,  of  "The  Sacraments,"  in  which  they  are 
represented,  "not  as  badges  and  tokens  only  of  the  Christian 
profession,"  he  explains  himself  as  holding  them  to  be  "cei'tain 
sure  witnesses  and  effectual  signs  of  grace  and  of  God's  good- 
will:" that  they  signify  what  God  offers,  invest  the  true  believing 
receiver  in  the  right  of  pardon,  adoption,  and  salvation;  and  are 
morally  operative."  On  the  twenty-sixth  article,  "Of  the  un- 
worthiness  of  ministers,  which  hinders  not  the  effect  of  sacra- 
ments," he  says,  "That  though  the  ignorance  and  wickedness  of 
the  minister  do  not  make  void  the  sacraments,  yet  the  prayers, 
preaching,  and  example  of  able  and  godly  men,  are  usually 
more  effectual,  since  'God  heareth  not  sinners,'  as  the  blind 
man  argued:  'but  if  any  be  a  worshipper  of  him,  and  doth  his 
will,  him  he  heareth;'  and  to  the  wicked  God  saith,  'What  hast 
thou  to  do  to  take  my  covenant  into  thy  mouth?'  "  He  observes 
also,  on  this  article,  "That  to  prefer  a  bad  man  before  a  better, 


350 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


was  sin;  and  that  it  was  dangerous  to  encourage  in  daily  sin 
those,  who,  though  destitute  of  the  essential  qualifications,  usurp- 
ed the  sacred  office  of  bishops  or  pastors." 

Baxter  concludes  his  sense  of  the  subscribed  articles,  by  say- 
ing, "If  I  have  hit  on  the  true  meaning,  I  subscribe  my  assent; 
and  I  thank  God  that  this  national  church  hath  doctrine  so 
sound.  I  pity  those  who  write,  preach,  or  practise,  contrary  to 
the  articles  which  they  subscribe;  and  that  accuse  those  who 
refuse  to  subscribe  them,  take  those  for  sinners  who  take  not 
them  for  pastors,  alleging  that  their  wickedness  nulleth  not  their 
sacramental  administrations."  s 

When  he  subscribed,  he  produced  this  explanation  of  the 
thirty-five  articles  and  a  half,  that  his  views  in  doing  so  might 
not  be  misunderstood.  Eighty  of  the  dissenting  ministers  in 
London  concurred  with  him  in  his  explanations  and  objections; 
and  thus  satisfied  themselves  that  they  had  done  what  was  right. 
It  was  probably  the  best  thing  which  the  government  could  do  at 
the  time,  so  that  the  dissenters  were  glad  to  accept  of  it.  But 
such  a  subscription  was  found  to  be  a  poor  protection,  either  to 
church  or  state,  and  has  long  since  been  entirely  done  away. 
Baxter's  objections  to  many  of  the  clauses  in  the  subscribed  arti- 
cles, discover  both  his  conscientiousness,  and,  on  some  points, 
the  peculiarity  of  his  sentiments.  The  number  who  united  with 
him  in  this  paper,  shows  the  extent  to  which  his  views  were 
then  held  among  the  dissenters,  as  well  as  the  great  influence 
which  he  had  among  his  brethren. 

The  affair  of  the  agreement  of  the  London  Presbyterian  and 
Independent  ministers,  must  have  interested  Baxter  much,  though 
he  does  not  appear  to  have  taken  any  active  part  in  it.  Union 
was  an  object  always  so  dear  to  his  heart,  that  every  scheme  for 
promoting  it  would  meet  with  his  cordial  concurrence,  as  long  as 
he  was  capable  of  thinking  or  speaking.  The  articles  were  pub- 
lished in  1692,  but  they  had  all  been  agreed  to  before  Baxter's 
death.  Howe  was  the  leading  manager  of  the  agreement,  the 
object  of  which  was  rather  to  discountenance  useless  contentions 
about  matters  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  among  the  dissenters, 
than  to  form  a  corporate  body,  or  to  convey  the  idea  of  entire 
agreement  on  doctrinal  points.  The  style  of  these  articles 
shows,  I  think,  that  Baxter's  judgment  and  feelings  had  been 
consulted.'*  From  the  date  of  this  agreement,  Presbyterianism 
may  be  said  to  have  existed  but  in  name  in  England. 

If  we  have  followed  Baxter  through  a  long  life  of  painful  trials, 
and  contention  for  peace  and  liberty,  it  is  delightful  that  its  clos- 
ing scenes  should  be  tranquil  and  cheering.    He  lived  not  only 

(g)  Calamy's  'Abridgment/  vol.  i.  pp.  469 — 476. 

(h)  Calamy's  'Abridgment/  vol.  i.  pp.  476 — 483. 


OF    RICHARD  MAXTIOR. 


351 


till  the  dawn  of  a  brighter  day,  hut  after  it  had  considerably- 
advanced.  The  church,  it  is  true,  had  not  comprehended  the 
Nonconformists,  or  relaxed  the  rigidity  of  lier  terms.  On  the 
contrary,  after  she  had  completely  secured  her  own  chartered 
rights  and  })rivileges,  and  had  little  to  fear  fron)  the  connnon 
enemy,  she  began  to  look  on  the  dissenters  with  mor(j  sternness 
and  severity  than  before  the  Revolution.  But  though  she  had 
the  power  and  the  disposition  to  frown  and  to  threaten,  the  ability 
to  injure  was  lost.  The  security  and  repose  of  the  government, 
required  that  all  parties  should  be  protected;  Baxter  and  his 
brethren,  therefore,  were  left  to  pursue  their  labors,  whether  of 
the  pulpit  or  the  press,  without  molestation.  No  longer  hunted 
by  spies  and  informers,  traduced  by  malicious  and  interested 
enemies,  dragged  before  packed  juries  and  unprincipled  judges, 
to  be  condemned  to  ruinous  fines,  or  still  more  injurious  impris- 
onments and  confiscation,  they  were  enabled,  with  comfort  and 
joy,  to  "make  full  proof  of  their  ministry."  If  they  no  longer 
worshipped  in  splendid  and  consecrated  edifices,  or  enjoyed  the 
emoluments  of  the  state  as  the  rewards  of  their  ministry,  in  their 
quiet,  sequestered  meetings,  sustained  by  the  voluntary  benevo- 
lence of  their  flocks,  they  were  honored  to  turn  many  sinners  to 
righteousness,  and  to  fit  many  a  saint  for  the  inheritance  above. 
In  this  delightful  work  were  the  few  remaining  years  of  Baxter 
chiefly  employed. 

From  the  time  of  his  release  from  imprisonment,  he  lived  in 
Charter-house  Square,  near  the  meeting-house  then  occupied  by 
his  friend  Sylvester.  He  preached  gratuitously  for  him  on  the 
Lord's-day  mornings,  and  every  alternate  Thursday  morning, 
as  long  as  his  strength  permitted. 

"When  he  had  continued  about  four  years  and  a  half  with 
me,"  says  Sylvester,  "he  was  then  disabled  from  going  forth 
any  more  to  his  ministerial  work;  so  that  what  he  did  all  the 
residue  of  his  life  was  in  his  own  hired  house,  where  he  opened 
his  doors  morning  and  evening,  every  day,  to  all  that  would 
come  to  join  in  family  worship  with  him;  to  whom  he  read  the 
holy  Scriptures,  from  whence  'he  preached  the  kingdom  of  God, 
and  taught  those  things  which  concern  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
with  all  confidence,  no  man  forbidding  him,'  even  as  one  greater 
than  himself  had  done  before  him.  But  at  last,  his  growing 
distempers  and  infirmities  took  him  off  from  this  also,  confining 
him  first  to  his  chamber  and  then  to  his  bed.  There,  thougli 
pain  and  sickness  wasted  his  body,  his  soul  abode  rational,  strong 
in  faith  and  hope;  arguing  itself  into,  and  preserving  itself  in, 
patience  and  joy,  through  grace;  which  gave  him  great  support, 
and  kept  out  doubts  and  fears  concerning  his  eternal  welfare."' 

(i)  Silvester's  'Funeral  yermoii,'  p.  Ifi. 


352 


THE  LIFE   AND  TIMES 


The  latter  years  of  his  hfe,  though  full  of  bodily  suffering  and 
sorrow,  and  less  occupied  widi  the  public  service  of  God,  were 
not  years  of  idleness.  Between  the  year  1682  and  his  death, 
he  wrote  many,  and  some  of  the  most  useful,  of  his  works. 
Without  giving  a  minute  detail  of  single  sermons  and  tracts,  it  is 
enough  to  mention,  that,  during  this  period,  he  wrote  his  'True 
History  of  Councils,  enlarged  and  defended;'  his  'Treatises  on 
the  Immortality  of  the  Soul,  and  the  Nature  of  Spirits;'  his 
'Compassionate  Counsel  to  Young  Men,'  and  his  'Family  Cate- 
chism;' his  'Dying  Thoughts;'  his  'Dangerous  Schismatic  de- 
tected;' his  'Catholic  Communion  defended;'  his  'Paraphrase 
on  the  New  Testament;'  his  'English  Nonconformity;'  his  Trea- 
tises on  'Knowledge  and  Love  Compared,  and  Cain  and  Abel 
Malignity;'  several  pieces  on  the  Antinomian  and  Millennarian 
Controversies,  &c.  &,c.  The  very  last  productions  of  his  pen 
show,  that,  if  his  eyes  had  waxed  dim,  and  his  natural  force  had 
abated,  the  vigor  and  ardor  of  his  mind  had  scarcely,  if  at  all, 
been  impaired. 

Dr.  Calamy,  who  visited  him  during  the  last  year  of  his  life, 
tells  us,  "He  talked  in  die  pulpit  with  great  freedom  about 
another  world,  like  one  that  had  been  there,  and  was  come  as  a 
sort  of  an  express  from  thence,  to  make  a  report  concerning  it. 
He  delivered  himself  in  public  as  well  as  in  private,  with  great 
vivacity  and  freedom,  and  his  thoughts  had  a  peculiar  edge."  J 

Dr.  Bates  has  furnished  the  most  minute  and  most  interesting 
account  of  the  last  trying  scene  of  Baxter's  pilgrimage.  His 
funeral  sermon  for  him  is  one  of  the  best  specimens  of  the 
preaching  of  that  truly  excellent  man.  He  had  closely  studied 
the  character  of  his  friend,  to  whom  he  appears  to  have  been 
most  tenderly  attached,  and  on  whom  he  has  pronounced  an  eu- 
logium,  not  more  deserved  by  his  character,  than  it  is  beautiful 
in  itself.  At  present,  I  shall  restrict  myself  entirely  to  his  ac- 
count of  Baxter's  sickness  and  death. 

"He  continued  to  preach  so  long,  notwithstanding  his  wasted, 
languishing  body,  that  the  last  time  he  almost  died  in  the  pulpit. 
It  would  doubdess  have  been  his  joy  to  have  been  transfigured  in 
the  mount.  Not  long  after,  he  felt  the  approaches  of  death,  and 
was  confined  to  his  sick  bed.  Death  reveals  the  secrets  of  the 
heart;  then  words  are  spoken  with  most  feeling  and  least  affec- 
tation. This  excellent  saint  was  the  same  in  his  life  and  death; 
his  last  hours  were  spent  in  preparing  others  and  himself  to  ap- 
pear before  God.  He  said  to  his  friends  that  visited  him,  'You 
come  hither  to  learn  to  die;  I  am  not  the  only  person  that  must 
go  this  way.  I  can  assure  you,  that  your  whole  life,  be  it  ever 
so  long,  is  little  enough  to  prepare  for  death.    Have  a  care  of 


(j)  Calamy's  own  Life,  vol.  i.  pp.  220,221. 


OF   RICHARD  liAXTKR. 


353 


(his  vain,  deceitful  world,  and  llic  lusts  of  the  flesh;  be  sure  you 
choose  God  for  your  portion,  heaven  for  your  home,  God's 
glory  for  your  end,  his  word  for  your  rule,  and  then  you  need 
never  fear  but  we  shall  meet  with  comfort. 

"Never  was  penitent  sinner  more  humble,  never  was  a  sincere 
believer  more  calm  and  comfortable.  He  acknowledged  him- 
self to  be  the  vilest  dunghill  worm  ('twas  his  usual  expression) 
that  ever  went  to  heaven.  lie  admired  the  divine  condescension 
to  us,  often  saying,  'Lord,  what  is  man;  what  am  I,  vile  worm, 
to  the  great  God!'  Many  limes  he  prayed,  God  be  merciful  to 
me  a  sinner,  and  blessed  God  that  this  was  left  upon  record 
in  the  Gospel  as  an  cfTectual  prayer.  He  said,  God  may  justly 
condemn  me  for  the  best  duty  I  ever  did;  all  my  hopes  are 
from  the  free  mercy  of  God  in  Christ,  which  he  often  prayed 
for. 

"After  a  slumber  he  waked,  and  said,  'I  shall  rest  from  my 
labor.'  A  minister  then  present,  said,  'And  your  works  will 
follow  you.'  To  whom  he  replied,  'No  works;  1  will  leave  out 
works,  if  God  will  grant  me  the  other.'  When  a  friend  was 
comforting  him  with  the  remembrance  of  the  good  many  had 
received  by  his  preaching  and  writings,  he  said,  'I  was  but  a 
pen  in  God's  hands,  and  what  praise  is  due  to  a  pen?' 

"His  resigned  submission  to  the  will  of  God  in  his  sharp  sick- 
ness was  eminent.  When  extremity  of  pain  constrained  him 
earnestly  to  pray  to  God  for  his  release  by  death,  he  would 
check  himself:  'It  is  not  fit  for  me  to  prescribe — when  thou  wilt, 
what  thou  wilt,  how  diou  wilt.' 

"Being  in  great  anguish,  he  said,  'O!  how  unsearchable  are 
his  ways,  and  his  paths  past  finding  out;  the  reaches  of  his  prov- 
idence we  cannot  fathom!'  And  to  his  friends,  'Do  not  think  the 
worse  of  religion  for  what  you  see  me  sufter.' 

"Being  often  asked  by  his  friends,  how  it  was  with  his  inward 
man,  he  replied,  'I  bless  God  I  have  a  well-grounded  assurance 
of  ray  eternal  happiness,  and  great  peace  and  comfort  widiln.' 
But  it  was  his  trouble  he  could  not  triumphandy  express  it,  by 
reason  of  his  extreme  pains.  He  said,  'Flesh  must  perish,  and 
we  must  feel  the  perishing  of  it;  and  that  though  his  judgment 
submitted,  yet  sense  would  still  make  him  groan.' 

"Being  asked  by  a  person  of  quality,  whether  he  had  not 
great  joy  from  his  believing  apprehensions  of  the  invisible  state, 
he  replied,  'What  else,  think  you,  Christianity  serves  for?'  He 
said,  the  consideration  of  the  Deity  in  his  glory  and  greatness, 
was  too  high  for  our  thought;  but  the  consideration  of  the  Son 
of  God  in  our  nature,  and  of  the  saints  in  heaven,  whom  he 
knew  and  loved,  did  much  sweeten  and  familiarise  heaven  to 
him.  The  description  of  it,  in  Heb.  xii.  22,  was  most  comfort- 
able to  him;  'that  he  was  going  to  the  innumerable  company  of 

VOI-.  I.  45 


354 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


angels,  and  to  the  general  assembly  and  church  of  the  first-born, 
whose  names  are  written  in  heaven;  and  to  God  the  Judge  of"  all, 
and  to  the  spirits  of  just  men  made  perfect,  and  to  Jesus  the 
Mediator  of  the  new  covenant,  and  to  the  blood  of  sprinkling  that 
speaketh  better  things  than  the  blood  of  Abel.'  That  scripture, 
he  said,  deserved  a  thousand  thousand  thoughts.  Oh!  how 
comfortable  is  that  promise;  'Eye  hath  not  seen,  nor  ear  heard, 
neither  hath  it  entered  into  the  heart  of  man  to  conceive,  the 
things  God  hath  laid  up  for  those  who  love  him.'  At  another  time, 
he  said,  that  he  found  great  comfort  and  sweetness  in  repeating 
the  words  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  was  sorry  some  good  people 
were  prejudiced  against  the  use  of  it,  for  there  were  all  necessa- 
ry petitions  for  soul  and  body  contained  in  it.  At  other  times, 
he  gave  excellent  counsel  to  young  ministers  that  visited  him; 
earnestly  prayed  to  God  to  bless  their  labors,  and  make  them 
very  successful  in  converting  many  souls  to  Christ;  expressed 
great  joy  in  the  hopes  that  God  would  do  a  great  deal  of  good 
by  them;  and  that  they  were  of  moderate,  peaceful  spirits. 

"He  often  prayed  that  God  would  be  merciful  to  this  misera- 
ble, distracted  world,  and  that  he  would  preserve  his  church  and 
interest  in  it.  He  advised  his  friends  to  beware  of  self-conceit, 
as  a  sin  that  was  likely  to  ruin  this  nation;  and  said,  'I  have  writ- 
ten a  book  against  it,  which  I  am  afraid  has  done  little  good.' 
Being  asked,  whether  he  had  altered  his  mind  in  controversial 
points,  he  said.  Those  that  please,  may  know  my  mind  in  my 
writings;  and  that  what  he  had  done,  was  not  for  his  own  reputa- 
tion, but  for  the  glory  of  God. 

"I  went  to  him,  with  a  very  worthy  friend,  Mr.  Mather,  of 
New  England,  the  day  before  he  died;  and  speaking  some  com- 
forting words  to  him,  he  replied,  'I  have  pain;  there  is  no  argu- 
ing against  sense,  but  I  have  peace,  I  have  peace.'  I  told  him. 
You  are  now  approaching  to  your  long-desired  home;  he  answer- 
ed, 'I  believe,  I  believe.'  He  said  to  Mr.  Mather,  'I  bless  God 
that  you  have  accomplished  your  business;  the  Lord  prolong 
your  life.'  He  expressed  great  willingness  to  die;  and  during 
his  sickness,  when  the  question  was  asked,  'How  he  did?'  his  re- 
ply was,  ^Almost  well.''  His  joy  was  most  remarkable,  when,  in 
his  own  apprehensions,  death  was  nearest;  and  his  spiritual  joy 
was  at  length  consummated  in  eternal  joy." 

"On  Monday,"  says  Sylvester,  "about  five  in  the  evening, 
death  sent  his  harbinger  to  summon  him  away.  A  great  trem- 
bling and  coldness  extorted  strong  cries  from  him,  for  pity  and 
redress  from  Heaven;  which  cries  and  agonies  continued  for 
some  time,  till  at  length  he  ceased,  and  lay  in  patient  expectation 


(k)  Bates'  Works,  pp.  820, 821. 


OF   RICHAUn  BAXTKU. 


35;') 


of  his  change'  Being  once  asked,  by  his  faithful  friend,  and 
constant  attendant  in  his  weakness,  Mrs.  Bushel,  his  house- 
keeper, whether  lie  knew  her  or  not,  requesting  some  sign  of  it 
if  he  (Hd;  he  softly  cried,  'Death,  deatli!'  He  now  felt  the  bene- 
fit of  his  former  preparations  for  the  trying  time.  The  last 
words  that  he  spake  to  me,  on  being  informed  I  was  come  to 
see  him,  were,  'Oh  I  thank  him,  I  thank  him,'  and  turning  his' 
eye  to  me,  he  said,  'The  Lord  teach  you  how  to  die.'"' 

"As  to  himself,  even  to  the  last,  I  never  could  perceive  his 
peace  and  heavenly  hopes  assaulted  or  disturbed.  I  have  often 
heai  d  him  greatly  lament,  that  he  felt  no  greater  liveliness  in 
what  appeared  so  great  and  clear  to  him,  and  so  very  much  de- 
sired by  him.  As  to  the  influence  thereof  upon  his  spirit,  in  or- 
der to  the  sensible  refreshments  of  it,  he  clearly  saw  what  ground 
he  had  to  rejoice  in  God;  he  doubted  not  of  his  right  to  heaven. 
He  told  me,  he  knew  it  should  be  well  with  him  when  he  was 
gone.  He  wondered  to  hear  others  speak  of  dieir  sensible,  and 
passionately  strong  desires  to  die,  and  of  their  transports  of  spirit, 
when  sensible  of  their  approaching  death;  when,  though  he 
thought  he  knew  as  much  as  they,  and  had  as  rational  satisfac- 
tion as  they  could  have  that  his  soul  was  safe,  he  could  never 
feel  their  sensible  consolations.  1  asked  him,  whether  much  of 
diis  was  not  to  be  resolved  into  bodily  constitution,  he  told  me 
that  he  thought  it  might  be  so. 

"He  expired,  on  Tuesday  morning,  about  four  o'clock,  De- 
cember 8,  1691.  Though  he  expected  and  desired  his  disso- 
lution to  have  been  on  the  Lord's-day  before,  which,  with  joy  to 
me,  he  called  a  high  day,  because  of  his  desired  change  then  ex- 
pected by  him."  " 

A  wicked  and  groundless  report  appears  to  have  been  circu- 
lated shortly  after  his  death,  that  his  mind  had  been  greatly 
troubled  with  sceptical  doubts  before  he  died.  It  was  brought  to 
Sylvester  on  such  authority  that  he  found  it  necessary  to  give  it 
a  formal  refutation.  After  quoting  a  letter  from  Worcester- 
shire, referring  to  it,  he  thus  replies  to  it: 

"Audax  facinus!"  says  Sylvester;  "What  will  degenerate 
man  stick  at!  We  know  nothing  here  that  could,  in  the  least, 
minister  to  such  a  report  as  this.    I  that  was  with  him  all  along, 

(1)  Tlie  bo(lil3'  sufferings  of  Baxter  must  have  been  intensely  great  in  llie  latter 
part  of  his  life.  It  appears  from  his  own  narrative,  that  he  considered  the  stone  one 
great  cause  of  the  acute  pains  which  he  experienced.  In  part  iii.  p.  179,  is  given  a 
long  and  singular  account  of  himself,  in  reference  to  this.  At  the  conclusion,  he  says, 
"Wlielher  it  be  schyrus,  or  stone,  which  I  doubt  not  of,  I  leave  them  to  tell  w  ho  shall 
dissect  my  corpse."  He  appears  to  have  formed  a  correct  opinion  of  his  own  case; 
for  though  we  have  no  account  of  any  post-mortem  examination  of  his  body,  a  stone 
extracted  from  him  is  still  preserved  in  the  British  Museum.  It  is  very  large,  of  a 
bluish  color,  and  resembling  in  shape  the  kidney  itself. 

(m)  Funeral  Sermon,  p.  16. 

(n)  Preface  to  Baxter's  Life. 


35G 


THE    LIFE   ANT)  TIMES 


have  ever  heard  him  trimnpliliig  in  liis  heavenly  expectation, 
and  ever  speaking  like  one  that  could  never  have  thought  it 
worth  a  man's  while  to  be,  were  it  not  for  the  great  interest  and 
ends  of  godliness.  He  told  me  that  he  doubted  not,  but  that  it 
would  be  best  for  hiin  when  he  had  left  this  life  and  was  trans- 
lated to  the  heavenly  regions. 

"He  owned  what  he  had  v^^ritten,  with  reference  to  the  things 
of  God,  to  the  very  last.  He  advised  those  that  came  near  him 
carefully  to  mind  their  souls'  concerns.  The  shortness  of  time, 
the  instancy  of  eternity,  the  worth  of  souls,  the  greatness  of 
God,  the  riches  of  the  grace  of  Christ,  the  excellency  and 
import  of  an  heavenly  mind  and  life,  and  the  great  usefulness 
of  the  word  and  means  of  grace  pursuant  to  eternal  purposes, 
ever  lay  pressingly  upon  his  own  heart,  and  extorted  from 
him  very  useful  directions  and  encouragements  to  all  that  came 
near  him,  even  to  the  last;  insomuch  that  if  a  polemical  or 
casuistical  point,  or  any  speculation  in  philosophy  or  divinity, 
had  been  but  offered  to  him  for  his  resolution,  after  the  clearest 
and  briefest  representation  of  his  mind,  which  the  proposer's  sat- 
isfaction called  for,  he  presently  and  most  delightfully  fell  into 
conversation  about  what  related  to  our  Christian  hope  and 
work."  ° 

"Baxter  was  buried  in  Christ-church,  where  the  ashes  of  his 
wife  and  her  mother  had  been  deposited.  His  funeral  was  at- 
tended by  a  great  number  of  persons  of  different  ranks,  especial- 
ly of  ministers,  Conformists  as  well  as  Nonconformists,P  who 
were  eager  to  testify  their  respect  for  one  of  whom  it  might 
have  been  said  with  equal  truth,  as  of  the  intrepid  reformer  of 
the  North,  "There  lies  the  man  who  never  feared  the  face  of 
man." 

His  last  will  is  dated  July  7,  1689.  The  beginning  of  it  de- 
serves to  be  quoted. 

"I,  Richard  Baxter,  of  London,  clerk,  an  unworthy  servant 
of  Jesus  Christ,  drawing  to  the  end  of  this  transitory  life,  having, 
through  God's  great  mercy,  the  free  use  of  my  understanding, 
do  make  this  my  last  will  and  testament,  revoking  all  other  wills 
formerly  made  by  me.  My  spirit  I  commit,  with  trust  and  hope 
of  the  heavenly  felicity,  into  the  hands  of  Jesus  my  glorified  Re- 
deemer and  Intercessor;  and,  by  his  mediation,  into  the  hands  of 
God  my  reconciled  Father,  the  infinite  eternal  Spirit,  light,  life, 
and  love,  most  great  and  wise,  and  good,  the  God  of  nature, 
grace,  and  glory;  of  whom  and  through  whom  and  to  whom  are 
all  things;  my  absolute  Owner,  Ruler,  Benefactor,  whose  I  am, 

(o)  Preface  to  Baxter's  Life. 

(p)  Dr.  Earl  informed  Mr.  Palmer  tliat  lie  was  one  of  the  spectators,  and  tlial  the 
train  of  coaches  reached  from  Merchant  Taylors'  Hall,  from  whence  the  corpse  was 
carried,  to  the  place  of  burial. — Noiicon.  Mem.  vol.  iii.  p.  400. 


OK    RIC'IIARO  llAXTKIl. 


nnd  whom  T,  though  imperfectly,  servo,  seek,  and  Inisl;  to  wliom 
1)(>  i;loi  v  for  over,  amen.  To  him  I  render  most  hinnhle  thanks, 
tliat  h(;  hath  (illed  up  my  life  with  abundant  mercy,  and  pardon- 
ed my  sin  by  the  merits  of  Ciirist,  and  vouclisafed  by  his  Spirit 
to  renew  me  and  seal  me  as  his  own,  and  to  moderate  and  bless 
to  me  my  long  snfTerings  in  the  flesh,  and  at  last  to  sweeten  Uiem 
by  his  own  interest  and  comforting  aj)probation,  who  taketh  the 
cause  of  love  and  concord  as  his  own,"  &ic. 

He  ordered  his  books  to  be  distributed  among  poor  scholars. i 
All  that  remained  of  his  estate,  after  a  few  legacies  to  his  kin- 
dred, he  disposed  of  for  the  benefit  of  die  souls  and  bodies  of 
the  poor;  and  he  left  Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  Rowland  Hunt,  of  Bo- 
raton,  Esq.,  Mr.  Thomas  Hunt,  merchant,  Edward  Harley,  Esq., 
Mr.  Thomas  Cook,  merchant,  Mr.  Thomas  Trench,  merchant, 
and  Mr.  Robert  Bird,  gentleman,  his  executors.'' 

His  principal  heir  was  his  nephew,  William  Baxter,  a  person 
of  consideraldc  attainments  as  a  scholar  and  an  antiquary.  He 
was  born  in  Shropshire,  in  1G50.  His  early  education,  it 
would  seem,  was  neglected;  which  can  be  accounted  for  only 
on  the  ground  that  there  was  something  in  hi?  situation  or  dis- 
jiosition  that  prevented  his  uncle  from  affording  him  that  assist- 
ance, which  he  would  doubdess  have  given.  From  some  let- 
ters between  him  and  Mrs.  Baxter,  still  preserved,  however,  it 
appears  that  a  measure  of  aid  was  afforded  him.  He  surmounted 
the  difficulties  of  his  early  circumstances,  and  made  very  con- 
siderable classical  attainments.  He  kept  an  academy  for  some 
years  at  Tottenham  Cross,  Middlesex,  which  he  gave  up  on 
being  chosen  master  of  Mercers'-school,  London,  \yhere  he  con- 
tinued for  twenty  years,  and  resigned  a  short  time  before  his 
death,  which  took  place  in  1723.  He  published  several  works, 
which  brought  him  considerable  fame  as  a  scholar;  among  oth- 
ers— a  Critical  Edition  of  Anacreon — and  one  of  Horace — a  Dic- 
tionary of  British  Antiquities — and  a  Glossary  of  Roman  Antiq- 
uities. This  last  w-as  a  posthumous  publication.  It  appeared  in 
172G,  with  the  title  of 'Reliquiae  Baxteriana:,'  &;c.  Prefixed  to 
it  is  a  fragment  of  a  Latin  life  of  himself,  in  which  he  gives  a 
short  character  of  his  uncle;  which  I  have  inserted  for  the  amuse- 
ment of  the  learned  reader,  in  the  note  below.' 

(q)  These  were  distributed  by  Mr.  Sylvester.    Among  tlie  Baxter  MSS.  are  re- 
ceipts addressed  to  him  from  various  individuals  who  received  them, 
(r)  Calamy's  'Abridgment,  vol.  i.  p.  404. 

(s)  liiographia  Britannica,  vol.  ii.  p.  33.  Edit.  Kippis.  ''Hie  vir  siquis  alius  erat 
et  in  vita  Celebris  et  superslile  fama  decessit.  Siquidem  ingenio  erat  acerrimo,  doc- 
trina  haudquaquam  mediocri,  cxlemporanea  dicendi  facultati  incredibili.  zelo  piano 
apostolico  (quem  tamen  scurrEC  nostrorum  temporum  canlinn  dicunt)  morum  ctiam 
simplicilate  nimis  Britannic;E,  conteniptuque  rerum  humanarum  incognito  suo  sajculo 
hie  tantus  vir  ab  incunabilis  proba  educatus  in  domo,  et  purissimis  instiiutus  p,\em- 
plis,  non  ferme  provincialium  sui  teniporis  sacerdotuin  inscitiam  atque  impuros  mores 
(quod  vel  ipse  in  schedis  reliquit)  sponte  quadam  indolis  sua  ad  Calvitiiunos,  purita- 


358 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


Funeral  sermons  were  preaclied  for  Baxter,  by  his  excellent 
friend  and  companion  in  labor,  Sylvester;  and  also  by  Dr.  Bates; 
both  of  which  have  been  published.  The  former  was  preached 
in  Charter-house  yard,  to  what  may  be  considered  in  part  Bax- 
ter's own  congregation.  It  is  entitled  'Elisha's  Cry  after  Eli- 
sha's  God,'  and  is  founded  on  2  Kings,  ii.  14.  The  latter  was 
preached,  by  Bates,  at  Baxter's  own  desire,  at  the  funeral, 
though  it  is  not  said  in  wliat  place.  The  text  is  Luke  xxiii.  46. 
"And  when  Jesus  had  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  he  said.  Father, 
into  thy  hands  I  commend  my  spirit."  The  dedication  of  this 
discourse  to  Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  is  a  piece  of  beautiful  compo- 
sition, expressive  of  the  respect  entertained  for  that  excellent 
individual,  and  commemorative  of  the  ardent  attachment  which 
subsisted  between  him  and  the  deceased  minister  of  Christ. 
He  mentions  that,  to  the  work  on  the  Saint's  Rest,  Sir  Henry 
had  beea  indebted  for  his  first  religious  impressions.  He  speaks 
of  the  love  of  Baxter,  being  "directing,  counselling,  and  excit- 
ing," and  that  of  Ashurst,  "observant,  grateful,  and  beneficent." 
It  was  no  small  eulogium  on  such  a  man  that  Baxter  said,  on  his 
death-bed,  "he  had  been  the  best  friend  he  ever  had." 

Baxter's  person,  according  to  Sylvester,  was  tall  and  slen- 
der; and  in  tlie  latter  part  of  his  life,  stooped  very  much. 
His  countenance  was  composed  and  grave,  somewhat  inclining 
to  smile.  He  had  a  piercing  eye,  a  very  articulate  speech,  and 
his  deportment  was  rather  plain  than  complimentary.  He  had 
a  great  command  over  his  thoughts,  and  had  that  happy  faculty, 
according  to  the  character  which  was  given  of  liim  by  a  learned 
man  dissenting  from  him,  that  "he  could  say  what  he  would,  and 
he  could  prove  what  he  said."  * 

"He  was  a  man  of  clear,  deep,  fixed  thought,  of  copious  and 
-well-digested  reading:  of  ready,  free,  and  very  proper  elocu- 
tion, and  aptly  expressive  of  his  own  thoughts  and  sentiments. 
He  was  most  intent  upon  the  weightiest  and  most  useful  parts 
of  learning,  yet  a  great  lover  of  all  kinds  and  degrees  thereof. 
He  could,  in  preaching,  writing,  conference,  accommodate  him- 
self to  all  capacities,  and  answer  his  obligations  to  the  wise  and 
unwise.  He  had  a  moving  :ru6os^  and  useful  acrimony  in  his 
words;  neither  did  his  expressions  want  that  emphatical  accent, 
which  the  matter  did  require.  When  he  spake  of  weighty  soul 
concerns,  you  might  find  his  very  spirit  drenched  therein.  He 
was  pleasingly  conversible,  save  in  his  studying  hours,  wherein 
he  could  not  bear  with  trivial  disturbances.    He  was  sparingly 

lis  eo  tempore  damnalos,  deflexit,  etsi  ab  Episcopo  tunc  tcmporis  Bmnnos;miensi  in 
sacerdolem  Anglic  a  num\cic\iiasi.  In  malrimonio  hie  h?ibm\.  Margarit  am  minoreir.  natu 
filiam  intlyti  viri  probati  Cliarltonii  de  Castello  dicto  Appeleio  In  Cornariis.  Verum 
tne  institute  haerede,  imporlis  decessit." — Rcliquia:  Baxteriana? ,  Pre/.  Antoris  Vita. 
(t)  'Funcial  Sermon/  by  Sylvester,  pp.  1(5,  17. 


OF     UKMIARn  liWTKK. 


359 


facetious,  but  never  light  or  Irotliy.  His  licart  was  warm;  liis 
life  was  blameless,  exemplary,  and  uniform.  He  was  unmovc- 
able  where  convinced  of  his  duty;  yet  affable  and  condescending 
where  there  was  a  likelihood  of  doing  good.  His  personal  ab- 
stinence, severities,  and  labors,  were  exceeding  great.  He 
kept  his  body  under,  and  always  feared  pampering  his  flesh  too 
much.  He  diligently,  and  with  great  pleasure,  minded  his 
Master's  work  within  doors,  and  without,  whilst  he  was  able. 
His  charity  was  very  great  in  projjortion  to  his  abilities.  His 
purse  was  ever  open  to  the  poor;  where  the  case  required  it,  he 
never  thought  great  sums  too  much.  He  suited  what  he  gave 
to  the  necessities  and  character  of  those  he  gave  to:  and  his 
charity  was  not  confined  to  parties  or  opinions."  " 

As  Dr.  Bates'  sermon  comprises  some  notices  of  Baxter's  life, 
which  have  been  anticipated  and  more  fully  given  alread*^,  I  shall 
only  therefore  extract  a  few  passages,  in  which  he  describes 
some  of  the  leading  features  and  qualities  of  his  friend. 

"I  am  sensible,"  he  says,  "that  in  speaking  of  him  I  shall 
be  under  a  double  disadvantage:  for  those  who  perfectly  knew 
him  will  be  apt  to  think  my  account  of  him  to  be  short  and  de- 
fective, an  imperfect  shadow  of  his  resplendent  virtues;  others, 
who  were  unacquainted  with  his  extraordinary  worth,  will,  from 
ignorance  or  envy,  be  inclined  to  think  his  just  praises  to  be 
undue  and  excessive.  Indeed,  if  love  could  make  me  eloquent, 
1  should  use  all  the  most  lively  and  graceful  colors  of  language, 
to  adorn  his  memory:  but  this  consideration  relieves  me  in  the 
consciousness  of  my  disability,  that  a  plain  narrative  of  what 
Mr.  Baxter  was  and  did,  will  be  a  most  noble  eulogy;  and  that 
his  substantial  piety  no  more  needs  artificial  oratory  to  set  it  oiF, 
than  refined  gold  wants  paint  to  add  lustre  and  value  to  it. 

"His  prayers  were  an  effusion  of  the  most  lively,  melting 
expressions,  of  his  intimate,  ardent  affections  to  God:  from  the 
abundance  of  the  heart,  his  lips  spake.  His  soul  took  wing  for 
heaven,  and  wrapt  up  the  souls  of  others  with  him.  Never  did 
I  see  or  hear  a  holy  minister  address  himself  to  God  with  more 
reverence  and  humility,  with  respect  to  his  glorious  greatness; 
never  with  more  zeal  and  fervency,  correspondent  to  the  infinite 
moment  of  his  requests,  nor  with  more  filial  affiance  in  the  divine 
mercy. 

"In  his  sermons  there  was  a  rare  union  of  arguments  and 
motives,  to  convince  the  mind  and  gain  the  heart:  all  the  foun- 
tains of  reason  and  persuasion  were  open  to  his  discerning  eye. 
There  was  no  resisting  the  force  of  his  discourses,  without  de- 
nying reason  and  divine  revelation.  He  had  a  marvellous  felicity 


(u)  'Funeral  Sermon' by  Sylvester,  p.  14. 


360 


THE  LIFE    AND  TIMES 


and  copiousness  in  speaking.  There  was  a  noble  negligence  in 
his  style;  for  his  great  mind  could  not  stoop  to  the  affected  elo- 
quence of  words.  He  despised  flashy  oratory;  but  his  expres- 
sions were  clear  and  povverful,  so  convincing  the  understanding, 
so  entering  into  the  soul,  so  engaging  the  affections,  that  those 
were  as  deaf  as  adders,  who  were  not  charmed  by  so  wise  a 
charmer.  He  was  animated  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  breathed 
celestial  fire,  to  inspire  heat  and  life  into  dead  sinners,  and  to 
melt  die  obdurate  in  their  frozen  tombs. 

"He  that  was  so  soHcitous  for  the  salvation  of  others,  was  not 
negligent  of  his  own;  but,  as  regular  love  requires,  his  first  care 
was  to  prepare  himself  for  heaven.  In  him,  the  virtues  of  the 
contemplative  and  active  life  were  eminently  united.  His  time 
was  spent  in  communion  with  God,  and  in  charity  to  men:  he 
lived  above  the  sensible  world,  and,  in  solitude  and  silence,  con- 
versed with  God.  The  frequent  and  serious  meditation  of  eter- 
nal things,  was  the  powerful  means  to  make  his  heart  holy  and 
heavenly,  and  from,  thence  his  conversation.  His  life  was  a 
practical  sermon,  a  drawing  example:  there  was  an  air  of  hu- 
mility and  sanctity  in  his  mortified  countenance;  his  deportment 
was  becoming  a  stranger  upon  earth  and  a  citizen  of  heaven. 
Humility  is  to  other  graces  as  the  morning  star  is  to  the  sun,  that 
goes  before  it,  and  follows  it  in  the  evening.  Humility  prepares 
us  for  the  receiving  of  grace:  'God  gives  grace  to  the  humble.' 
And  it  follows  the  exercise  of  grace:  'Not  I,'  says  the  apostle, 
'but  the  grace  of  God  in  me.' 

"In  Mr.  Baxter  there  was  a  rare  union  of  sublime  knowl- 
edge, and  other  spiritual  excellencies,  with  the  lowest  opinion  of 
himself.  He  wrote  to  one,  that  sent  to  him  a  letter  full  of  ex- 
pressions of  honor  and  esteem,  'You  admire  one  you  do  not 
know;  knowledge  will  cure  your  error.  Tlie  moi-e  we  know 
God,  the  more  reason  we  see  to  admire  him;  but  our  knowledge 
of  the  creature  discovers  its  imperfections,  and  lessens  our  es- 
teem.' To  the  same  person,  expressing  his  veneration  of  him  for 
his  excellent  gifts  and  graces,  he  replied  with  heat,  'I  have  the 
remainder  of  pride  in  me;  how  dare  you  blow  up  the  sparks  of 
it?'  He  desired  some  ministers,  his  chosen  friends,  to  meet  at 
his  house,  and  spend  a  day  in  prayer,  for  his  direction  in  a  matter 
of  moment:  before  the  duty  was  begun,  he  said,  'I  have  desired 
your  assistance  at  this  time,  because  I  believe  God  will  sooner 
hear  your  prayers  than  mine.'  He  imitated  St.  Austin  both  in 
his  penitential  confessions  and  retractions.  In  conjunction  with 
humility,  he  had  great  candor  for  odiers.  He  could  willingly 
bear  with  persons  of  different  sentiments;  he  would  not  prosti- 
tute his  own  judgment,  nor  ravish  another's.  He  did  not  over- 
esteem  himself,  nor  undervalue  others.  He  would  give  liberal 
encomiums  of  many  conforming  divines.    He  was  severe  to 


OP  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


361 


himself,  but  candid  in  excusing  the  faults  of  others;  whereas  the 
busy  inquirer  and  censurcr  of  the  faults  of  others,  is  usually  the 
easy  neglcctcr  of  his  own. 

"Self-denial  and  contem[)t  of  the  world,  were  shining  graces 
in  him.  I  never  knew  any  person  less  indulgent  to  himself,  and 
more  indifl'crent  to  his  temporal  interest.  The  offer  of  a  bish- 
opric was  no  temptation  to  him;  for  his  exalted  soul  despised 
the  pleasures  and  profits  which  ollicis  so  earnestly  desire;  he 
valued  not  an  cmj)ty  title  upon  his  tomb. 

"His  patience  was  truly  Christian.  God  does  often  try 
his  children  by  afflictions  to  exercise  their  graces,  to  occasion 
their  victory,  and  to  entitle  them  to  a  triumphant  felicity.  This 
saint  was  tried  by  many  afflictions.  We  arc  very  tender  of  our 
reputation;  his  name  was  obscured  under  a  cloud  of  detraction. 
Many  slanderous  darts  were  thrown  at  him;  he  was  charged  with 
schism  and  sedition.  It  is  true  the  censures  and  reproaches  of 
others  whom  he  esteemed  and  loved,  touched  him  in  the  tender 
part;  but  he,  with  the  great  apostle,  accounted  it  a  small  thing 
to  be  judged  by  men.  He  was  entire  to  his  conscience,  and 
independent  on  the  opinions  of  others;  but  his  patience  was 
more  eminently  tried  by  his  continual  pains  and  languishing. 
Martyrdom  is  a  more  easy  way  of  dying,  when  the  combat  and 
tlie  victory  are  finished  at  once,  than  to  die  by  degrees  every 
day.  His  complaints  were  frequent,  but  who  ever  heard  an  un- 
submissive word  drop  from  his  lips?  He  was  not  put  out  of  his 
patience,  nor  out  of  the  possession  of  himself.  In  his  sharp 
pains,  he  said,  'I  have  a  rational  patience,  and  a  believing  pa- 
tience, though  sense  would  recoil.' 

"His  pacific  spirit  was  a  clear  character  of  his  being  a  child 
of  God.  How  ardently  he  endeavored  to  cement  the  breaches 
among  us,  which  others  widen  aind  keep  open,  is  publicly  known. 
He  said  to  a  friend,  'I  can  as  willingly  be  a  martyr  for  love,  as 
for  any  article  of  the  creed.' 

"Love  to  the  souls  of  men  was  the  peculiar  character  of  Mr. 
Baxter's  spirit.  In  this  he  imitated  and  honored  our  Saviour, 
who  prayed,  died,  and  lives,  for  the  salvation  of  souls.  All  his 
natural  and  supernatural  endowments  were  subservient  to  this 
blessed  end.  It  was  his  meat  and  drink,  the  life  and  joy  of  his 
life,  to  do  good  to  souls.  His  industry  was  almost  incredible  in 
his  studies.  He  had  a  sensitive  nature,  as  desirous  of  ease  as 
others,  and  faint  faculties,  yet  such  was  the  continual  application 
of  himself  to  his  great  work,  as  if  the  labor  of  one  day  had  sup- 
plied strength  for  another,  and  the  willingness  of  the  spirit  had 
supported  the  weakness  of  the  flesh."  * 


VOL.  I. 


(I)  Baies's  Works,  pp.  811-820. 

46 


362 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


After  this  extended  view  of  the  character  of  Baxter,  by  those 
who  knew  him  so  intimately  as  Sylvester  and  Bates,  and  which 
is  so  amply  sustained  by  the  history  of  his  life  and  his  numerous 
writings,  little  remains  to  be  said  by  me.  They  had  the  advan- 
tage of  drawing  from  the  life,  I  can  only  paint  from  a  copy.  This, 
with  the  disadvantage  of  coming  after  such  a  master  as  Bates, 
and  with  so  difficult  a  subject  as  Baxter,  is  enough  to  deter  me 
from  employing  my  unskilful  pencil.  Besides,  much  yet  re- 
mains to  be  said  of  Baxter  and  his  writings,  before  he  can  be 
considered  as  fully  and  fairly  before  the  reader.  Reserving, 
therefore,  any  general  view  of  him  which  I  may  be  able  to  give, 
for  the  conclusion  of  the  second  volume,  I  will  at  present  notice 
only  what  I  conceive  to  have  been  one  grand  leading  feature  of 
his  character. 

In  describing  this,  I  have  no  better  or  more  appropriate  term 
which  I  can  employ  than  the  word  unearthly;  and  even  that 
does  not  give  a  full  view  of  all  that  was  absent  from,  and  all  that 
belonged  to,  his  character  as  a  Christian,  a  minister,  and  a  divine. 
Among  his  contemporaries  there  were  men  of  equal  talents,  of 
more  amiable  dispositions,  and  of  greater  learning.  But  diere 
was  no  man  in  whom  there  appears  to  have  been  so  litde  of 
earth,  and  so  much  of  heaven;  so  small  a  portion  of  the  alloy  of 
humanity,  and  so  large  a  portion  of  all  that  is  celestial.  He  felt 
scarcely  any  of  the  attraction  of  this  world,  but  felt  and  mani- 
fested the  most  powerful  affinity  for  the  world  to  come. 

The  strength  and  operation  of  this  principle,  appeared  in  all 
the  workings  of  his  mind,  and  in  every  part  of  his  personal  con- 
duct as  a  Christian.  It  was  manifested  in  the  intense  ardor  of 
his  zeal;  and  the  burning  fervor  of  his  preaching.  It  was  dis- 
played in  his  triumph  over  the  weakness  and  infirmities  of  his 
diseased  body;  in  his  superiority  to  the  blandishments  and  char- 
ities of  life,  when  they  interfered  with  his  work,  and  in  his  equal 
regardlessness  of  shame  and  suffering,  reward  or  honor,  where 
the  service  of  Christ  and  the  good  of  men  were  concerned. 

Influenced  by  this  principle,  he  threw  himself  into  the  army, 
to  check  what  he  considered  its  wild  career.  He  reproved 
Cromwell;  he  expostulated  with  Charles;  and  dared  the  frown 
of  both.  The  same  motive  induced  him  to  abstain  from  mar- 
riage, while  his  work  required  all  his  attention.  To  him  a 
bishopric  had  no  charms,  and  a  prison  no  terrors,  when  he  could 
not  enjoy  the  one  with  a  good  conscience,  and  was  doomed 
to  the  other  for  conscience'  sake.  He  stood  unappalled  before 
the  bar  of  Jefferies,  listening  with  composure  to  his  ribaldry, 
and  would  have  gone  to  die  gibbet  or  the  stake  without  a  mur- 
mur or  complaint. 

His  very  imprudences  seem  to  have  arisen  from  the  excess 
in  which,  compared  with  odiers,  diis  principle  existed  in  him. 


OF  RICHARD  BAXTER. 


363 


He  seems  scarcely  to  have  understood  the  meaning  of  the  word 
prudence;  and  in  so  far  as  it  is  allied  to  worldly  wisdom,  he  cer- 
tainly knew  it  not.  To  hhn,  conscience  and  die  law  of  God, 
were  the  rule  of  duty,  not  utility,  or  the  hope  of  success.  There 
was  no  possibility  of  influencing  him  by  the  promise  of  reward, 
or  die  fear  of  disappointment.  Consequences  seldom  entered 
into  his  calculations.  He  would  not  be  deterred  from  preaching 
a  sermon,  from  writing  a  book,  or  making  a  speecli,  if  duty 
seemed  to  require,  by  all  the  entreaties  of  his  bredu-en,  or  the 
ihreatenings  of  his  enemies.  The  favor  and  the  frown  of  God 
he  alone  regarded,  and  by  their  irresistible  influence  he  was 
carried  fearlessly  onward  to  eternity. 

The  nicety  of  many  of  his  distinctions,  and  the  scrupulosity 
of  his  conscience,  arose,  not  merely  from  the  metaphysical  char- 
acter of  his  mind,  but  from  its  high  spirituality.  His  conscience, 
like  the  sensitive  plant,  shrunk  from  every  touch  that  was  cal- 
culated, however  remotely,  to  affect  it.  On  this  account,  he 
could  not  subscribe  what  he  did  not  understand;  he  could  not 
profess  to  believe  where  he  had  not  suflicient  evidence;  he  could 
not  promise  to  obey  if  he  did  not  intend  to  perform,  or  if  he 
questioned  the  right  to  command.  He  was  not  a  quibbling 
sophist  who  delighted  to  perplex  and  entangle,  but  a  Christian 
casuist,  alive  to  the  audiority  of  God,  and  concerned  only  to 
know  and  to  do  his  will. 

In  the  high-toned  character  of  Baxter's  religion,  we  are  fur- 
nished with  an  illustrious  instance  of  the  efficacious  grace  of 
God,  it  was  this  which  made  him  all  that  he  was,  and  effected 
by  him  all  that  he  did.  No  man  would  have  been  more  disposed 
than  himself  to  magnify  its  riches,  its  freeness,  and  its  power. 
Whatever  mistakes  may  be  supposed  to  belong  to  his  dieological 
creed,  dicy  affected  not  his  view  of  this  principle  in  the  divine 
administration,  or  his  experience  of  its  power.  But  grace  bless- 
ed him  not  only  in  bestowing  pardon,  and  inducing  its  accept- 
ance, but  by  producing  conformity  of  character  to  God,  and 
meetness  for  the  enjoyment  of  heaven;  this  he  cultivated  and 
experienced  in  an  eminent  degree.  During  more  than  half  a 
century,  he  adorned,  by  every  Christian  virtue,  the  doctrine  of 
God,  his  Saviour,  and  died  cherishing  the  deepest  humility  and 
self-abasement,  yet  rejoicing  in  hope  of  the  glory  of  God. 

In  studying  the  character  of  Richard  Baxter,  tlien,  while  I 
would  do  honor  to  the  man,  and  justice  to  his  talents;  while  I 
would  speak  in  the  strongest  terms  of  his  genius  and  his  elo- 
quence; while  I  would  venerate  him  as  the  leader  of  the  noble 
army  of  Nonconformist  confessors,  whose  labors  and  sufferings 
have  secured  for  them  a  deathless  renown,  I  w-ould  above  all 
contemplate  him  as  the  Man  of  God,  strong  in  fidtli,  rich  in 


364  THE   LIFK   AND   TIMKS   OF   KICHARD  BAXTKK. 


the  fruits  of  love,  and  adorned  with  the  beauties  of  holiness.  In 
these  respects  he  had  probably  few  equals,  and  no  superiors, 
even  in  an  age  when  eminent  characters  were  not  rare.  But 
what  God  did  for  him  he  can  do  fo«r  others;  and  what  a  world 
might  this  be,  vi^ere  every  country  furnished  with  but  a  few  such 
men  as  Richard  Baxtkr! 


END   OF  VOLUME  I. 


DATE  DUE 


HIGHSMITH  #45115 


